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About Portland observer. (Portland, Or.) 1970-current | View Entire Issue (June 17, 1987)
Along the Color Line by Dt M .inning Marable Dr M anning M e able is professor of sociology and political science at Purdue U niversity A lo n g the Color Line' appears ,n over 14C new spaper* internationally South Africa's Elections: An Analysis by William E. Davis Chancellor of the Oregon State System of Higher Education Straight Talk About Faculty Salaries It's time for some straight talk about faculty salaries at Oregon's public, four-year colleges and universities. First, we can be proud that our two-year-old projec tion has become reality: As a result of the 1985 Oregon Legislature's appropriation of $40 million for faculty salaries, Oregon State University has risen to 77th in salary rankings among 110 public universities that grant doctoral degrees. That ranking, which includes a May 1 salary increase, shows the progress that the lawmakers' commitment achieved. Although 77th is a long way from where the State Board of Higher Education wants Oregon to be by 1992-93, the advance from 96th in 1985-86 is nothing short of dramatic. The University of Oregon, after adding the May 1 in crease, ranks 89th. It would rank higher except for hiring of lower-rank faculty to meet enrollment in creases, reducing the overall average. Portland State, meanwhile, advances to 79th. In a ranking of 11 regional colleges in the West, Eas tern (at La Grande) ranks eighth, Western (Monmouth) fifth and Southern (Ashland) fourth. In 1985, we asked legislators to expect national faculty-salary increases of 6 percent. The Chronicle of Higher Education reported a national increase of 6.1 percent for public, doctorate-granting institutions dur ing 1986-87. We told legislators their action would take OSU's rank to 76th; we made 77th. The State Board's goal is for Oregon faculty salaries to rank in the bottom of the top third—that is, about 35th out of 1 1 0 - by 1991. That would put Oregon in a league with comparable states such as Arizona, Colo rado and Washington- Continued progress is critical to retaining and attrac ting top faculty who will not only deliver high-quality instruction, but also attract other high-caliber teachers, draw new millions in research dollars and be still another incentive for industry to locate in Oregon. But as lawmakers consider faculty salaries for the 1987-89 biennium, there are those who are using selec tive data to argue that Oregon's salaries are more com petitive than they are. Let me set the record straight in three key areas: • Pay raises: We acknowledge that our faculty pay raises this year exceeded those nationally, but they came after absolute freezes in salaries in 1983-84 and 1984 85 (when national raises were 3.9 and 6.6 percent, respectively). • Retirement contribution: It has been argued that the 1979 decision to add 6 percent as an employer-paid retirement contribution should be reported as salary. But this is not salary; it is retirement. The American Association of University Professors, which compiles the data, has expressly told us to report it as retirement to keep Oregon consistent with other states. • Higher-education spending: Some argue that Ore gon spends more per $1,000 of personal income than Washington state on our four-year colleges and univer sities. That is true (Oregon is 32nd, Washington 33rd), but per-student state appropriations draw a sharply different picture: Washington ranks 11th, Oregon 30th. It has been reported that Washington state will in crease faculty salaries by 9 percent in each of the next two years. Here in Oregon, Gov. Neil Goldschmidt has recom mended a faculty salary increase equal to what other state employees will receive (estimated at 2 percent a year) plus $10 million. We figure that would be an in crease of 3.65 percent in each year of the next bien nium. We expect other states to increase faculty sala ries by an average of 6 percent annually during the next biennium. Yes, Oregon has made good progress toward what is the State Board's No. 1 goal. But we still have a lot of catching up to do even to be average in university faculty salaries. Continued progress is both realistic and affordable, and will enhance higher education's contribution to the Oregon Comeback. This is the kind of straight talk I want to carry not only to our legislators, but also to all the Oregonians who will reap lasting benefit from the jobs and pros perity that will follow strengthening of public higher education in Oregon. CIVIL RIGHTS JOURNAL A NEWS SERVICE OF THE UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST COMMISSION FOR RACIAL JUSTICE Support Judge R. Eugene Pincham a judge's spoken and personal support of a candiate; only actual participation by a judge is forbidden. Let us be very clear here. White judges in Chicago have always been politically active, for Chicago has always been a highly political city. In fact, judges have traditionally been appointed by the Democratic Party structure. The reason Judge Pincham is under attack is because he is unashamedly African American. For example, during the PUSH speech, given during Black history month, the Judge also spoke of African American slave revolts, the lynching of African Ameri cans in the 1700's in New York City, and the struggles of the Civil Rights Movements. He also said that we should all be accountable one to another, noting, "I'm now a Justice of the Appellate Court of Illinois because [my auntl Ada 'toted' me. I didn't get there on my own. I'm still riding on her shoulder. You see, we Afro- Americans must be aware that we got here on some body else's shoulder." It's no wonder the white establishment of Chicago wants to get rid of Judge Pincham. They have been gunning for him for the past 10 years and now they think they see an opportunity to shoot him down. They will not be able to succeed, however, if we organize and solidify support of Judge Pincham in his struggle for freedom of speech. Judge Pincham's free speech is our free speech. Together, we will not be silenced. First it was Judge Alcee Hastings of the Federal Dist rict Court in Miami. Now it is Justice R. Eugene Pin cham of Illinois' First District Appellate Court in Chi cago. Both are African American judges and both are currently the object of proceedings to remove them from the bench. Together they have become objects of a dangerous attack on the small percentage of African Americans who have actually made it to a state or fede ral judgeship. Judge Pincham has been a judge for approximately 10 years. Before becoming a judge, Pincham was known as one of the best trial lawyers in the nation. He is also widely known as an outspoken advocate of African American rights. This was not an easy thing to do in the repressive racial environment which existed in Chicago before Mayor Harold Washington took office. Yet the judge never backed down, not even from his remarks made during the Chicago primary election, before an audience of Operation PUSH. The judge verbally —and personally—supported Mayor Harold Washington. The word "verbal" is important. For now, using that speech as an excuse, the overwhelmingly white Chi cago Council of Lawyers has filed a complaint against Judge Pincham. That complaint, which has now been formally approved by the Judicial Inquiry Board, could well lead to the removal of Judge Pincham from the Illinois bench. Yet nothing in the Illinois code orecludes $15 for one year PORTLAND OBSERVER $25 for tw o years Box 3137. Portland OR 97208 Mr Mrs Ms M r« § < C * C ITY ZIP STATE ■ Î ■ b 'O 'P 'I' 1 . fc* W . | I|IP ' Publishers ■ • Assi I ■ ___ ■ I ___ I ------ 1------ L Portland Observer ■ MM ’ — - < 2 Apt Street il ih o n The Portland OFnervtr (USPS 969 5801 is published every Thursday by Exie Publishing Compeny. Inc 1463 N E Killings wrfhh Portland Oregon 97211, Post Office Box 3137. Portland Oregon 97208 Second class postage paid at Portland Oregon The EWr/unr/ < >b\er 1 rr was established in 19X) USPS ? f nr < o Subscriptions $15 00 pet year in the Tn ( ounty area Post m aster Send address changes to the Parllunil ri/u e n e r P O MEMBER NUA A u o c iH ’on Box 3137 Portland. Oregon 97208 PER Founded 1885 ».y al 288 0033 4. \ltr e d l Ucnderna! I dilor/P ublu he Al M dliams, Generul Manager N atio n a l A d v e rtis in g R e p re s e n ts ivr A m a lg a m a te d P u b lis h e r* In« New York *34 Last month's whites-only election in South Africa marked the end of any peaceful, democratic change — if such an option actually ever existed. But the way in which we interpret this election may help us to accele rate the process of change with a minimum of losses to the African majority. In general, one can subdivide the 4.6 million white South African population into four primary constituen cies. The first group, a very small minority of intellec tuals, writers, youth, political activists, clergy and others, are bitterly opposed to the apartheid system, seek its total destruction and advocate the principle of "one person, one vote." Thousands of these dissidents now live in exile, and many others are in jail or have been silenced. But one day, these progressive whites will play a responsible role in a Black-majority, South African government. The second group, much larger than the white pro gressives, can be termed "moderates," at least in the context of South Africa. They are subdivided into two blocs by ethnic identity and party affiliation. The more liberal of the two are the descendents of English- speaking settlers, who support the gradual end of apar theid within a framework of capitalism. These whites are best represented by the Progressive Federal Party, which won over one quarter of all whites' votes in the 1981 election. To the Progressives' right are the mode rate Afrikaners, who call themselves the "verligtes" or the "enlightened ones." These moderates mostly be long to the ruling National Party, which built and main tained the odious system of apartheid for 40 years. But these "verligtes" Nationalists worked inside the govern ment to achieve slow reforms. For serveral years, their strategy achieved a few limited victories. The largest white group comprises the vast majority of Afrikaners in the racist National Party. Led by P.W. Botha, it enjoys a cordial relationship with the admini stration of Ronald Reagan, and it pursues domestic and foreign policies which can be best described as fascistic and totalitarian. But to the Nationalists' ideological right is the Conservative Party, which favors the strip ping of all Blacks' rights and the complete racist parti tioning of the whole country. These hard-core racists oppose any form of concessions or negotiations with Blacks, and will be satisfied only with the complete destruction of the African National Congress and the multiracial, reformist United Democratic Front. . . ■ In the recent whites-only election, these parties bat tled each other for the hearts and minds of their fellow whites. The results, by any criteria, were a resounding victory for reaction, white supremacy, and Black sub jugation. The Progressives lost seven of their 26 parlia mentary seats, and dropped to only 18 percent of the popular vote. Prominent "verligtes" who had defected from the National Party generally lost seats to white racist hard-liners. Botha's ruling National Party won 50 percent of the popular vote, and still controls the government. More onimously, the far-right Conserva tives won 29 percent of the vote, making them the o f ficial parliamentary opposition to the rigid Nationalists. In short, the white electorate was plunging the nation from the political frying pan of racism into the fires of fascism. Prominent Americans who oppose harsh sanctions against South Africa's tyranny tried to discuss the election's results in rosy terms. Author Anthony Samp son, who has written an apology for continued U.S, corporate investment inside apartheid, argued in the New York Times that the election results showed "big rifts in the Afrikaners' camp." "The worst thing Ameri cans and Europeans can do," Sampson pleads, "would be to wash their hands of South Africa." The Wall Street Journal's analysis was even more distorted and dishonest. The Journal claims that the moderate whites "gained status" in the election, and that Prime Minister Botha has a real "opportunity to fulfill his promises for further reform. The U.S. has gained nothing from sanc tions and disinvestment, which have served the cause of those promoting racial solutions . . . " Perhaps the, Journal's editorial writers should reread the analysis of Zulu Chief Mangosuthu Bethelezi, one of the most con servative, pro-governement Africans: The whites knew what they were voting for, and they deliberately voted to support white privilege. Whites prefer to de-, stroy rather than to share power." Only by strong sanc tions and divestment from corporations with apartheid ties can we increase the pressure on this renegade, fascist state, and accellerate the movement for demo cracy and Black empowerment. Not by appeasement, but through unyielding pressure, shall South Africa . become free. U.S. Helps South Africa Keep Angola in State of War by Paul E. Brink The United States is helping South Africa and its "Contra-like" client. UNITA head Jonas Savimbi, to keep Angola in a state of war, an American Friends Service Committee spokesperson charged today. Jerry Jerman returned recently from an extensive visit in the southern African region, including Angola — rarely visited by people from the U.S. "The human toll of this war is staggering," he said. "One sees large numbers of amputees —victims of land mines. There are some 700,000 displaced persons out of a population of 8.6 million." Herman coordinates southern Africa programs in this country for the Quaker organization. UNITA is an acronym for Union for the Total Libera tion of Angola. "There are reports that land missiles used by Savimbi forces in southern Angola are supplied by the U .S .," said Herman. "The Angolans feel their national security is threatened by the presence of two U.S. battalions just across the Zaire border at Kamina, a former Belgian air base, where recently an outdated air strip was leng thened to handle modern military jets. "A second threat is from the joint South African and UNITA forces occupying part of Angola's territory in. the south." ’ ci Herman said the Texas-size country faces constant brutality because dams which produce electrical power are blown up by the South Africans; also UNITA forces are mining farm lands. "These acts are part of South Africa's military and economic pressures throughout southern Africa," he declared. "The most striking observation in Angola is. the way it has had to respond to external pressured from the U.S. and South Africa." Herman concluded that Angola government officials repeatedly stressed what they termed was an official position, that the government wants very much to have U.S. investment in their country. "There could be so much positive economic development, education, and general assistance if this war could be brought to aft end," he charged. Herman also visited Zimbabwe, Malawi, Swaziland", and Botswana. Two others with him, Linda Mizell Tay lor of the AFSC's Denver area office and Daki Napata of the Service Committee's Middle Atlantic Region,; based in Baltimore, visited Mozambique, Swaziland and Botswana. Letters to the Editor We Must Work Together Recent editions of the Observer have devoted consi derable space to the issue of support for Black-owned businesses in Portland and have brought to the surface some underlying tensions between the Black and Asian communities. We of the Rainbow Coalition are parti cularly concerned that these tensions do not come to divide two struggling communities that have much more to gain by working together than through con frontation. We are also concerned that the real pro blems which do exist are addressed and resolved in a way that allows us all to move forward together. In other cities in this country, tensions of this kind have sometimes led to violence among ethnic minority groups and between whites and non-whites. During his recent visit to Portland, Rev. Jesse Jackson reminded us that these violent incidents are symbols of the fact that "race-conscious behavior continues to endanger our society." But he was quick to point out that these symbols must not serve as substitutes in our minds for the real problems. "The White House," he said, "is more segregated than Howard Beach. Dr. King's dream is closer to reality in Queens than on Wall Street. The white working people who live in Queens County and Forsyth County did not design the economic policy that is costing Americans jobs, closing off education and limiting health care. They do not invest in South Africa;*they are not responsible for foreclosing on farm mortgages." These same principles can be applied to our own immediate situation. Asian immigrants and small busi nesspeople are not responsible for the history of racism and economic discrimination which has made the deve lopment of a healthy Black business community almost impossible In Portland or anywhere else in the U.S. They did not establish the bank lending policies which keep investment monies out of the Black community and property values depressed. However, we must acknowledge that not all of the problem has been created outside the community. Black patronage of Black-owned businesses is alarm ingly lo w —increasing that support is an important self- help goal which should not be misinterpreted. It is also important for non-Black businesses located in predomi nantly Black neighborhoods to acknowledge that they have a role in helping improve those areas through the development of jobs and reinvestment in the commu nity. The tensions which threaten to divide and weaken us must be confronted and resolved or people of all colors will suffer. In the words of Rev. Jackson; "W e must move beyond the bettleground of race-conscious be havior onto the common ground of economic pro gress.” Macceo Pettis Co-Chaif, Portland Rainbow Coalition NOTICE The Portland Observer will be moving to 5011 N.E. 26th Ave., Portland, OR 97211. We expect to be moved into our modern and spacious facility by July 1, 1987. Look for additional information in upcoming issues.
