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About Portland observer. (Portland, Or.) 1970-current | View Entire Issue (June 2, 1977)
if Portland Observer From behind the wall by Larry O A .P . 8a wr «35021 Carreapesdest Twoaof the moat distinguished Sena tore in the Oregon State Senate, Friday evening. May 20,1977, eat in the audience of the Black Culture Organisation, a two-hour, bi-weekly meeting held in the visiting room of the Oregon State Pent tentiary. Senator William McCoy, Democrat (District 8), the first and only Black to hold thia state’s elective position, along with Senator Victor Atiyeh, Republican (District 4), both of the Portland area, were clearly informed on the effects being felt by the new criminal and sentencing bills being acted upon in the Oregon State Legialatures this year. A select group of Black inmates cov ered a variety of subjects ranging from the newly proposed “matrix system" to “creation of a transitional work and education center" in Oregon's Black community (Albina). “The Black prison er's feelings were presented in one of the most constructive and intelligent man ners ever displayed by the group as a whole.” stated Senator McCoy, who had attended many prior meetings. Ray Maple, Coordinator, turned the full meeting over the B.C. secretary, Dennis Witlow, who introduced each speaker. The first speaker (name with held) spoke of his experiences as a Black inmate living in a transitional center. He stated how hard it was personally to succeed through the correctional pro gram with none of his peers or race employed on staff through which to relate his problems to - which contributed to his eventually being returned to O.S.P. Deone Washington expounded on how great the need is for Black employees throughout all of the Department of W A SH IN G TO N - Most Black mem bers of Congress remain wary of'Jimmy Carter - pleased that the doors of his administration seem open to them, but increasingly doubtful that the new access will turn into real legislative influence. This is a crucial year for the 16-member Congressional Black Caucus. Freed from the posture of chronic opposition it felt compelled to assume in the Nixon-Ford years, the group is ready for full partici pation in a new administration's policy- D em ocrat. P n m d .n l w jl permit that participation to go. All caucus members are aware of one lever they can use to influence C arter-the Black vote. The President did not win a majority of the white electorate in 1976 Blacks gave him his victory. Correctional programs, so that Black prisoners can identify as well as feel comfortable being counseled. Nate Howard, who has been seventeen years in the O.S.P. atmosphere, ex plained the need for better conditions at O.8.P. Charles A. Williams, discussed the subject of three Black club members being given four months in segregation for confronting a guard, who ordered one of them to “shut up". Willie Barrett, spoke from the audience on how Albina has been used as the target area for crime throughout the past few years. This Reporter was privileged to speak on the succesa of the Black Law class, recently developed under the control of the Black Culture Organization, along with the need for adequate legal counsel ling in our Oregon criminal courts for Blacks. The highlight of the evening’s program came as a surprise, as one of the recently arrived prisoners, an inmate of seventeen years ef age, tried to discover whether there was separation between the Blacks at O.S.P. He felt relieved after being enlightened to the fact that none existed, that unity and respect are the main goal. Also in the audience was H.C. Cupp, Superintendent of O.S.P., Rev. and Mrs. Harding, Dori King, Multnomah County Parole and Probation, and Gloria Fisher, Portland Observer. Both Senators addressed the 61 Black members that attended along with the outside after listening to each topic, giving i thought to things which were said. Atiyeh informed the audience that he had received as many letters concerning House Bill 2011 and 2081 regarding mandatory sentencing and 90% were in favor. When naked if he was in favor of A Quiet Factor By 1980 Carter might be so popular that Black votes will not matter. But he might end up needing them just as much as he did in 1976. It is a quiet factor in the relations between the caucus and the White House. “When we have a confrontation with Carter, it will have more impact, because there’s no question that we are a part of this President's constituency,“ said Rep. Charles B. Rangel (D -N .Y.), a former caucus chairman and still one of the group's most influential members. But Rangel and other caucus leaders, including current chairman Rep. Parren J. Mitchell (D-Md.), do not want to spend this political capital frivolously. “We don't win by embarrassing some body," said Rangel. “We point out some inequities. If half of them are resolved, we wouldn’t be inclined to go to the mat on the rest." Fsi But Carter and the caucus remain far apart on the group's top priority-the full employment bill promoted by Black House member Augustus F. Hawkins (D. Calif.). Carter personally committed himself to the Hawkins-Humphrey full employment bill in primary campaigning in 1976. But he was lukewarm even then, and since he took office there has not been a word in support of it. Hawkins-Humphrey would require the federal government to reduce unemploy ment to 3 percent through a coordinated set of economic policies, including new public service jobs. Many of the bill's supporters concede that Carter thinks it is too expensive and inflationary. The idea is not without friends in the administration, and many in the caucus are grateful for that. Labor Secretary F. Ray Marshall has been particularly help ful. Said Rep. Yvonne Brathwaite Burke (D.-Calif.): “The difference in this admin istration is at least you have a Marshall. In the past, we never got to that level. Our battles were fought entirely on the outside." Ne Meeting But Blacks say the administration's willingness to discuss full employment has not extended to the President him self. The caucus asked Carter March 7 for a meeting on Hawkins-Humphrey. Two weeks later it received a written w„ u u wn. llama, the caucus staff director. “That's an insult to Black Americans." Mitchell, the caucus chairman, is not quite so blunt. But he agrees. “The President's position on Hawkins-Humph rey has been a bitter disappointment to me," he said. Like other caucus members, Mitchell always says Hawkins' name first in discussing the bill. Blacks feel Hawkins does most of the work - and should get the credit. The moat cynical explanation of Cart er's silence on full employment is that he never did consider it. His original accept ance of Hawkins-Humphrey came in April 1976, at a particularly strained moment in the campaign when he was under attack tor the racial implications of his “ethnic purity" remark. Carter endorsed the 1976 Democratic Party platform containing Hawkins- Humphrey, but did not stress the issue in his fall campaign. Yeung’s Abesues But others say the failure of the caucus to interest Carter in full employment reflects the absence of any Black person in a position close to him. Former Rep. Andrew Young (D.-Ga. 1978-77), who might have played that role, ia ambassa dor to the United Nations and is em broiled in foreign policy. “They want to be the brokers for Blacks,” one close observer said of the caucus. “And they aren't. There really are no Blacks apart from Andy Young that are dose to Carter... The one thing Blacks were in a position to extract from Carter as a campaign promise was Hawk ins-Humphrey-and they couldn't do it." Rangel believes that the whole issue of personal access is overrated. He says face-to-face contacts do not guarantee acceptance of anything: If it becomes necessary to complain, a public forum may be just as good as a private one. “We can cuss the President out over here as easily as we can cuss him . >ut in person," Rangel said. restoring the death penalty, Atiyeh replied he was, but only in certain crimes. Sen McCoy was only lightly questionned about t i e legislation he was engaged with (H.B. 2297). the study of recidivism, and (H.B. 2002) compensation to the victim. It is with great appreciation to both Sen ators by the Black inmate population behind the walls at O.S.P. for their appearance, comments and sharing of view points with the men. All of those present were honored. This Reporter must comment to the folks at home: When our public officials show the whole hearted concern of human lives and emotions in prisons as these two gentlemen did, then it only can re-affirm the wise choice made by the majority of the people of Oregon by placing each individual in their important and responsible elective office in the State of Oregon. W ORK R ELE A S E (■ withheld by request] Primarily, work release is designed to be a transitional program; a half way point between prison and society. I t is a program, supposedly, that will allow an individual to begin taking on some of the responsibilities that he will face once he is granted parole. This responsibility extends to every phrase of his reentry into the social environment he intends to return to. Consequently, there are certain obligations he must adhere to. Just as there are certain obligations for the individual who is working his way toward social fredom, there are also certain obligations the staff take on as their responsibility to help the individual adjust his pattern of behavior, to the acceptable means of the social environ ment he will return to. This means that the work release program itself is a very eenaitive unit. I f it intends to do the job it is meant to do, then the individuals within the unit must be of first consideration. Needless to say, this is not the way this program is conducted. When an individual enters the work release program his first awakening comes with the realization that he must give up all his dignity as a man and that he no longer has any human rights. He is not allowed to make any decisions or in anyway control his life. He is told to put his life totally in the hands of staff. Staff includes, hi most cases, two counselors, U. -• » * tu ¿búlfc three police (or men who function as police), two or three praeticum students (who also function as police), and the house manager. If you happen to be Black, Indian, or Chicano, you will find no one in c position of authority who has any idea of your environmental background. Trust and respect are earned, yet you are asked to put your trust and respect in the very people that your life experiences have taught you to mistrust. On top of that, the mere fact that you are on the program means that you have earned a certain amount of trust and respect. But this fact is disregarded with your initial treatment being that of a person who is a dangerous threat to society, who must in every way be controlled. This attitude is very destructive, for it implies that you are not ready to reenter society, but are fit only to be returned to the penitentiary. The total lack of Black, or other minority counselors, creates in the indiv idual, who must exist under such con ditions, a fearful attitude of spiritual destruction, not only to his efforts to reenter society, but to have the neces sary ability, as far as decisions and responsibilities are concerned, to function once he does make parole. He is allowed no control over his funds. Every person who wants to become personally involved with him (friendly or intimate) must be subjected to personal interrogation by staff. It seems that the primary purpose of staff is to frighten and discourage any and all involvement with the individual. This approach is usually used on Blacks and other minorities, which brings to light the desperate need for Black coun selors in every half-way house in Oregon. Black people who have problems have no way of dealing with those problems except through other Black individuals who, like themself, are living in the house. If there are none living there, or if the one or two who might be there have no knowledge of how to deal with problems, then the individual who seeks help is really hurting. Every individual in one of those houses is in a constant strain - with the exception of being the snitches - who are dispicable characters in everyone’s eyes. M y main point is this: Halfway houses are not really set up to help an individual, but to totally control a person - which in the end, results in too many failures. The idea is beautiful, but the philosophy and guide-lines are unrealistic and des tructive. »h The Vancouver Branch of N AA CP will hold its Annual Tea Sunday afternoon, June 5, from 1 to 5, at the YW CA, 1115 Esther. ?ouring for the tea will be Mrs. Howard Stevens, Mrs. Eddie Butler, Mrs. Homer Foster, Mrs. John Rodman, Mrs. James Belton, Mrs. Bob Cook. Mrs. Perry Johnigna is in charge of arrange ments. There will be a display depicting some of the activities of the Vancouver Branch since its organization 32 years ago. Everyone is invited to attend. John Lacey is Branch president. AUTO INSURANCE Age 25-64 With Less Than 1. Accident A 1 Minor Violation 2. Minor Violation Compare Your Present Auto Rates ’76 ASPEN Age Grp 2-symbol 5 $IO«.S0 15-30-10 U.M. P.I.P. Comp $50 ded. Coll $100 ded. ’72 CHEV IMPALA AGe Grp 6-Symbol 5 $ •7 7 ° Semi-annual Rates for Portland-Surburban Rates Lower CSE AUTO - HOM E - L IF E Semi-annual NORTH east Elmer L. 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