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BLACK HISTORY February 8, 2017 Opinion articles do not necessarily represent the views of the Portland Observer. We welcome reader essays, photos and story ideas. Submit to news@portlandobserver.com. MONTH Page 9 O PINION Among Those Who Moved Us Forward Coretta Scott King’s legacy grows stronger b arbara r eynoldS Coretta Scott King died on Jan. 30, 2006. Yet her legacy is very much alive as a coali- tion builder, a strate- gist and a moral voice that confronted detrac- tors but insisted upon non-violent approaches, such as dialogue, protests and econom- ic boycotts with the end goal of peaceful reconciliation. People are taking a fresh look at the esteemed wife of Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., seeing someone who successfully moved them- selves and others forward through the heavy thicket of discrimina- tion, such as the leading ladies in the wonderful new film, “Hidden Figures.” A second look at King’s lega- cy should focus on but go beyond her well known decade’s ordeal of successfully lobbying to make King’s birthday a national holi- day and building the Dr. Martin Luther King Center for Social Change in Atlanta. Tourists from around the globe visit this site, where her crypt and that of Dr. King are located near Ebenezer by Baptist Church where Dr. King preached and was funeralized. Coretta King certainly came to mind when millions recently gathered in Washington, D.C. and in sister cities around the world to mount an overwhelm- ing rebuke to Presi- dent Donald Trump’s anti-human rights campaign and his denigration of wom- en, minorities, immi- grants and the physi- cally challenged. Her in 1968. A favorite slogan was: “Women, if the soul of the nation is to be saved, I believe that you must become its soul.” In 1977, President Jimmy Car- ter appointed Coretta Scott King a nonvoting delegate to the 32nd General Assembly of the Unit- ed Nations, where she advocated for more international focus on the human rights of women. That same year in Houston, she served as Commissioner on the Interna- tional Women’s Year Conference where she created quite a stir over marriage or civil union. I believe unequivocally that discrimination because of sexual orientation is wrong and unacceptable in a de- mocracy that protects the human rights of all its citizens.” In the historic 1963 March on Washington -- which catapulted Dr. King to fame -- women were not allowed to march with the leaders or give a major address. But without a doubt King, would have played a supportive role in the women’s march as did her daughter, Bernice King. In the historic 1963 March on Washington -- which catapulted Dr. King to fame -- women were not allowed to march with the leaders or give a major address. But without a doubt King, would have played a supportive role in the women’s march as did her daughter, Bernice King. name was scrawled on home- made signs scattered throughout. It is appropriate that we remem- ber her appeal to women and her global human rights efforts. That was the capstone of King’s 38 year mission as she shifted from civil rights to a more global in- clusive human rights agenda after the assassination of her husband her support for gay rights, an un- popular issue at the time. In her memoir she tells how she opposed the various women’s groups at the Conference who were advocating a constitutional ban on same-sex marriage. “I feel that gay and lesbian people have families and their families should have legal protection, whether by Coretta Scott King was a spokeswoman for social justice causes, both large and small, writ- ing a syndicated news column on issues from gun violence, to en- vironmental racism, to apartheid in South Africa. She was rarely missing in action. “Sometimes you win, just by showing up,” she said, often referring to her role as a ministry of presence. King believed that it is citizen action that is crucial to the mak- ing of a president. She often said that Ronald Reagan did not warm to the idea of a Dr. King holiday until the movement created a groundswell for it with three mil- lion signatures, marches and years of lobbying Congress. He signed it on Nov. 20, 1983. In recent weeks several black leaders have been publicly scourged for meeting with Presi- dent Trump through his transition stage. King, however, would have been knocking on his door, as she did with all the other presidents in her heyday. And she would not have been there for photo-ops or “selfies.” As a seasoned coalition building she would have prepared a well- crafted agenda, which called upon Trump to govern as president of all Americans. In past years, King’s influence was mammoth in the shaping of the political landscape. She suc- cessfully campaigned to elect scores of liberals to political of- fice, worked with Carter in the se- lection of federal judges and threw her weight against those who stood in the way of voting rights. Typical of her role is how she confronted and helped block Ala- bama U.S. Sen. Jeff Sessions who c ontinued on p age 18 Don’t Play into Trump’s Hand on Muslim Ban I’m terrified, heartbroken and outraged d ina e l -r ifai I’m a Muslim woman and a so- cial justice advo- cate. I’m terrified, heartbroken, and outraged by Donald Trump’s “Muslim ban.” As I watched administrative chaos and rapid- ly organized protests unfold at airports all over America, I was overwhelmed with messages from friends fearing they’d never be able to see their loved ones again. Though the executive order doesn’t use these exact words, this is no doubt a Muslim ban. It’s not just that the countries Trump wants to prohibit immigra- tion from — Libya, Yemen, Iraq, by Iran, Syria, Sudan, and Somalia — are majority-Muslim. It’s that religious minorities (i.e. anyone who isn’t Muslim) from those countries will be prioritized for entry into the U.S. Refugees, immigrants, and Muslims are human beings — regardless of their age, status, skills, or nation of ori- gin. Many Americans realize this, which is why thousands have turned up at protests to speak out against the ban. But while they mean well, non-Muslim opponents of the ban still have to be care- ful not to repeat dangerous stereo- types when pushing back against this extreme action. For instance, you may have heard that Trump’s order left off the Muslim-majority countries where President Trump has busi- ness deals — some of which, like Saudi Arabia and Egypt, happen to be where individuals who’ve carried out violent attacks hailed from. All of that’s true, of course, and there’s value in pointing out Trump’s unprecedented conflicts of interest. But in reality, Muslims in these countries are the primary victims of extremist violence there. And suggesting that Trump should ban those countries too only encourag- es broadening the Muslim ban, not ending it. Another common argument I’ve heard is that Muslim refugees and immigrants strengthen nation- al security by acting as police in- formants and joining the military, and that this ban could break the bonds of trust that enable those partnerships. It’s true that Muslims are lead- ing providers of tips to law en- forcement agencies investigating “terrorism.” But it’s not like all Muslims are somehow connect- ed to or aware of extremist plots. We’re ordinary people, and we shouldn’t have to be “useful” to law enforcement to deserve fun- damental rights. The narrative link between Is- lam and violence is used to justi- fy military intervention abroad, which in turn is used to justify suspicion of Muslims at home. Muslims are seen as potential “ter- rorists,” to the point that the word is popularly linked with Islam — despite repeated horrific acts com- mitted by white men in the U.S. in the name of Christianity or white nationalism. This stereotyping feeds into increased hate crimes and harass- ment, as well as profiling and gov- ernment surveillance of Muslims. Sadly, Donald Trump isn’t the first president to make things worse for Muslims. The Obama administration’s wars were often justified through the demonization and dehuman- ization of Muslims. So were its expansion of the drone program, unwarranted surveillance, mili- tarization of our borders and po- licing, and record-breaking num- bers of deportations. Trump’s latest action is remi- niscent of past immigration bans, and the implications of where we could go from here are terrifying. Scary precedents include the ban on immigration from Asia and the great national shame of Japanese internment. Only by acknowledging the his- tory of these systems and policies — systems that existed long before Trump took office — can we un- derstand how to resist them today. Trump’s Muslim ban has al- ready been widely applied, and we can’t ignore the threat of it grow- ing. I, and so many Muslims, rec- ognize this undeniable possibility. We’re not safe. We’re targets here and abroad. So I’d ask this of my friends and neighbors: Don’t reinforce ideas that paint us as inherently violent and undermine our hu- manity. Reach out to us, support us, uplift our voices and humanity. Dina El-Rifai is a Policy Fel- low at the American Friends Ser- vice Committee. Distributed by OtherWords.org.
