Portland observer., March 16, 1989, Page 2, Image 2

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Page 2 Portland Observer March 16, 1989
EDITORIAL /
LOW INCOME BENEFITS TIED TO
TAXES
“ How Black Power was lost in
Chicago”
hy
John E. Jacob
Dr. Manning Marable
Along the Color Line
Part one of a two part series.
Many low income households are in danger of losing up to $874 if they
fail to file a tax return. Families with at least one child under age 18 at home
are eligible for the Earned Income Credit if they had work-related earnings
during the year.
Some 11 million families qualify.
Those with earned incomes between $6,000 and $10,000 can gel $874
from the government. Families with earnings below $6,000 qualify for a
check equal to 14 percent of their earned income.
The benefit phases out over the $10,000 level, but the income cutoff point
doesn’t come until a family’s earnings hit $18,576.
The catch is that families have to file income tax forms to get the benefit,
since it’s tied to the tax structure. And many low-income people who don’t
earn enough to pay taxes or didn’t have any taxes deducted from their
paychecks don’t file returns.
So it is crucial for low income families who think they don’t need to file
a return to do so. Otherwise, they’ll miss out on one of the most effective
programs devised to prop up the incomes of low-earning workers.
Too many people aren’t aware of the Earned Income Credit - people who
have been laid off, part-time workers, and people in low-paid jobs who think
tax forms are only for those who owe the government money.
And the credit is not only available to low income families in 1988, but
also to those who did not file returns in any of the past three years. They can
file for those years now and claim the credits for those years.
Because the eligibility cutoff points and the amount of the credit are
adjusted for inflation, they’re somewhat lower for previous years. In the
1985 and 1986 tax years, the cutoff point was $ 11,000 of earned income and
the benefit ceiling was $500. For 1987, the cutoff was $15,432 and the top
benefit was $851.
Another aspect low income families should consider: if people anticipate
that this year’s family income will make them eligible for the earned income
credit in 1989, they can choose to have their employer add to their
paychecks rather than wait until next year’s tax filing to get the benefit in
one lump sum.
And families don’t have to do the arithmetic to file for their credit. Once
they file a return, the tax office will calculate their credit and send them a
check.
The Earned Income Credit has been on the books since 1975. The idea
behind it was simple: to give back to low income families the amount
they’ve paid in social security payroll taxes. That would correct the
regressive impact o f those taxes on the working poor, while serving as an
incentive for people to work.
But the credit wasn’t adjusted for inflation and by 1986, was worth a
fraction of what it was. So in 1986, Congress expanded the value of the
Earned Income Credit and tied it to the inflation rate to keep its value
constant
At the same time, the tax reform removed 5 to 6 million low income
families from the tax rolls. That was a major anti-poverty move, but an
unintended by-product is that many of those families may not file returns,
and miss out on the credit
If your family qualifies for the credit, file a tax return and claim it. If
__you know someone who qualifies, tell them about it.
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DEAR EDITOR:
I am writing to thank you on behalf
of Portland Cable Access for the publicity
in the Portland Observer of March 2,
1989 promoting Video Showcase.
Portland Cable Access has just begun
this series of four monthly evening
screenings designed to provide access
producers with feedback on their work
from other producers and interested
individuals. This is a way that producers
can improve their work and get to know
each other, and the first session was
well attended and enjoyable.
The Portland Observer provides a
valuable service to the community in its
publicity not only of hard news, but of
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OPINION
events and training opportunities that
can serve to improve the quality of cur
' lives and our awareness of the world
around us.
I appreciate very much the courteous
help given to me by Joyce Washington;
she went the extra mile and it made all
the difference. I look forward to working
with her and the rest of the Observer
staff in the future.
Sincerely,
Phyllis Ainsworth Cole
Outreach Coordinator
Portland Cable Access
Wednesday night The staff volun-
I am writing to you about the Decem­
:
teered
their time to make these things
ber 30th Oregonian article written by
and
much
more happen. The ASK Cen­
Diane Dulken, “Parents Protest Science
ter involved the entire family and
Center C h iefs Dismissal”. The kindest
served our community quite well. Iad-
comment that I can make concerning
dressed this point as did some of the
this article is that it does not truly repre­
sent what occurred at this.m edilri^ is
other parents. These are major points
but aren’teven mentioned in the Orego­
another example o f how the Black
Community and its positions are mis­
nian article.
Additionally, Miss Dulken stated
represented by the Oregonian. There­
that Miss Linda Johnson was unavail­
fore, this is another reason for commu­
able. Miss Johnson introduced herself
nity concern.
While there are many examples that
as the only board member of the ASK
I could use to refute Miss Dulken’s ar­
Board who was present at the meeting.
ticle, the most pointed is that Miss
She also relieved me as the chairperson
Eichinger said that she has a personal
and was still present long after Miss
problem with Mr. White. This fact and
Dulken had left the meeting. Miss
not the budget is the uison that he has
Dulken talked with Mr. White for ap­
been fired. Additionally, we outlined a
proximately three minutes. She spoke
plan which 1. saves OMSI money and 2.
with me an additional three minutes and
allows us to maintain the ASK Center in
was very clear about the fact that she
its entirety. I, specifically, pointed out
was in a hurry and talking to me was
that the ASK program to which Miss
definitely an imposition upon her time.
Eichinger refers and remains commit­
However, she did spend about 20 min­
ted is NOT the ASK Program that cur­
utes with Miss Eichinger.
rently serves the community. Miss
We would like for the Oregonian to
Eichinger would have after school
print an article which fairly and accu­
clubs, “like the Boy Scouts or Camp
rately presents our position. We would
Fire Girls, run by volunteers.” The
be happy to discuss this matter with the
Center would be open 2-3 hours a day,
Oregonian management at their earliest
M-F. The ASK Center was officially
convenience.
open 12-7, M-F, and 12-4 on Saturday.
As of December 26th our records in­
However, the center and staff were
dicated that we have expended
available much longer. There are chil­
$59,763.94 which represented 74.15%
dren who came to the Center before they
of the budget. The remainder is spent on
went to school. Mr. Cottrell White was
administrative expenses.
there to help them finish their home­
Sincerely,
work and to inspire them for the day.
Millie E. Harmon
There was a parent’s class which met on
The victory of State’s Attorney Richard Daley over Black incumbent
Eugene Sawyer for the Democratic nomination in Chicago’s mayoral
primary was not unexpected. Sawyer was a dull, uninspiring candidate, and
had no coherent or progressive program to address the city’s problems in
housing, health care, economic development or education. But the margin
of his defeat by Daley, a massive 101,000 vote mandate, is indicative of the
broader political dilemma for Black politics throughout the country. Only
six years ago, Congressman Harold Washington swept to victory in Chicago’s
Democratic primary and general election, becoming the city’s first mayor
to represent an insurgent coalition of Blacks, Hispanics, and progressive
elements of labor and the liberal white constituencies of the city’s lakefront.
Now, the immediate question is: How was B lack and progressive power lost
in Chicago?
When Washington became mayor, the majority of B lack elected officials,
leading clergymen and many Black entrepreneurs had opposed his initial
candidacy. They believed incorrectly that it was premature to talk about
Black, Brown and progressive electoral power in Chicago. Washington
himself was unsure whether to run, and it took a massive voter registration
campaign in 1982 which made the mayoral race possible. However,
Washington was not vindictive in victory. He did not lead a campaign to
oust Congresswoman Cardiss Collins from her House seat, despite her
endorsement for Washington’s opponent, Mayor Jane Byrne, in 1983. He
permitted machine hacks from the Puerto Rican, Mexican-American and
African American communities to join his administration, regardless of
their past political recordsof compromise arid accommodation. Washington
believed correctly that the pressure from the masses of non-white and
progressive voters from below that such politicians could be “ remade” or
reformed. This had been his own political trajectory and experience after his
decisive break from the old Daley machine in the early 1970s.
When Washington was re-elected in 1987, he failed to purge those
elements within his coalition who were ideologically conservative, closest
to the downtown business interests. He also permitted Blacks who had
openly campaigned against him to retain their ward seats unchallenged.
But the major error committed by Washington was the failure to groom a
logical political successor, who would stand for his progressive, anti-
machine principles. Perhaps Washington felt that he would actually be
mayor for another twenty years, despite his weight problem, chain-smoking,
and generally bad personal health. For whatever reason, when the mayor
died of a heart attack, no one in his own coalition was prepared to move
forward with a plan to- maintain the essential coalition between Blacks,
Hispanics, and liberal whites which produced Washington’s electoral
victories.
The racist political machine of Edward Burke and Company, the heirs to
the Daley organization, recognized one thing immediately: they could not
elevate a white political leader into the mayor’s seat in the aftermath of
Washington’s death. This was impossible, given the majority held by the
Washington coalition in the City Council. They had to split their opponents,
selecting the weakest, most vacilating Black leader who was willing betray
the grassroots struggle for democracy. Sawyer was more than willing to
play the puppet’s role, despite the fact that the majority of Washington’s
forces favored Alderman Timothy Evans to become mayor. With white
conservative support, Sawyer became mayor in a raucous City Council
session beseiged by angry Black and Hispanic demonstrators. And despite
Sawyer’s rise in the polls just before his mayoral defeat, the machine knew
that a weakened, divided Black community could never defeat a unified,
well-financed campaign by one white challenger. Daley’s victory was
partially won the night Sawyer became mayor.
The victory of Richard Daley in Chicago’s Democratic mayoral race
occurred for several reasons. The most obvious problem was that his
opponent, incumbent Mayor Eugene Sawyer, lacked any viable strength
within grassroots constituencies in Black and Hispanic communities. For
example, Sawyer failed to establish a political organization which could
reach voters in the projects and community centers. He had no political
agenda and worse, apparently no progressive vision which built upon the
legacy of the late mayor Harold Washington. Sawyer went after offical
endorsements and television advertisements, without trying to solicit the
support of ordinary working class voters.
But Daley had other advantages as well. He was inarticulate and not too
bright, to be sure. But his father had been boss of the city for more than two
decades. The junior Daley had run in city and county-wide elections seven
times since 1980, whereas Sawyer had never run for public office outside of
the sixth ward. White conservative and liberal would-be challengers, such
as 14th Ward Alderman Edward Burke, former Chicago Park District
Superintendent Edmund Kelly and 5th Ward Alderman Lawrence Bloom,
dropped out or stepped aside, and erratic demagogue “ Fast Eddie” Vrdolyak
ran a successful write-in campaign for the Republican mayoral nomination.
Daley was also successful in raising funds, spending approximately $1.8
million on mediaalone. With sufficient fiscal resources, plus the advantage
of a one-on-one race against an unpopular Black mayor Daley should have
trounced Sawyer.
Wisely, Daley also ran a campaign which minimized racial polemics.
Although Daley had been defeated by Washington in the 1983 Democratic
mayoral primary, coming in a poor third behind incumbent mayor Jane
Byrne, he distanced himself from the acrimonious and confrontational style
of Vrdolyak. Speaking in Black churches just before election day, Daley
tried to blur the distinction between progressive and reactionary politics by
focusing on elements of style. “ Harold Washington was a strong mayor
who believed in open government and who talked about fairness,” Daley
declared. Daley applauded the Washington legacy, stating only that he had
‘ ‘a different style, a different management style” from his former opponent.
Daley’s only major gaffe was using the phrase “ white mayor” at an
appearance before an all-white crowd, in an effort to whip up a decent
turnout among race-conscious voters.
There were also defections from the original Washington coalition to
Daley. Many lakefront white liberals who had endorsed Washington
returned to the fold by joining Daley. Joan Peters, a former administrator
under Jimmy Carter and a supporter of Washington, backed Daley. One
group of Jewish liberals, represented by a formation called the Jewish
Committee for Responsible Government, refused to support Sawyer because
of the mayor’s “ inability to act firmly and decisively in the face of overt
anti-Semitism.” The major defection occurred in the Latino community, as
26lh Ward Alderman Luis Gutierrez campaigned extensively for Daley.
Back in 1987, Washington carried the 26th ward, which has thousands of
Hispanic voters, by a 4,300 vote margin over Jane Byrne. In this election,
Daley defeated Sawyer by 4,300 votes in the 26th Ward.
In the middle class lakefront 49th ward, Washington had defeated Byrne
by a narrow 400 vote margin; two years later, Daley defeated Sawyer in the
same ward by 3,600 votes. Citywide, Sawyer won less than 8 percent o f the
white vote.
Embittered and disappointed, Sawyer now refuses to endorse Tim Evan’s
independent race for mayor against Daley in the general election. Sawyer
thus places his own frustrated ambitions above the fundamental interests of
the Black community, prefering to return the political establishment to the
corrupt status quo. If Black and progressive power is lost in Chicago as it
was in Cleveland two decades ago with the demise of the administration of
former mayor Carl Stokes, there is a very real possibility that no Black or
Latino mayor could emerge in that city for another ten years or more.
But there is one additional shadow cast by the fiasco of fragmented Black
power in Chicago. Jesse Jackson and his former campaign manager Ron
Brown, now the Chairperson of the Democratic National Committee,
played curious roles in the campaign. After some moments of uncertainty,
Jackson embraced Sawyer for re-election, calling upon Blacks to Keep the
Keys” to City Hall. Operation PUSH president Rev. Willie Barrow and
other Black leaders who had been close to Jackson over the years were key
Sawyer supporters.
With Daley’s victory, however, Brown pledged his ‘ full support to the
election of a Democratic mayor of the City of Chicago... The emphasis for
all Democrats must now be on unity and conciliation. Jackson challenged
the party hierarchy by announcing his support for Evan s insurgent campaign
in the general election. If Evans has any chance for victory, he must rebuild
the Washington progressive coaltion, and Jackson must assume a critical
role in this process without overshadowing the local candidate.
But is Jackson actually committed to the progressive, grassroots politics
of a Harold Washington? At the most recent national meeting of the leaders
of the Rainbow Coalition, Jackson’s allies passed new requirements which
would permit the appointment of state chairs, rather than their democratic
election. If progressive politics means anything, it must mean mass
participation and activism from below, which empowers working class and
low income people. Black and progressive power was lost in Chicago
because Sawyer failed to understand this fundamental reality.
DEAR PRESIDENT BUSH: STOP
WAR ON ANGOLA
by Benjamin F. Chavis, Jr.
African American as well as other church leaders recently made an
urgent appeal to President Bush to stop the United States sponsored war on
Angola. This multi-racial group of clergy and church leaders from across
the nation expressed their opposition to Bush’s support of Jonas Savimbi
and his terrorist group known as UNITA.
It is a good sign when African American church leaders are joined by
Hispanic American, Asian American, Native American and Anglo-American
church leaders in this important appeal to President Bush. Tens of thousands
of Angolans in their own native land have been murdered, tortured and
maimed as a result o f the vicious acts of brutality committed by UNITA on
the people of Angola.
The following is the text of the letter that was sent to the President:
Dear Mr. President:
We are writing to make an urgent appeal to you concerning the injustice
of the present foreign policy of your administration toward the People’s
Republic of Angola.
We have a moral and a theological responsibility to speak out and to act
for the cause of freedom, justice and peace. We are aware that in January
of this year you wrote a letter to Jonas Savimbi, the brutal leader of the
terrorist group UNITA. We are very dismayed that you have stated your
intention to “ continue all appropriate and effective assistance to UNITA”
inclusive of convert military aid.
Today Angola has the highest amputee rate per capita in the world, most
of whom are women, and children who have been criminally tortured and
victimized by Savimbi’s UNITA. Now that peace accords have been signed
between Angola, Cuba and South Africa, why does the United States under
your leadership continue to send land mines and other military weapons of
mass death and destruction to UNITA? How can there be peace in Angola
or in southern Africa if the United States continues to support the terrorism
of UNITA?
We appeal to you, President Bush, in the name of Christ, to change your
policy toward Angola in the following ways:
1. Terminate immediately all aid and support to Jonas
Savimbi and UNITA.
2. Grant full diplomatic recognition to Angola.
3. Support the providing of medical care and
emergency aid for the tens of thousands of victims
of the unjust war on Angola.
Whether or not Bush will answer this letter - or more importantly,
whether or not Bush will change his current policy toward Angola will be
dependant upon public outcry. Our sisters and brothers in Angola need our
help and solidarity and most of all they need our united voice demanding
justice and peace.
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