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Page 4 Portland Observer, April 15, 1982 EDITORIAL/OPINION by Manning Marable "From The Grassroots ” Solution in the ballot box The Black United Front and its co-chairman Ronnie Herndon are being criticized for their confrontation tactics. The “ responsible citizens and organizations in the black community” are condemned because they either support or do not speak out against the Front’s strategy. It seems we’ ve heard these words before, when three years ago Robert Blanchard said “ responsible” Black people would not support a call for a school boycott. Blanchard was proved wrong. What many of the detractors fail to recognize is that never in the history o f this country have black people gained anything without confron tation. Would The Oregonian's editorial writers now say that M artin Luther King should not have walked across the bridge in Selma? Would they say the students should not have sat-in at the lunch counters in Georgia? Or that freedom riders should not have gone to Alabama? Or that black people, young and old, should not have faced dogs and fire hoses in Jackson, Mis sissippi, to demand their freedom? The BUF demonstrations before the Portland School Board are part o f the Black movement— a struggle that has continued for 400 years. The Oregonian compares the BUF tactics with those o f the Jackson community, which is at tempting to secede (with its taxes) from the Dis trict in protest o f the planned closure o f their school. This brings up the old dilemma—is it better to quit or to stay and try to make con structive changes? Who was righ t—the young men-who went to Canada to escape the draft, those who stayed and went to jail, or those who demonstrated in the streets? Perhaps each was right in his own way—together, they brought an end to the war. Steve Buel is also the butt o f criticism. Buel refused to participate in a School Board meeting he considered to be illegal and unethical. Herb Cawthorne and Joe Rieke felt they should parti cipate—even though they thought it was illegal— and Cawthorne took the opportunity to express his concerns about the meeting. Which position was right? Is it necessary or useful to castigate the person who acts according to his conscience? The real problem is the Schoo, Board. They have boxed in their new superintendent, sending him out to settle the problem w ith the black community but withholding the ability to nego tiate or compromise. The Board has made its de cision; it w ill not reconsider; it seems there is nothing to talk about. The Front’s only recourse is to attempt to force the Board into a situation where they w ill ta lk — plus, requests and de mands have been ignored. The sad thing is that during the past two years —while the District was stalling the move to El iot—theie was no conversation with the repre sentatives o f the black community on this mat ter. Perhaps honest discussion could have pre vented this situation. I f there were valid reasons —educational, social, economic or physical— for not using Eliot, if there were valid reasons why another building would be a better site, rea sonable people could have found solutions. The neglect o f Dr. Fenwich and the Board Chairman to talk with black leaders and parents is another demonstration o f lack o f respect and considera tion. It is inexcusable. The School Board has the power to act; the black community only has the power to resist. It is the responsibility o f the Board—beginning with its chairman, B ill Scott—to take the first step. O r is this a power struggle designed to demonstrate that the control by the downtown business interests lost during the “ new Board” days has been regained? If Scott is free to act— let him act. For the long range the solution is the ballot box. A strong community, registered, educated and ready to vote is the best deterrent to the kind o f decisions the School Board is making fo r black children. Frank McNamara, Joe Rieke, and Bill Scott w ill face the voters next year. The time to pre pare for their removal is now—the system can be used to bring about changes that are necessary. Unite for District 18 The Observer and many community organiza tions fought hard to get District 18—a district that has over 50 per cent m inority population. This district provides a real possibility for a black to be elected to the Oregon Legislature. The black community needs a black person to represent it in Salem. But now five black candidates have filed. Some are active, some are not. Some are in volved in the same organizations and issues, have the same constituents, are friends. It is difficult to choose from among these can didates—they each have their own talents and interests. Newspaper Publishers Association 1 In the 1960s and 1970s, white public opinion on crime took a marked shift towards an authoritar ian and “ law-and-order" mentality. Polls commissioned by the Am eri can Institute o f Public Opinion of Columbia University, and the N a tional Opinion Research Center of the University o f Chicago indicate that the percentage o f Americans who were a fra id to walk within a mile o f their homes at night in creased from 32 per cent in 1967 to 45 per cent in 1977. In national sur veys taken in 1965, 57 per cent of all Americans responded that the U.S. justice system was not “ dealing harshly enough with crim in als.” Since then, that troubled majority has climbed: 74 per cent in 1972, 85 per cent in 1975, and 90 per cent in 1978. Various governmental agencies responded to the anxiety o f the white middle-to-upper class by in creasing expenditures for public safety. Local government spending for police protection jumped from S I.8 billion in 1962 to $8.8 billion in 1977. States increased their police budgets in the fifteen year period from S285 million to S i.6 billion. The Federal government followed suit, raising police protection spend ing between 1962 and 1977 from S177 million to $1.4 billion. Pay ments for police protection between 1952 and 1977 soared 375 per cent, and annual government expendi tures for prisons reached $4.6 bil lion in 1977. U.S. per capita expen ditures for police protection jumped from S 2 I.I2 in 1960 to $34.50 in 1970 and $47.98 in 1977. States with substantial Black urban populations generally exceeded the national per capita average. In 1977, Michigan was spending $54.89; Illin o is. $58.36; New Jersey, $58.82; C a li fornia. $65.20; New York. $72.33. By 1974, cities with large numbers of Blacks were alloting substantial per capita sums to expand local po lice forces: Los Angeles, $60.51; Baltimore, $64.29; Chicago, $73.38; St. Louis, $74.11; Philadelphia, $74.98; Newark, $76.44; D etroit, But they should not all be running fo r the same office. They cannot all represent District 18. Some must sacrifice their own ambitions and desires in the interest o f community representa tion. I f District 18 is to be represented by a black person these candidates must get together, choose one o f themselves as “ the candidate,” and work together to get community support for that candidate. Only a united effort and a massive voter-regis tration arid get-out-the-vote campaign w ill en sure victory. SORKYj KID. NO mORC H flN D O U TJ. v v e O O T GOOD USCS FOR- T H Í3 m o w e r Oregon lacks and crime Portland Observer - MTIOMl The P o rtla n d Observer (U S P S 959-680) is published every Thursday by Exie Publishing Company, Inc . 2201 North Killings worth, Portland, Oregon 97217, Post Office Box 3137, Portland, Oregon 97208 Second class postage paid at Portland, Oregon. $76.81; New York. $86.61; Wash- ington, D .C ., $123.60. The U.S. Right was able to man ipulate the public’s anxiety by prop agandizing crime statistics. The number o f reported violent crimes climbed from 161,000 in I960 to 487,000 in 1978. The various types o f violent crime had increased across the board. The number of murders per 100,000 population, for instance, jumped from 5 in 1965 to 10 in 1975. In the same decade, re ported instances of rape per 100,000 increased from 12 to 26; robbery, 72 to 218; and aggravated assaults, 111 to 227. White male victims of homi cide increased from 5 to 9 per 100,000. The number o f property crimes reported to the Federal Bu reau of Investigation (F B I) had in creased from 1726 per 100,000 in 1975. C iv il libertarians and civil rights supporters pointed out fre quently that (he huge fiscal increases in the number o f police were not justified. For instance, the absolute number of homicides declined 3.5 per cent between 1975 and 1978. In the same period, robberies dropped 4.4 per cent, and property crimes re ported to (he FBI declined by 1.3 per cent. In 1980, (he Bureau of the Census reported that “ the average annual growth rate was 17 per cent between 1965 and 1970, but it was only 5 per cent during the next 5 years, and it actually fell by 4 per cent between 1975 and 1978. Simi larly, the rate o f motor vehicle thefts, which had risen by some 12 per cent per year from 1965 to 1970, grew by less than I per cent per year between 1970 and 1975.“ The data indicates that “ most reported crime is cither leveling o ff or dim inish in g ...” Crime stastistics can always be in terpreted in different ways, depend ing obviously upon one’s political perspective. What neoauthoritari ans failed to explore accurately was the factor of race within this unpre cedented explosion o f lawlessness. Several observations along the color line must be made. First and fore most, is the fact that the percentage of Black and Hispanic victims of vi olent crime has always been higher than for whites. From 1973 to 1978, white males were victimized by vio lent crime at rates between 42 to 45 per year per thousand. Hispanic male victims o f violent crime had rates during these years between 49 to 54 per thousand. For Black men, the rate was between 53 to 57 per thousand. Non white male homicide rates per 100.000 during the 1970s were between 60 to 83 annually. In other words, any Black man in the U.S. has a 600 to 800per cent likeli hood o f being murdered than any white man. Second, Black working class and poor people, not whites, are usually the greatest victims of household crimes. Between 1973 and 1978, Black families earning $7,500 to $9,999 annual income ex perienced burglary rates per 1,000 of from 132 to 159 annually. Black families earning under $3,000 in these years reported between 129 to 1155 burglaries per year, and 83 to 96 household larcenies per year. “ Households maintained by Blacks (are) more likely than white house holds to have been burglarized,” ac cording to the Bureau of the Cen sus? “ The 1978 rates per 1,000 households amounted to 115 (for Blacks) and 83 (for whites) respect iv ely.” T h ird , the Black middle class has a greater chance of being victimized in most property crimes than whites of all income groups. In 1975 alone, almost one out of every ten Black families earning more than $25,000 annually los» their cars or motor vehicles to crim inals, a rate 436 per cent higher than that of whites o f identical income. The irony of the newest “ war against crime” is that white police, politi cians and law enforcement officers have been nonchalant, at best, in aiding and defending Blacks* lives and property. Indeed, it can be ar gued that the foundations o f the modern American police state are designed specifically to ensure that the killings, rapes and property thefts of Blacks continue unabated —so long as whites remain protect ed." Dr. M arable teaches p o litical economy at C ornell University. "From the Grassroots" appears in this paper and in over 135 publica tions in the U.S. and the United Kingdom. A Message From Steve Buel by Steve Buel, School Board member 1 wish to dissociate myself from recent Portland School Board ac tions concerning the placement of Tubman Middle School at the Boise School site. While I am a member of the Board, I am embarrassed and dismayed over our recent lack of sensitivity to the hopes of Black par ents to obtain quality education for their children to be treated equitably and fairly when petitioning their elected officials and to be accorded the common courtesy of fu ll discus sion of issues which integrally affect their children and their neighbor hoods. It is this last point which so glaringly stands out in this decision. People in a city, county, state, or country need to be willing to accept for the time being decisions which various bodies of government make contrary to their own opinions. This is the very basis of a democracy. But this does not mean that government officials can callously disregard the opinions and feelings o f a large number of people nor refuse to al low for a real means by which an opinion contrary to their own can be adequately heard. Yet, this is pre cisely the position taken by the Port land School Board concerning the issue o f Tubm an M iddle School. Under the guise of “ we have heard it all b efo re,” both old and new members of the Board refuse to ac cept the suggestion that the School Board invite leaders from the Black community to sit down with them and work through the difficult and complex problems concerning the Tubman School site selection. In stead, (he Board held a hearing, a hearing where the public speaks to the Board, and then the Board speaks to the public, no dialogue, and where the commitments by Board members were made outside of the hearing, and in most cases prior to the hearing, and where only vague reasons were given publicly for each Board member's decision. Board members thereby having no constituencies in the Black com munity, little or no contact or rap port with Black leaders, and evi dently little or no concern over the need for these contacts, made a de cision affecting the lives o f thou sands of Black people, a decision contrary to the position o f every Black organization petitioning the Board. Now they ask the city and particularly Black citizens to accept this decision and move forward. It is no wonder that people speak of ra cism. Yet this type of decision is a de veloping pattern with this Board and in areas where race plays only a secondary factor. For instance, in the Jackson school closure issue, the same Board members voted to close Jackson High School without even bothering to notify parents or em- ployees that the closure was going to be discussed. Three months later, a contingent of Jackson parents approached the Board and asked that they be allowed time on an agenda to present new evidence to the Board concerning the eminent closure of their school. The Board refused to allow for such time. This disturbing trend continues. Last Saturday, April 10th, members o f the School Board refused to make a resolution for actions to deal with any disruption of the meeting (Monday night’s Board meeting). The Board, over strenuous objec tions by myself and Joe Rieke (Herb Cawthorne was absent), decided to act by what can only be described as administrative fiat and to use a plan for dealing with demonstrations which was decided upon outside of the Board meeting and which has never been passed by the Board. Nor would the Board agree to my suggestion that the Board pinpoint someone (the chairman preferably) with the authority to act in the case of further disruptions. It is this type of government ac tion which causes demonstrations, distrust, and the disillusion o f the willingness of people to work within the system. And it is this type of ac tion which particularly causes one to wonder if the children o f this city are getting lost not in the blessings of a fine education but in the bless ings of power politics. Subscribe todayl Receive your Observer by mail. Only $10 per year *z N (« V tP f« Name MEMBER NHX Meoctatton - Founded »888 Subscriptions: *10.00 per year in the Tri-County area P o s t m a ster Send address changes to the Portland Observer, P.O. Box 3137, Portland. Oregon 97208 A . Lee Henderson, Publisher A ! McGilberry, Managing Editor A ! Williams, Advertising Manager National Advertising Repreeentative A m algam ated Publishers. Inc. N e w York Address City____ .State. Portland Observer Box 3137 Portland, OR 97208 .Z ip