Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, October 22, 1917, Page 8, Image 8

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    8
THE 3IORXIXG OREGONIAX. MONDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1917.
mnB
PORII.AXD, OREGON.
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VOKTLAND. MONDAY, OCTOBER 23. 1917.
VALLAN-nlC. HAM.
An Interested reader of The Ore
ponian. noting occasional references
in its columns and elsewhere to Val
landigham and YallandTgliamism, has
written to ask for an explicit narra
tion of the deeds and misdeeds of the
great Copperhead.
Clement L. Vallandigham's name
still stands in the Hall of Infamy as
a high priest of treason, subtle, but
skillful and efficient. The attempted
betrayal of his country by Benedict
Arnold was comprised in a single act,
happily defeated by exposure: but the
services to the enemies of the Union
by Vallandigham covered a series of
years, and were rendered in a consist
ent pose of friendliness to the Consti
tution, to the law, and to peace all of
which makes the ignoble example of
Vallandigham peculiarly interesting at
this time when La Follette and his
kind are serving the Kaiser by the
same methods of mock support of the
country in the war and of real oppo
sition to an effective prosecution of the
A current article in the New Tork
Tribune gives many facts about the
Civil War agitator. Clement Laird
Vallandigham was born in Ohio in
1820, and was educated to be a law
yer. He served as a member of Con
gress from 186S to 1863. He openly
held abolition and its supporters to
be wholly responsible for the war. He
was a public speaker of the old style.
bombastic, ornate, classic, but force
ful, and he was in large demand
everywhere as an orator for the anti
war and anti-negro parties. He was
a "strict constructionist." an ardent
and violent exponent of that crafty
school which sought to save the Union
"constitutionally," and denounced Lin
coln as a usurper and tyrant because
he suspended the writ of habeas
corpus, and called for volunteers to
put down rebellion without Congres
sional sanction.
Unlike La Folletto, he was not a
radical, but a reactionary. He would
have saved the Constitution even if
the Union had to be destroyed to do
It. He assailed the war; he denounced
the "horde of Northern abolitionists";
he espoused slavery; he was for the
"Union and peace," for the "Constitu
tion and pacific methods," for com
promise. He assailed Lincoln's doc
trine of the "irrepressible conllict" as
disruptive of the Nation. After Sum
ter he opposed resort to arms, saying:
"Ours is a Government of opinion, not
force. War is disunion. Thefore Lin
coln it is who favors disunion." He
wrote a pamphlet to "protest Lin
coln's conspiracy to usurp power in
the hands of the Executive." He
wrote also:
' A public debt of millions, weighing us and
our posterity down for penerations, we can
riot escape. It is no longer a question of war
with th South or whether ourselves are to
have conslitutlons nnd a republican form tf
government hereafter In the North and West.
1 am for the Constitution, first and at all
hazards, for whatever can he saved ol this
Union: that and for peace, always an essen
tial for the preservation of either.
Familiar, indeed, are these virtuous
expressions of pacificism in these days
of freedom of speech in time of war.
Vallandigham was always for peace.
He advocated in 1862 "peace by medi
ation," and called for "Union and
Constitutional liberty through an hon
orable peace." He was the chief fili
buster in Congress, and in every way
and through every device of a per
severing and ingenious parliamentary
obstruction sought to hamper the
progress of the war. His course lie
came intolerable to the North, and
there were loud calls for his expulsion
from Congress, and it was actually
moved. In his speeches he said:
This war is cruel nnd unnecessary. It Is
not waged for tit preservation of Lhe Vnion
hut for the purpose of crushing out liberty
nnd erecting a despotism a war for the
freedom of the blacks ami the enslavement of
the whites. 1 will do what I can to defeat
the attempt to build up a monarchy on the
ruins of a. free government.
It was this speech that finally cost
him his liberty. Hut his whole course
was offensive to the North. His pet
utterances were:
You have dethroned Jehovah, who sanc
tioned slavery, and have set up an autl
aiavery Coil of our own.
Our (Constitution provides for a Union of
lave states and of free states.
On August 2, 1S62, he made an at
tack upon Lincoln:
Let this terrible truth lie proclaimed every
where, that whenever, either through infrac
tion and usurpation by the Prisidcr.t, or by
violence the Constitution is no lonjrer of
binding force and tile highest rule of action,
then wo are at the mercy of mere power,
military power at last. This is despotism,
absolute, unmixed, cruel despotism, a des
potism enforcing its order today by arbitrary
imprisonments and tomorrow by bloody exe
cution, lie warned in time. Stand by the
Constitution by law and order.
Do they imagine that they whose rights
have been invaded without process of law
editors and public men of the loyal states
who have languished for opinion's sake with
in bastilles for months will have no day of
leckonmg for all these enormities? Sir,
that great reaction sets in; It hastens on.
On January 14, 1S63, he became
still more bold:
War Is force, "hate, revenge. Is the coun
try tired at last of war? Has sufficient
blood been shed, treasure spent and misery
inflicted in both the North and tile South"?
"What then? Stop fighting. Make an armis
tice no formal treaty. Withdraw your
Army from the seceded states. Declare free
trade between the North and South. Agree
upon a sollvereln. Let slavery alone.
In blood Ohio and the Northwest have
toned for their credulity.
Ought this war to continue? I tell you no
not for a day, not for an hour. It was not
the South but the abolitionists of the North
who caused this bloody war. which caused
disunion.
The situation was made most
tense and troublesome by Vallan
digham. and the Tresident finally de
cided to act. At the suggestion of
Lincoln, he was watched closely by
General Burnside, who, after his ML
Vernon speech, preferred charges
against him, setting forth that Vallan
digham had "publicly expressed sym
pathy for those in arms against the
Government of the United States," and
"had declared sentiments and opinions
with the object and purpose of weak
ening the power of the Government in
its efforts to suppress an unlawful
rebellion."
Vallandigham was given a military
trial, and was found guilty of aiding
the enemy, and sentenced to prison
for the war period. President Lin
coln, with the exercise of that won
derful tact and humor for which the
world -will ever remember and ap
plaud him. set the sentence aside and
caused him to be delivered within the
Confederate lines.
Vallandigham then threw off all dis
guise, and forgot the cause of the
Union, and directly sought to aid the
South by various intrigues. Later he
went to Canada, and while there
prosecuted his candidacy for Governor
of Ohio. Meanwhile there had been
marked Union successes, such as
Vicksburg and Gettysburg, and the
star of the North became ascendent,
and Vallandigham was overwhelm
ingly defeated.
A mass meeting at Albany, New
York. - in Vallandigham's interest,
brought a memorable letter from Lin
coln defending his course. It con
tained this famous sentence:
Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy
who deserts, while I must not touch a hair
of a wily agitator who Induces him to
desert?
Two
quoted :
other paragraphs may be
The man who stands by and says nothing
when the peril of his Oovernment is dis
cussed cannot be misunderstood. If not
hindered he Is sure to help the enemy; much
more If he talks ambiguously talks for his
country with "buts" and "ifs" and "ands."
From this material, under cover of "liberty
and speech," "liberty of the prers" and
"habeas corpus," they hoped to keep on foot
among us a most efficient corps of spies,
informers, suppliers and alders and abettors
of their cause in a tho'usand ways.
Vallandigham was permitted to re
turn to Ohio after the war, but his
prestige and influence were gone. -He
died in 1871. But Vallandighamism
has forever remained synonymous
with copperheadism and near-treason.
La Follette should profit by Vallan
digham's example.
DEATH OF THE "PEACH KING."
All who eat peaches, and especially
the large number who believe that a
fully ripe peach is the finest fruit in
the world, owe a debt to John H. Hale,
who died a few days ago at his home
in Connecticut. Although no one
pretends that Hale invented the peach,
there is no doubt that ho did much,
by introducing business methods into
its growing, to bring it within the
reach of the average man. His name
is indissolubly linked with that of sev
eral standard varieties: he did much
to standardize shipments, to improve
methods of transportation, and to in
crease profits to growers; and mean
while ha raised the standard of fruit
production generally.
Hale's royal title was won by hard
work. He made a lifetime study of
conditions of soil, drainage and cli
mate most favorable to peaches, and
of pruning, cultivation and selection
of varieties, and -'le commercialized
the industry on a hugo scale. It was
his idea, that, however much one man
might be willing to do out of pure
love of the work, there must be a
profit in the business if people were
to get large quantities of fruit. So he
put his trees upon an efticiency basis.
Those which could not justify their
existence by . returns in dollars and
cents soon felt the weight of the ax.
He planted and replanted assiduously.
It is said that when he died he owned
350,000 peach trees in Georgia alone
besides other orchards in Delaware
New Jersey and Connecticut, all of se
lected strains.
The ltf of the most famous peach-
grower in the world illustrates the un
selfishness that is often begotten by
tug enterprise. He never bad any
fear of "rivals" in the peachgrowing
business, ana with him there were
no trade secrets. Whenever he learned
anything to the advantage of potnolo
gists he gave it to the world. He was
for years a lecturer on horticulture
an agricultural editor and a writer.
He encouraged other growers to
higher endeavors, by precept and ex
ample. He sought no monopoly of a
market, and no exceptional benefit
from his superior knowledge. And
results show that his broad policy
not only carried the reward of inward
satisfaction, but that it paid in a finan
cial way. He began as a farmhand at
$14 a month, and he died rich. Mean
while, it is probable that he did as
much to advance the science of fruit
growing as any other one man in the
land.
THE THREE BATTLES OF YPRES.
Three years have passed since the
German drive for Calais was stopped
by a thin line of British, French and
Belgian troops in the first battle of
Ypres. In that battle a wall of i
iloniitable men, mainly British, with
miserably scanty artillery and ammu
nition, held the line for twenty-three
days from October 20 to November 11,
1914, against five times their number
of Germans, abundantly equipped with
every engine of war. Sixty per cent
of the British were killed, wounded
or Raptured, but they held the line,
though compelled to give ground until
the Germans poured a constant tor
rent of shell upon them from every
commanding height.
Again for twenty-two days from
April 22 to May 13, 1915, the French
colonials, Canadians and British, stood
against the first gas attack and the
terrific onslaught which followed. The
French blacks fled in panic before the
gas. the Canadians swung their ex
posed left Rank around to form a half
circle and held on, and British and
Belgians hurried up to stop the gaps.
The line was restored, but was com
pelled to give ground northeast of
Ypres. In that battle the famous
Princess Pat's regiment of Canadians
was almost exterminated, but per
formed feats which made its fame
immortal.
The full significance of the battle
which is now being fought in the same
bloody corner of Flanders does not
lie in the fact that all, and more than
all, the ground which was yielded by
the British in the first two battles has
been regained. It lies in the fact that
the superiority in numbers and mate
rial has passed from the Germans to
the British, and that the Britons are
inflicting the same agonies on their
foes which they suffered three years
ago. The men who are now winning
victory are not the same as those who
refused to accept defeat nearly all
of those are dead, crippled or captive,
martyrs to the cause of liberty but
they are of the same breed and quality.
There is further significance in the
fact that the British have attained in
three years the superiority in mili
tary skill, morale and material of war
over the Germans, who had taken
forty years prior to 1914 'to attain, a
temporary superiority in all except
morale and who were balked by that
thing of the spirit.
These outstanding facts of the third
battle of Ypres prove that democracy
can become terribly efficient In war,
when driven to it, though democracy
instinctively abhors war. As with the
British, so is it with the unconquerable
French and with the resistless Ital
ians. So shall it prove also with the
Americans. Ypres is an earnest of the
stern determination of these free na
tions to wipe out autocracy, which
they now recognize as the breeder of
wars, and that they will not draw
back until the terrible duty is done.
QUITE PROPER.
The regents of the University of
Oregon could have properly done
nothing but accept the resignation of
Mr. Eaton as a member of the faculty.
Mr. Eaton's usefulness to that institu
tion was destroyed by his participa
tion in the meeting of the disloyal
People's Council for Democracy and
Terms of Peace. A state educational
Institution must not be permanently
weakened by the indiscretion of one of
its instructors.
Mr. Eaton knew that the motives
and intentions of the People's Council
for Democracy were not in accord
with the public's conception of true
patriotism. He knew it before the
meeting was held, for he made a spe
cific reservation as to his own loyalty
before he consented to attend. After
embarking with the other delegates
he must have had the fact empha
sized by the manner in which the con
ference was shuttled from place to
place in its attempts to find a meet
ing place. He knew it afterwards, if
it be true, as he says, that he gave
the Government information as to the
conference's proceedings.
Still, we shall not quarrel with the
resolution adopted by the regents dis
claiming intent to impugn the loyalty
of Mr. Eaton. Let it be admitted that
he was only indiscreet. But any per
son who thinks that a private expres
sion of contrary opinion or a mental
reservation of patriotism permits him
to participate in a disloyal council
with clean hands, has not the mental
caliber to hold a chair in a state uni
versity.
It may be hoped that the action of
the regents will mitigate the mistake
of rthe forty-three members of the
faculty who signed a petition for Mr.
Eaton's retention. As between the
unmistakable interests of the institu
tion and professorial fraternalism
there should have been no choice.
Had the petition had its intended in
fluence it could only have invited a
recurrence of those attacks upon the
university which have hindered its
growth and which its friends hope
have been ended.
FARMERS' DUTY AND OPPORTUNITY.
Several farming districts in Oregon
have responded nobly to the call for
subscriptions to the second liberty
loan, but many seem scarcely to have
heard the call. There was good rea
son why the farmers were not ex
pected to participate largely in the
first liberty loan, for the crops were
not then made, it had been all outgo
with the farmer, the price which he
was to receive was Still in doubt, and
that price could not be received until
after harvest. Secretary McAdoo rec
ognized this fact, for he expressly re
quested that the farmer should not be
solicited to subscribe to the first loan.
All of these reasons for not calling
upon the larmer have now disap
peared. The crops are safe and nearly
all are harvested. As to everything
except wheat, they are banner crops.
The farmers are guaranteed a profit
by the Government, and it is a very
handsome profit. A high authority in
Kansas estimates that the man who
receives $2 a bushel for wheat on the
farm will make a profit of $1.21 a
bushel. Prices of other crops are in
proportion: so also with livestock.
The farmer alone is favored in this
manner, and he alone is free to with
hold his products from the market.
All persons who handle his products
are limited to a modest profit and are
subject to severe penalties for hoard
ing. The war revenue law has left
the farmer's war profits practically
tax-free, while the excess profits of
munition manufacturers are taxed 45
to 60 per cent and individual incomes
are also heavily taxed.
Aside from the motive of patriotism
there are three sound reasons why
farmers should buy liberty bonds.
First, the food control law favors
them especially, and the Government
has been the means of giving them big
profits.
Second, if they do not lend a large
share of their profits to the Govern
ment, the money is liable to be taken
in the form of taxes. The Governmen
has got to have the money, and if it
cannot get it in one way, it will take
- i , . nl i ;.
forget any class which jails to do its.
part for the liberty loan, and the
farmers would not relish a tax of 2 5
or 30 cents a bushel on their grain.
Third, liberty bonds are a good in
vestment, the best in the world. The
present opportunity to invest surplus
funds in a security which pays 4 per
cent interest, which will never decline
in value but is sure to rise, will not
continue for ever. Money should be
"salted down' in this way now, while
prices are high and profits large, to
establish a fund for the less prosper
ous times in the future. Liberty
bonds will always sell and will always
be good collateral for loans. Now is
the time to "get a stake."
The most successful farmers and
stockmen are awake to their duty and
their opportunity. Robert Stanfield
has bought a second block of $25,000
in liberty bonds, saying:
T feel It my duty and the duty of every
farmer and stockman receiving war prices
for his products, to invest in this second
loan.
Many farmers in Eastern and .Cen
tral Oregon have acted on that con
viction. It should prompt liberal sub
scriptions by farmers of every section
of Oregon.
WOMEN IN BUSINESS.
Certain employers seem to be unduly
alarmed over the imaginary ineffi
ciency of women who are being called
upon to take the places of men in
business. Complaints have been made
that new employes of the gentler sex
have failed to measure up to their
responsibilities, that they do not ap
preciate the value of time, that they
resent criticism and absent themselves
from work on slight pretexts. This
will be new to those who have had
wide experience in employing women,
but it is a misapprehension not hard
to explain.
Women have won their place in in
dustry by degrees. Aside from domes
tic service, only seven industries were
open to them in the United States in
1835, while the census of 1900 showed
that they were engaged in 303 differ
ent kinds of employment. It is plain
:
that those who, In those sixty-five
years, succeeded in overcoming inertia
and prejudice and in establishing their
right to economic independence, were,
upon the whole, the exceptional ones.
There was necessarily a process of
selection. Not all "made good," and
those who did not do so were elimi
nated by the operation of natural laws.
The present unusual industrial situ
ation has resulted in adding a large
army of women to the ranks of work
ers. A good many of them have en
tered the field rather tentatively, as an
experiment or adventure, in which
motives of patriotism and necessity
are somewhat mixed. It is probably
true that a certain proportion of them
find themselves out of harmony with
their new employment and that others
are not suited for the work they have
undertaken. But long before another
sixty-five years have passed, and the
usual and orderly process of selection
and training and readjustment has
been followed, it is safe to say that
complaints will have ceased. The
trouble is that these employers have
expected a miracle, and the age of
miracles has passed. Experience does
not justify the belief that women as
a whole will not measure up to the
required standard. In the future, as
they have done in the past-
GERMANY IS WAICHIXC.
After more than three years of war
the German people have oversub
scribed their seventh war loan. The
amount for which their government
called was $3,000,000,000 the same
as the minimum amount asked for as
the second liberty loan of the United
States and this sum has been ex
ceeded by 1107,500,000, not including
subscriptions from the front.
This loan brings "the total which
Germany has borrowed to nearly $16,
ouu.ouo.uuo. or one-nrth of her na
tional wealth. If the United States
had borrowed the same proportion
its war loans would have reached a
total of $48,000,000,000. If we should
raise the maximum sum set for the
second liberty loan five billions the
total would be only seven billions, or
a little more than one-seventh as
much in proportion as Germany has
raised.
Germany has done this with her
foreign commerce dead, her industries
dying, her people steadily growing
weaker through living on half rations.
Notwithstanding all peace maneuvers,
domestic agitation for peace, mutinies
in the navy and defeats on the west
ern front, there Is no faltering on the
part of the German people as a whole.
They still back their government with
their money. While subscriptions to
the second liberty loan lag, we should
watch Germany; there is no lagging
there.
Germany is watching us. If the
loan falls short of the minimum of
three billions, or barely exceeds that
sum, it will be notice to Germany that
America's heart is not in the war; that
for lack of money we shall not be
able to send to France that great
Army which she fears. If the total
should fall short of the maximum of
five billions, it will be notice to Ger
many that we are not disposed to put
forth our full strength, as every other
warring nation is doing.
Failure to raise the maximum sum
would be equivalent to an American
reverse in battle. Failure to raise the
minimum of three billions would be
equivalent to an American disaster.
It would be a German victory which
would bring joy to the heart of the
cruel Kaiser.
The liberty loan must not fall. It
should not stop at three billions. It
should go on to five billions, even if
an extension of the time for receiving
subscriptions be necessary. The Amer
ican people should arrange their af
fairs so that they can promptly raise
each successive loan for which the
Government calls. We have provided
the men, but money is as essential as
men. Not to provide the money Is
desertion of our men.
Those who eagrerly catch at every
plea for peace which emanates from
Berlin and who constantly call for a
definition of our war aims, would do
well to keep in mind these words of
General Smuts, the great Boer leader,
uttered in an interview with the Paris
Journal:
But before thinking- of peace we must be
certain or having finished with military
imperialism. Before accepting: any peace,
those who are charged with the destinies
of the nations should give serious consid
eration to the terms, for on the pact that
we sign will depend for fenerations the
peace and future of the whole world. The
stake is the greatest that the human race
has ever played for; patience and confidence
are uil that we now need In order to be
certain of winning it.
We are fighting: to destroy an insti
tution, the continued existence of
which would render permanent peace
impossible. That is our war aim,
stated in a sentence.
A Gaston milk hauler dropped into
Forest Grove the other day and sub-
, r - . , .
scribed for a $500 bond and paid
$1.50 on subscription to the local
paper. Both were great deeds.
Horse .radish root sells for4 15 cents
a pound in the local market, and it
is not considered unscrupulous to grate
a little turnip with it for immediate
family use.
The man who yrould respond to the
call to conserve sugar can show his
patriotism in the restaurant, wheie
nobody is watching, more than in his
home.
In these days of a mile a minute in
a car,, do not overlook that 'a game
little mare made a mile in two min
utes flat at Atlanta.
The little fellows whose big brothers,
cousins and uncles are wearing the
olive drab will enjoy the films at the
Auditorium.
Do not allow the little chap to go
home from school Wednesday and dis
cover his parent is not buying a lib
erty bond.
It is well that motorcycles are to
replace the autos in the police service.
Officers riding In cars have a luxuri
ous look.
Some morning the sun may rise in
the west. That will be the day when
this country does not respond to a
loan call.
Freely speaking, the judgment of
the regents in the Eaton case was:
"Don't hurry, but here's your hat!"
Berlin must have a lot of "sporty
kids," since the government prohibits
tobacco to all under IS;
Too many people should not be per
mitted to ride in a parade arranged
for pedestrians.
The "bad" soldier was that way
before he got into uniform.
How to Keep Well.
By Dr. W. A. E.au.
Question pertinent tfj bytiena. sanitation
and prevention of disease. If matters of
general Interest, will bo answered in this
column. Where spaeo will not permit or tne
subject Is not suitable, letters win bs per
sonally answered, subject to proper limita
tions and where stamped addressed envelops
Is Inclosed. Dr. Evans will not maks diag
nosis or prescribe for Individual diseases. Re
quests for such services cannot be answered.
(Copyright. 1810. by Dr. V.'. A. E.ans.
Published by arrangement with the Chicago
Tribune. )
MEASLES IX XFIE ARMY.
Colonel Mtinion, author of one of the
best textbooks on military hygiene and
one of the most capable sanitarians in
the United States Army, conducted an
investigation ot measles in the Army
along the Mexican border in 1916. As
the result of his studies he comes to
the following conclusions:
He believes not only that measles
epidemics are preventable, but that
hereafter they should be prevented. He
believes that measles epidemics c.an be
quite as well controlled in recruit de
pots and barracks as In the field, pro
vided that suitable ventilation and oth
er facilities are provided. He says that
an epidemic of measles hereafter is a
reproach to the commander or medical
officer concerned, a reflection on their
efficiency and a cause for official In
vestigation and discipline.
Our greatest Interest Is In the bear
ing this investigation has on measles
epidemics In civil life. With a strong
health department and an intelligent,
willing co-operation by the people a
civil community following the rules
laid down as adapted to civil life could
escape the ravages of epidemic measles.
But we are also very much Interested
in measles in military camps. Many of
the military camps had epidemics of
measles last Winter and Spring. One
establishment had several hundred
cases at one time. Some of these epl
demies ran until hot weather. Note
what this eminent military authority
has to say "a reproach on the com
mander and medical officer, a reflec
tion on their efficiency, and a cause for
official Investigation and discipline.'
These are strong words, but they are
not merely words.
One commander at San Antonio was
tried for what? Having an epidemic of
measles. A second was severely rep
rimanded for the same sin. They es
caped, not because they were innocent.
but because they were nice, easy-going,
pleasant gentlemen, but wholly Igno
rant of their duties, with no proper
knowledge of hygiene and sanitation
and without- organizing ability.
The medical officers of these com
mands were also excused for their de
linquencies because they were new to
their duties, untrained as sanitarians
and, being nice, easy-jroing gentlemen,
did not raise a row when their orders
were not carried out and their advice
was not taken.
It was a little early in the game to
court-martial for not controlling meas
les. Now that the warning has been
issued, let other commanders and med
ical officers watch put.
The best Information available is
that 15 per cent of adults in the cities
have not had measles. Since the per
centage Is higher in troops from the
country, let us say that 30 per cent
of the troops from city and country
cant" have measles because they have
not already had it or becrause they have
again become susceptible.
Measles is so contagious that, though
only a third of the troops can have it,
it is one of the great scourges of ar
mies. It has always been so. Ask any
veteran of 1861.
The people should remember these
opinions of one of the leading sanitary
authorities. They have a right to de
mand that the troops be not subjected
to epidemic measles. If this disease
spreads in any camp the people have
the right to complain, i The President,
the Secretary of War commanding
general and the surgeon-general have
the right to object if epidemic measles
disables the Army.
Heart Piieaiie Symptom.
Miss J. M. writes: "Kindly inform me
what it is that causes swelling under
the eyes, which often amounts to dis
figurement and lasts often a good part
of the day. This swelling generally ap
pears after a night's sleep. My ankles
also swell badly.
"Is there any cure for asthma of
less than a year's duration? Is it dan
gerous or a bad-symptom for all parts
of your body to go to sleep at different
times?
"As a general thing I seem otherwise
to be in a remarkably healthy condi
tion. I am much overweight, but have
nearly always been so. I have not had
the swelling in my face to speak of
for four or five years until now. At
that time I was examined rather thor
oughly, but was found all right. I am
a little over 30."
REPLY.
All of your symptoms point to some dis
ease with your heart or kidneys or both.
Swelling under the eyes, swelling of the
ankles, asthma, numbness, combined make
good basis for a diagnosis of heart dis
ease or Bright a. Physical examinations
and urine tests will show which is your
trouble.
Xen rant he nla and the Army.
B. M. writes: "Will you please ad
vise me the attitude of military exam-
ners as to neurasthenia? The case in
question is one of seven years' stand
ing, causing change of occupation and
resulting in comfort only after years
of mental study and training combined
with absolute rest from physical exer
tion. The person is 25 years old."
REPLY.
I am sure neurasthenia is not regarded as
a cause for exemption by the examining
surgeons of the exemption boards. Jf you
are accepted and get busy at camp you will
be cured of any ordinary neurasthenia.
Should it develop that you have some con
dition more serious than a simple neur
asthenia, you would fjpme under the oneer
vatlon of special boarU of nerve specialists.
for which arrangements have already been
made by General Gorga.
31 ay Pass Army Test.
J. A. writes: "I am 23 years old, five
feet, nine inches tall and weigh 135
pounds. I have flat feet, a pigeon
breast and also have four badly de
cayed jawteeth, one on each side, both
upper and lower. Do you think I would
be accepted in the Army?"
REPLY.
Your proper weight is 148 pounds, but
you are not enough under weight to cause
your rejection. Flat foot of itself is not a
cause of rejection. Flat foot, accompanied
by weak foot, outward turning, or pain and
fatigue will cause rejection. Whether pigeon
breast will cause rejection will depend upon
the che.'t measurements and expansion.
Four badly decayed teeth will not cause re
jection if the other teeth are right.
FACTS AND DOCUMENTS IN
Committee en Public Informattom Take
FraMlaslsm mm Text for Mass
The indictment of the German gov-1
ernment which was made by President 1
Wilson in his Flag day speech Is proved
by an overwhelming mass of evidence
by the Administration in the latest
publication by the committee on public
information. This is a pamphlet en
titled "The Presiaent's Flag Day Ad
dress, With Evidence of Germany's
Plana." Each count in the indictment
supported by a footnote citing the
facts supporting it. and the facts are
massed in such formidable shape as to
prove the crimes and evil designs of
.Germany to any open mind. It is a
crushing answer to those who say that
tne l nitea states is Wight. ng merely
for the right to travel on munition
ships.
In support of the President's state
ment that the "military masters" of
Germany employed spies and conspira
tors to corrupt the opinion of our
people," to "spread sedition amounts t
us and "to draw our own citizens
from their allegiance" and that some of
these agents were men connected with
the German Embassy, the pamphlet
days:
As for espionage. Konln. the head of the
Hamburg-AraerR-an secret service, who was
active in passport frauds, who Induced
Oustave Stahl to perjure himself and de
clare the Lusitanla armed, and who plotted
the destruction of the Wei land Cantil, in
his work as a spy passed under 13 aliases
In this country and Canada. As for the
corruption of public opinion, it has pro-
ceeded both openly and under cover. Lr. i
Uernburg was the of liclal missionary, and I
he and others went up and down the land.
Newcpapers have been started with German
money and others have received secret sub
sidies from the German government. A
check for $50O0 was discovered which Count
von Bernstorff had sent to Marcus Braun.
editor of Fair Play. And a letter was dis
covered which George Sylvester Viereek. ed
itor of the Fatherland, had sent to Privy
Councilor Albert, the German agent, arrang
ing for a monthly subsidy of $1750, to be
delivered to him through the hands of in
termediaries women whose names he ab
breviates "to prevent any possible inquiry."
There is a record of $;i(H0 paid through
the German Embassy to f inane, the lec
ture tour of Mies Kay Beverldge, an Amer
ican artist, who waa further to be supplied
with German war pictures. Efforts wore
made by German sympathizers to get con
trol of one at least of the great New York
dailies, and about half a duxen weeklies
have been devoted to German propaganda
and little else. Most important of all, in
a telegram dated January 101 T. hut
just made public by the Secretary of State,
von Bernstorff asked his government for
authority to expend $."0,u0o "in order, as
on former occasions, to influence Congress
through the organization you know of."
As for conspiracy in our midst. It has
taken various forms under the fostering and
munificent hand of Captains Boy-Ed, von
Papcn, von Rintelen, Ta use her and von Igel,
all directly connected with the German
government. There is now In the posses
sion of the united States Government a
check made out to Konlg and signed by
von Papon, Identified by number in a secret
report of the German bureau of investiga
tion as being used to procure $150 for the
payment of a bomb maker, who was to
plant explosives disguised as coal in the
bunkers of the merchant vessels clearing
from the port of New York. Tauscher,
agent for Krupps. furnished supplies and
equipment: Boy-Ed, Dr. Buenz. the German
ex-Miiister to Mexico, the German Con
sulate at San Francisco, and off icialu of
the H am burg-American and North German
l.loyd Steamship lints evaded customs regu
lations and coaled - and victualed German
raiders at sea; von Papen and von IkoI
supervised the making of incendiary bombs
on the Frledrich der Grosse. then In New
York harbor, and stowed them away on
outgoing ships; von Rintelen financed La
bor's National Poace Council, which tried
to corrupt legislators and labor leadera.
Through John Devoy, an old anti-British
agitator In New York City, relations wore
maintained with the Irish revolutionaries
and money paid to Sir Roger Casement,
since executed in London for treason. This
is shown by certain of the von Igel papers.
In others there is the Implication that the
German diplomatists in America were in
volved In the Separatist movement In the
Province of Quebec. The German agents
spent $000,000 on Huerta'o abortive at
tempt in this country to start a revolu
tion in Moxlco (1015). For the whole jnib-jot-t
see files of New York World and Now
York Times indext under "German and
Ausiro-Hungarlan conspirators," "German
Plots," etc.. for 1014-1017,' and Congres
sional Record, April 5. 1017, pp. 102, 103.
The President sald: "They sought by
violence to destroy our industries and
arrest our commerce. Thi is proved
by the following summary of the facts:
They have sought to destroy our Indus
tries by bringing about strikes and induc
ing men to quit work. Labor's National
Peace Council attempted to bring about a
strike among liJ.noo longshoremen tGom
pers statement. New York Times, Septem
ber 14. lDlft). and that was not the only
attempt. Ambassador Dumb a. and Consul
Genoral von Nuber ran advertisements in
various papers calling upon all loyal Aus
trians to quit work in munitions factories.
German official documents, seized in Cap
tain von Igel s office, present a an argu
ment against Austro-Hungary's cutting off
the subsidy to a pretended employment bu
reau, which was in reality a branch of the
German secret service, that tht "Llebau
bureau" had been highly successful In fo
menting strikes and disturbances at muni
tion factories. cf. letter of March 24. 301ft.
to Ambassador von Bernstorff. ) Dumbai
letter, reporting his plann to bring- about
disturbances in the Bethlehem Steel works,
was seized by the British among the be
longings of Mr. Archibald, an American
correspondent, and Dumba's recall was
thereupon demanded by our Department of
State.
The Germans have sought to arrest our
commerce, not by submarine alone, but by
blowing up ships in harbor and at sea.
They have put bombs in coal bunkers and
tied them to rudder posts. Models of Rob
ert Fay's contrivances for this latter pur
pose were exhibited at his trial, and he
spared passenger ships only because twin
screws baffled him. By Fay's own confes
sion and thnt of his partner, the money
for this combination of treachery and mur
der came from the German secret police.
For Von Papen and Von Igel's bomb mak
ing on the Frledrich der Grosse see above.)
The extraordinary number of explosions In
munition factories so for exceeds the nor
mal number, even in this dangerous indus
try, as to justify suspicion and investiga
tion. The President's statement that "they
tried to incite Mexico to take up arms
against us and to draw Japan into i
hostile alliance with her" is an evi
dent reference to the ZImmermann
note, of which it is aid:
Mexico was to have Texas, Kexr Mexico
and Arizona. It was written January 19,
on the eve of the Germans unlimited sub
marine warfare, and while we were at peace
with Germany. The Minister was to act
as soon as it was "certain that there will
be an outbreak of war with the United
States."
With reference to the President's
statement that "they impudently denied
us the use of the high seas and re
peatedly executed their tnreat mat
they would send to their death any of
our people who ventured to approach
the coasts of Europe, me pampniei
says:
Possibly the most glaring Instance of
German official effrontery was the permis
sion to regular American passenger steamers
to continue thoir sailings undisturbed after
February 1, 1017, If
Th conditions laid down in the Ger
man note are then cited. They were
that the only port of destination should
be Falmouth, to ano irom wnicn a cer
tain course via the Scilly Islands should
be taken; that American vessels should
be identified by being painted in a cer
tain freak manner, highly suggestive
of convicts stripes; that only one
steamer a week should sail In each di
rection, arriving on Sunday and de
parting on Wednesday, and that the
United States Government should guar
antee that no contraband would be
carried, according to the German defi
nition. Quoting the President's statement
that "many of our own people were
corrupted," the pamphlet says:
Among these were David Lamar and
Henry Martin, who. In the pay of Captain
von Rintelen, organized and managed La
bor's National Poaoe Council, which sought
to bring about strikes, an embargo on mu
nitions and a boycott of banks which sub
scribed to the Anglo-French loan. A cheok
for $-",000 to J. F. J. Archibald for "propa
ganda work" and a receipt from K'lwin
Kmerson. the war correspondent, for $inoo
"traveling expenses" were among the doc
uments found In Von Igels possession. Many
CASE GAINST GERMANY
Prfniut- Wllaoa'a Indictment of
of luimpr.tchsble .Evidence
persons In places of influence and authority
were approached.
Others likewise bearing English names
have been persuaded to take leading places
in similar organizations which concealed,
their origin and real purpose. The Ameri
can Embargo Comerence arose out of tha
ashes of Labor's Peace Council, and Its
president was American, though the fund
wero not. .Still others tampered with wert
journalists who lent themselves to the Ger
man propaganda and who went so far as
to serve as couriers between t he Teutonic
embassies and Vienna and Berlin.
The Pre-sident said: "The German
people did not originate or desire this
hideous war or wish that we should be
drawn into It." On this point the pam
phlet says:
The German people had no chance to
Intiuence the policy of the Berlin govern
ment during the critical days when that
government, sanctioning the purpose of
Austria to have her will of Serbia, made
European war inevitable. They had not
even the chance to express opinion or to
learn at the time what the government
was doing. Germany was declared "in
danger of war t Kriegsvfahrzustand) at
noon. July SI. a step almoot, if not alto
gether, equivalent to mobilization. The
country was "in danger of war." but a
war made by Its own militaristic rulers,
and not. as they pretended, by Russia,
It is shown by the day and hour of
each event and dispatch leading up to
the declaration of war on Russia that
the Kriegsgefahrzustand was declared
before Kussia mobilized and that "the
claim made afterwarde by the German
government that the Xriegsgefahrxus
tand was in reply to the Russian mobili
zation is disproved by their own White
Book." The statement continues:
At 5 P. M.. August 1, the German army
was formally mobilized, although there la
much evidence that it had been mobilized
for days, and at 7 P. M. war was declared
against Russia. On August 4 the Reichstag,
the representative body of the German na
tion, met, and for the first time learned
officially what had been done. Between
July fo and August 4 the German gov
ernment and put itself in the posture ot
war against Russia, France, Great Britain
and Belgium, and had violated Luxemburg,
and yet had asked uo advice or consent of
the German people. That is why it la
proper to say that the German people did
not begin the war, or the mass of people
originate It. Perhaps the most conclusive
proof of this lies in the efforts made by
the government to convince the people (hat
the war was strictly a defensive one. "En
vious people every where are compelling ua
to our jut defense," said the Kaiser on
July 31 ; and again : "The sword is being
forced into our hand." By such speeches
and by the circulation of a report since
acknowledged by high German officials to
be false) that France had already attacked
Germany, the German people were arousod.
Even the invasion of Belgium was repre
sented to be a defensive measure, and it
waa declared by the Chancellor In the
Reichstag and by everybody ele in author
ity to have been due to certain knowledge
that France herself was about to Invade
Belgium. Lieutenant-General Freytag-Lor-Inghoven,
chief of the supplementary staff.
has recently mane It clear that this waa
not true. He admits that the Initial suc
cess of the German arms was largely ow
ing to the French expecting the German
advance elsewhere. (New York Times, Au
gust l. iai7.
The President said of the German
people: "They are themselves in the
grip of the same sinister power that
has now at last etretched its ugly tal
ons out and drawn blood from us.M In
proof of this It is said:
The present German empire and its con
stitution was formed not by the people,
hut by the lis kings and prince of Germany,
headed by the King of Prussia. Bismarck
wrote the const! tut ion and regarded it as
adopted when the German princes and kings
approved it. It was never submitted to a
vote of the people. It is clear at once how
perfect this constitution is. It Is perfect
from the standpoint of kings and princes,
especially of the Kaiser, who. as King of
Prussia, controls two-thirds of the people
and two-thirds of the land of Germany.
The Reichstag was brought into ex
istence because "Bismarck did not
choose to leave the people out entire
ly" and is elected by manhood suf
frage, but the districts have been un
changed since 1871. so that the large
cities which have grown up are "but
partially represented, and the German
government dares not change them, be
cause it would mean an increased vote
for the laboring classes nnd the So
cialist party." But the Iteichstag Is
"merely a debating club" and is "not a,
real factor in the German government."
The statement follows:
The real power in the German Parliament
lies with the Bundesrat. a body of til mem
bers, which meets I n secre t. 1 1 is com posod
of diplomats appointed by the kings and
prlncos of Germany, Prussia having the
largest number. Those Ambassadors vote at
the diroctlon of their sovereigns, and as the
Kins; of Prussia is the most powerful and
appoints the Chancellor, who presides over
the Bundesrat, he has enough votes to veto
any measure. The Bundesrat Is not only
safe from democracy, but It is the body
through which the Emperor, as King of
Prussia, can really control Germany. Here
are originated almost all bills, and all legis
lation must be approved by the Bundesrat:
this means, in other words, by Prussia and
its King, the present Emperor William II.
It is thus that Germany has been Prussian
ized In its government and filled with the
political ambitions and military Ideals of a
state whose best models of a ruler are still,
in the twentieth century, Frederick the
Great and his brutal father.
It Is the Emperor who declares war and
makes peace, nominally with the approval
of the Bundesrat. Even this body Is not
consulted if the war is defensive. Whether a
war in defensive or offensive is a matter for
William II to determine, and he so deter
mined when he declared the present war
and only officially informed the Bundesrat
of the fact three days later. It is this
government, comprised of a group of kings
and princes, led by the King of Prussia, that
the pro-Germans praise as the most demo
cratic in the world. What they mean is that
for the sake of keeping the people quiet and
submissive to their military alms the autoc
racy grants them old-age pensions and clean
streets, and in return expect them to send
their sons to any war and to commit any
act for the sake of a state where Irresponsi
ble medieval-minded sovereigns still believe
in this twentieth century that they rule by
divine jrrace and are accountable only to
God. But the god that they have in mind
Is a war god whom they have created in
their own image.
The autocracy derives much of its
power from the government of Pruseia,
most powerful of the states, where. In
voting, "four per cent of the wealthy
people count for as much as 82 per cent
of the laboring and poor class" and
where the people must vote "by word
of mouth in the presence of Iheir em
ployer or land-owner."
"The militaristic group which started
the war without consulting the peo
ple's representatives' is declared to
"have been equally contemptuous of
public opinion in conducting it." There
have been sweeping changes in the
British and French governments, but
in Germany, when popular discontent
led to the fall of Bethmann-Holl weg,
the first secret conferences concerning
his successor were evidently with the
army Generals and then with the
Crown Council, at which the Crown
Prince was present." How little the
new Chancellor, Michaelis, was the
choice of the people was shown by his
epeench on taking office. Saying that
it was desirable to call to leading ex
ecutive positions "men, who, in addi
tion to their conciliatory character,
possess the confidence of the great
parties in the popular representative
body," he said:
All this is, of course, possible only on the
assumption that the other side recognizes
that the constitutional right of the imperial
administration to conduct our policy must
not be narrowed. I am not willing to per
mit the conduct of affairs to be taken from
my hands.
Another installment will be printed
in The Oregonian in the near future.
Both Liable tor Family Necessities.
PORTLAND, OcL 20. (To the Edi
tor.) Under the laws of Oregon, can
a woman who as a wife retains ex
clusive control of her own property
compel her husband to pay her debts?
RIP VAN WINKLE.
For family necessities incurred by
either spouse, the husband and the
wife are liable.