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About Portland observer. (Portland, Or.) 1970-current | View Entire Issue (Dec. 6, 2017)
Page 12 December 6, 2017 New Prices Effective April 1, 2017 O PINION Martin Cleaning Service Carpet & Upholstery Cleaning Residential & Commercial Services Minimum Service CHG. $50.00 A small distance/travel charge may be applied CARPET CLEANING 2 Cleaning Areas or more $30.00 each Area Members of the Zimbabwean Parliament in Harare celebrate after Robert Mugabe’s resignation. (AP photo) Pre-Spray Traffic Areas (Includes: 1 small Hallway) 1 Cleaning Area (only) $50.00 Includes Pre-Spray Traffic Area (Hallway Extra) Stairs (12-16 stairs - With Other Services) : $30.00 Area/Oriental Rugs: $25.00 Minimum Area/Oriental Rugs (Wool) : $40.00 Minimum Heavily Soiled Area: $10.00 each area (Requiring Extensive Pre-Spraying) UPHOLSTERY CLEANING Sofa: $69.00 Loveseat: $49.00 Sectional: $109 - $139 Chair or Recliner: $25.00 - $49.00 Throw Pillows (With Other Services) : $5.00 ADDITIONAL SERVICES • Auto/Boat/RV Cleaning • Deodorizing & Pet Odor Treatment • Spot & Stain Removal Service • Scotchguard Protection • Minor Water Damage Services SEE CURRENT FLYER FOR ADDITIONAL PRICES & SERVICES Call for Appointment (503) 281-3949 Zimbabwe and Where it All Went Wrong The people shall govern f ungai K uMbula Emmerson Mnangagwa was sworn in as Zimbabwe’s second president on Nov. 24, replacing his former boss Robert Mugabe who had led the nation in southern Africa since it gained political in- dependence from Britain in 1980. For more than a decade, but more increasingly as the 1970’s came to a close, Zanla and Zipra guerrillas had waged a war to give the Af- rican-majority the right to vote, a right that the successive settler co- lonial governments denied them. So, when Mugabe was finally sworn in as Zimbabwe’s first Af- rican prime minister in 1980, his election, seen as the culmination of the war, was cheered by mil- lions not only in Zimbabwe but throughout Africa and the wider African community. Sadly, the circumstances surrounding his de- parture can only have left all these people wondering as to where it all went wrong. I returned to Zimbabwe in 1981, leaving friends and col- leagues at Portland State Univer- sity (Black Studies and Biology Departments, African Students Association), Portland Observer, KOAP-TV, Black United Front, Talking Drum Bookstore, church, high school and other community groups and neighbors in northeast Portland. Like thousands of others mak- ing the trek back home, I felt we had the golden opportunity to show the world how a modern Af- rican economy can be run, having learned from the errors our broth- by ers and sisters on the Continent had made, errors that hobbled Af- rica’s development in spite of an abundance of riches. The early years were encour- aging: I remember bragging about the laboratory facilities at the University of Zimbabwe Medical School’s Department of Immu- nology, where I worked, that they were comparable to those I had had access to at the then Charles Drew Post-Graduate Medical School at Martin Luther King Jr. Hospital in Los Angeles. The words from the U.S. Dec- laration of Independence, “These truths are self-evident that all men (and women) are created equal with certain inalienable rights among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” were re- verberating in my head, as they did to fellow returning residents in other sectors who were just as impressed. Though coming off a protracted war, Zimbabwe’s economy in the early going was still second only to apartheid South Africa’s. Hope was infectious; everybody rolled up their sleeves and went to work and for the next decade. It seemed Zimbabwe’s economy had started on a sustained upward trajectory. Zimbabwe was then known as the breadbasket of the 14-mem- ber Southern Africa Development Community and we used to enter- tain our brothers and sisters from around Africa traveling to Zimba- bwe on shopping trips. We also had experts from all over Africa, the U.N. and the rest of the world working in the coun- try. With South Africa still under minority apartheid (Jim Crow) rule, Zimbabwe became an ex- ample to the efforts to resolve South Africa’s problems. One of the most damning indictments of Mugabe’s 37 years at the helm was that Zimbabwe’s 2017 gross domestic product had shrunk to half of what it had been in 1997. Even discounting population growth, these figures imply, on average, that every Zimbabwean is 50 percent poorer today than 20 years ago. Throughout his 37-year reign, the bedrock of Mugabe’s support has always been the security ser- vices (army, air force, police and intelligence) so it is instructive that, when the end came, it was the Zimbabwe Defense Forces that played a pivotal role. It all started with a falling out between two camps in the ruling Zanu-pf, one loyal to then vice president Mnangagwa and the other loy- al to Grace Mugabe, the former president’s wife, each jostling for its preferred candidate to succeed the 93-year-old Mugabe when he finally vacated Zimbabwe State House. As the battle intensified, Mugabe fired Mnangagwa as his deputy in both party and govern- ment, which seemed to leave the way for his wife to succeed him. Mnangagwa fled Zimbabwe saying he feared for his life, and his supporters were purged from both party and government. The ZDF placed Mugabe under house arrest and on public broadcast an- nouncements insisted that this was not a coup. Mugabe refused to resign, as had been expected once the army presented him with his options. Veterans of the liberation war them called for demonstrations to de- mand Mugabe resign and Zimba- bweans poured into the streets by the hundreds of thousands through- out the country. Still Mugabe re- mained defiant. Zanu-pf then met and voted to recall Mugabe (effec- tively withdrawing his mandate as leader) and called for Mnangagwa to be re-instated. Mugabe stayed put. Parliament met in joint session to debate a motion on impeach- ment and it was only during this debate that Mugabe sent his letter of resignation. When the Zimbabwe Speak- er of Parliament read the letter, the whole Assembly erupted in cheers, cries of joy and dancing, scenes that were repeated once the news filtered into the public gallery, the streets of Harare and, ultimately, the rest of the nation. Mnangagwa returned from exile, was appointed leader of Zanu-pf and ultimately sworn in as Presi- dent of Zimbabwe While it is too early to tell whether Mugabe’s departure ac- tually heralds the dawn we mis- takenly believed had arrived when we gained political independence nearly four decades ago, or it is another false start, this much is already clear: No post-Mugabe leader will ever again be allowed the same leeway to abuse our trust, impoverish our people, make us the laughing stock of the world. The past heady few weeks have reignited that original fighting na- tional spirit that delivered Zimba- bwe in the first place. We owe it to our many supporters across the world, the African community, Africa, ourselves and our children. Fungai N Kumbula is a former resident of Portland and Zimba- bwe. He currently resides in Silver Spring, Md.
