8 THE 3IORXIXG OREGONIAX. MONDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1917. mnB PORII.AXD, OREGON. Entered at Portland lOregoa) Fostoffics as second-clau mail mutter. , Subscription rates Invariably In advance: By Mall.) Daily, Sunday included, one year laily. Sunday included, six months. . . Uaiiy. Sunday included, three months Uaiiy, Sunday included, on month... Jjaiiy, without Ssund;iy, one year Uaily, without Sunday, six months... lai!y, without Sunday, three months. Uaily. without Sunday, one raonlh Weekly, one year Sunday, one year Sunday and weekly (By Carrier.) Daily, Funday included, one rear Daliv, Sunday included, one month... Daily, without Sunday, one year Daily, without Sunday, three months. . .$S.0l . . 4.2.1 - e'.'io .. a.ir. . . 1.1 n . . .10 . . l.oo . . 2.ro . . a. 50 . -?9.on 7!su Daily, without Sunday, one monin How to Kemlt Send poptofflce money or der, express order or pergonal check on your local bank. Stamps, coin or currency are at siider"g risk. Give postofflce address in lull. Including county and state. fOHtatse Rate la to HI paces. 1 cent: IS to V.'Z p-ises. '1 cents: :i4 to ! pages. :i cents: rl to GO pases, 4 cents; 02 to 7ti pages, o cents: 7S to 82 pages, 6 cents. Foreign postage double rates. Eastern Hnslnesi Office Verr.e Conk lin, Krunswick building. New York; erree He Conkiin, Hteger building, Chh-ngo: San Francisco representative, K. J. iiidwell, Market street. MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS The Associated Press is exclusively enti tled to the use for republication of all ml dispatches credited lo it or not otherwise credited In this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of republication of special dis patches therein are also reserved. VOKTLAND. MONDAY, OCTOBER 23. 1917. VALLAN-nlC. HAM. An Interested reader of The Ore ponian. noting occasional references in its columns and elsewhere to Val landigham and YallandTgliamism, has written to ask for an explicit narra tion of the deeds and misdeeds of the great Copperhead. Clement L. Vallandigham's name still stands in the Hall of Infamy as a high priest of treason, subtle, but skillful and efficient. The attempted betrayal of his country by Benedict Arnold was comprised in a single act, happily defeated by exposure: but the services to the enemies of the Union by Vallandigham covered a series of years, and were rendered in a consist ent pose of friendliness to the Consti tution, to the law, and to peace all of which makes the ignoble example of Vallandigham peculiarly interesting at this time when La Follette and his kind are serving the Kaiser by the same methods of mock support of the country in the war and of real oppo sition to an effective prosecution of the A current article in the New Tork Tribune gives many facts about the Civil War agitator. Clement Laird Vallandigham was born in Ohio in 1820, and was educated to be a law yer. He served as a member of Con gress from 186S to 1863. He openly held abolition and its supporters to be wholly responsible for the war. He was a public speaker of the old style. bombastic, ornate, classic, but force ful, and he was in large demand everywhere as an orator for the anti war and anti-negro parties. He was a "strict constructionist." an ardent and violent exponent of that crafty school which sought to save the Union "constitutionally," and denounced Lin coln as a usurper and tyrant because he suspended the writ of habeas corpus, and called for volunteers to put down rebellion without Congres sional sanction. Unlike La Folletto, he was not a radical, but a reactionary. He would have saved the Constitution even if the Union had to be destroyed to do It. He assailed the war; he denounced the "horde of Northern abolitionists"; he espoused slavery; he was for the "Union and peace," for the "Constitu tion and pacific methods," for com promise. He assailed Lincoln's doc trine of the "irrepressible conllict" as disruptive of the Nation. After Sum ter he opposed resort to arms, saying: "Ours is a Government of opinion, not force. War is disunion. Thefore Lin coln it is who favors disunion." He wrote a pamphlet to "protest Lin coln's conspiracy to usurp power in the hands of the Executive." He wrote also: ' A public debt of millions, weighing us and our posterity down for penerations, we can riot escape. It is no longer a question of war with th South or whether ourselves are to have conslitutlons nnd a republican form tf government hereafter In the North and West. 1 am for the Constitution, first and at all hazards, for whatever can he saved ol this Union: that and for peace, always an essen tial for the preservation of either. Familiar, indeed, are these virtuous expressions of pacificism in these days of freedom of speech in time of war. Vallandigham was always for peace. He advocated in 1862 "peace by medi ation," and called for "Union and Constitutional liberty through an hon orable peace." He was the chief fili buster in Congress, and in every way and through every device of a per severing and ingenious parliamentary obstruction sought to hamper the progress of the war. His course lie came intolerable to the North, and there were loud calls for his expulsion from Congress, and it was actually moved. In his speeches he said: This war is cruel nnd unnecessary. It Is not waged for tit preservation of Lhe Vnion hut for the purpose of crushing out liberty nnd erecting a despotism a war for the freedom of the blacks ami the enslavement of the whites. 1 will do what I can to defeat the attempt to build up a monarchy on the ruins of a. free government. It was this speech that finally cost him his liberty. Hut his whole course was offensive to the North. His pet utterances were: You have dethroned Jehovah, who sanc tioned slavery, and have set up an autl aiavery Coil of our own. Our (Constitution provides for a Union of lave states and of free states. On August 2, 1S62, he made an at tack upon Lincoln: Let this terrible truth lie proclaimed every where, that whenever, either through infrac tion and usurpation by the Prisidcr.t, or by violence the Constitution is no lonjrer of binding force and tile highest rule of action, then wo are at the mercy of mere power, military power at last. This is despotism, absolute, unmixed, cruel despotism, a des potism enforcing its order today by arbitrary imprisonments and tomorrow by bloody exe cution, lie warned in time. Stand by the Constitution by law and order. Do they imagine that they whose rights have been invaded without process of law editors and public men of the loyal states who have languished for opinion's sake with in bastilles for months will have no day of leckonmg for all these enormities? Sir, that great reaction sets in; It hastens on. On January 14, 1S63, he became still more bold: War Is force, "hate, revenge. Is the coun try tired at last of war? Has sufficient blood been shed, treasure spent and misery inflicted in both the North and tile South"? "What then? Stop fighting. Make an armis tice no formal treaty. Withdraw your Army from the seceded states. Declare free trade between the North and South. Agree upon a sollvereln. Let slavery alone. In blood Ohio and the Northwest have toned for their credulity. Ought this war to continue? I tell you no not for a day, not for an hour. It was not the South but the abolitionists of the North who caused this bloody war. which caused disunion. The situation was made most tense and troublesome by Vallan digham. and the Tresident finally de cided to act. At the suggestion of Lincoln, he was watched closely by General Burnside, who, after his ML Vernon speech, preferred charges against him, setting forth that Vallan digham had "publicly expressed sym pathy for those in arms against the Government of the United States," and "had declared sentiments and opinions with the object and purpose of weak ening the power of the Government in its efforts to suppress an unlawful rebellion." Vallandigham was given a military trial, and was found guilty of aiding the enemy, and sentenced to prison for the war period. President Lin coln, with the exercise of that won derful tact and humor for which the world -will ever remember and ap plaud him. set the sentence aside and caused him to be delivered within the Confederate lines. Vallandigham then threw off all dis guise, and forgot the cause of the Union, and directly sought to aid the South by various intrigues. Later he went to Canada, and while there prosecuted his candidacy for Governor of Ohio. Meanwhile there had been marked Union successes, such as Vicksburg and Gettysburg, and the star of the North became ascendent, and Vallandigham was overwhelm ingly defeated. A mass meeting at Albany, New York. - in Vallandigham's interest, brought a memorable letter from Lin coln defending his course. It con tained this famous sentence: Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who Induces him to desert? Two quoted : other paragraphs may be The man who stands by and says nothing when the peril of his Oovernment is dis cussed cannot be misunderstood. If not hindered he Is sure to help the enemy; much more If he talks ambiguously talks for his country with "buts" and "ifs" and "ands." From this material, under cover of "liberty and speech," "liberty of the prers" and "habeas corpus," they hoped to keep on foot among us a most efficient corps of spies, informers, suppliers and alders and abettors of their cause in a tho'usand ways. Vallandigham was permitted to re turn to Ohio after the war, but his prestige and influence were gone. -He died in 1871. But Vallandighamism has forever remained synonymous with copperheadism and near-treason. La Follette should profit by Vallan digham's example. DEATH OF THE "PEACH KING." All who eat peaches, and especially the large number who believe that a fully ripe peach is the finest fruit in the world, owe a debt to John H. Hale, who died a few days ago at his home in Connecticut. Although no one pretends that Hale invented the peach, there is no doubt that ho did much, by introducing business methods into its growing, to bring it within the reach of the average man. His name is indissolubly linked with that of sev eral standard varieties: he did much to standardize shipments, to improve methods of transportation, and to in crease profits to growers; and mean while ha raised the standard of fruit production generally. Hale's royal title was won by hard work. He made a lifetime study of conditions of soil, drainage and cli mate most favorable to peaches, and of pruning, cultivation and selection of varieties, and -'le commercialized the industry on a hugo scale. It was his idea, that, however much one man might be willing to do out of pure love of the work, there must be a profit in the business if people were to get large quantities of fruit. So he put his trees upon an efticiency basis. Those which could not justify their existence by . returns in dollars and cents soon felt the weight of the ax. He planted and replanted assiduously. It is said that when he died he owned 350,000 peach trees in Georgia alone besides other orchards in Delaware New Jersey and Connecticut, all of se lected strains. The ltf of the most famous peach- grower in the world illustrates the un selfishness that is often begotten by tug enterprise. He never bad any fear of "rivals" in the peachgrowing business, ana with him there were no trade secrets. Whenever he learned anything to the advantage of potnolo gists he gave it to the world. He was for years a lecturer on horticulture an agricultural editor and a writer. He encouraged other growers to higher endeavors, by precept and ex ample. He sought no monopoly of a market, and no exceptional benefit from his superior knowledge. And results show that his broad policy not only carried the reward of inward satisfaction, but that it paid in a finan cial way. He began as a farmhand at $14 a month, and he died rich. Mean while, it is probable that he did as much to advance the science of fruit growing as any other one man in the land. THE THREE BATTLES OF YPRES. Three years have passed since the German drive for Calais was stopped by a thin line of British, French and Belgian troops in the first battle of Ypres. In that battle a wall of i iloniitable men, mainly British, with miserably scanty artillery and ammu nition, held the line for twenty-three days from October 20 to November 11, 1914, against five times their number of Germans, abundantly equipped with every engine of war. Sixty per cent of the British were killed, wounded or Raptured, but they held the line, though compelled to give ground until the Germans poured a constant tor rent of shell upon them from every commanding height. Again for twenty-two days from April 22 to May 13, 1915, the French colonials, Canadians and British, stood against the first gas attack and the terrific onslaught which followed. The French blacks fled in panic before the gas. the Canadians swung their ex posed left Rank around to form a half circle and held on, and British and Belgians hurried up to stop the gaps. The line was restored, but was com pelled to give ground northeast of Ypres. In that battle the famous Princess Pat's regiment of Canadians was almost exterminated, but per formed feats which made its fame immortal. The full significance of the battle which is now being fought in the same bloody corner of Flanders does not lie in the fact that all, and more than all, the ground which was yielded by the British in the first two battles has been regained. It lies in the fact that the superiority in numbers and mate rial has passed from the Germans to the British, and that the Britons are inflicting the same agonies on their foes which they suffered three years ago. The men who are now winning victory are not the same as those who refused to accept defeat nearly all of those are dead, crippled or captive, martyrs to the cause of liberty but they are of the same breed and quality. There is further significance in the fact that the British have attained in three years the superiority in mili tary skill, morale and material of war over the Germans, who had taken forty years prior to 1914 'to attain, a temporary superiority in all except morale and who were balked by that thing of the spirit. These outstanding facts of the third battle of Ypres prove that democracy can become terribly efficient In war, when driven to it, though democracy instinctively abhors war. As with the British, so is it with the unconquerable French and with the resistless Ital ians. So shall it prove also with the Americans. Ypres is an earnest of the stern determination of these free na tions to wipe out autocracy, which they now recognize as the breeder of wars, and that they will not draw back until the terrible duty is done. QUITE PROPER. The regents of the University of Oregon could have properly done nothing but accept the resignation of Mr. Eaton as a member of the faculty. Mr. Eaton's usefulness to that institu tion was destroyed by his participa tion in the meeting of the disloyal People's Council for Democracy and Terms of Peace. A state educational Institution must not be permanently weakened by the indiscretion of one of its instructors. Mr. Eaton knew that the motives and intentions of the People's Council for Democracy were not in accord with the public's conception of true patriotism. He knew it before the meeting was held, for he made a spe cific reservation as to his own loyalty before he consented to attend. After embarking with the other delegates he must have had the fact empha sized by the manner in which the con ference was shuttled from place to place in its attempts to find a meet ing place. He knew it afterwards, if it be true, as he says, that he gave the Government information as to the conference's proceedings. Still, we shall not quarrel with the resolution adopted by the regents dis claiming intent to impugn the loyalty of Mr. Eaton. Let it be admitted that he was only indiscreet. But any per son who thinks that a private expres sion of contrary opinion or a mental reservation of patriotism permits him to participate in a disloyal council with clean hands, has not the mental caliber to hold a chair in a state uni versity. It may be hoped that the action of the regents will mitigate the mistake of rthe forty-three members of the faculty who signed a petition for Mr. Eaton's retention. As between the unmistakable interests of the institu tion and professorial fraternalism there should have been no choice. Had the petition had its intended in fluence it could only have invited a recurrence of those attacks upon the university which have hindered its growth and which its friends hope have been ended. FARMERS' DUTY AND OPPORTUNITY. Several farming districts in Oregon have responded nobly to the call for subscriptions to the second liberty loan, but many seem scarcely to have heard the call. There was good rea son why the farmers were not ex pected to participate largely in the first liberty loan, for the crops were not then made, it had been all outgo with the farmer, the price which he was to receive was Still in doubt, and that price could not be received until after harvest. Secretary McAdoo rec ognized this fact, for he expressly re quested that the farmer should not be solicited to subscribe to the first loan. All of these reasons for not calling upon the larmer have now disap peared. The crops are safe and nearly all are harvested. As to everything except wheat, they are banner crops. The farmers are guaranteed a profit by the Government, and it is a very handsome profit. A high authority in Kansas estimates that the man who receives $2 a bushel for wheat on the farm will make a profit of $1.21 a bushel. Prices of other crops are in proportion: so also with livestock. The farmer alone is favored in this manner, and he alone is free to with hold his products from the market. All persons who handle his products are limited to a modest profit and are subject to severe penalties for hoard ing. The war revenue law has left the farmer's war profits practically tax-free, while the excess profits of munition manufacturers are taxed 45 to 60 per cent and individual incomes are also heavily taxed. Aside from the motive of patriotism there are three sound reasons why farmers should buy liberty bonds. First, the food control law favors them especially, and the Government has been the means of giving them big profits. Second, if they do not lend a large share of their profits to the Govern ment, the money is liable to be taken in the form of taxes. The Governmen has got to have the money, and if it cannot get it in one way, it will take - i , . nl i ;. forget any class which jails to do its. part for the liberty loan, and the farmers would not relish a tax of 2 5 or 30 cents a bushel on their grain. Third, liberty bonds are a good in vestment, the best in the world. The present opportunity to invest surplus funds in a security which pays 4 per cent interest, which will never decline in value but is sure to rise, will not continue for ever. Money should be "salted down' in this way now, while prices are high and profits large, to establish a fund for the less prosper ous times in the future. Liberty bonds will always sell and will always be good collateral for loans. Now is the time to "get a stake." The most successful farmers and stockmen are awake to their duty and their opportunity. Robert Stanfield has bought a second block of $25,000 in liberty bonds, saying: T feel It my duty and the duty of every farmer and stockman receiving war prices for his products, to invest in this second loan. Many farmers in Eastern and .Cen tral Oregon have acted on that con viction. It should prompt liberal sub scriptions by farmers of every section of Oregon. WOMEN IN BUSINESS. Certain employers seem to be unduly alarmed over the imaginary ineffi ciency of women who are being called upon to take the places of men in business. Complaints have been made that new employes of the gentler sex have failed to measure up to their responsibilities, that they do not ap preciate the value of time, that they resent criticism and absent themselves from work on slight pretexts. This will be new to those who have had wide experience in employing women, but it is a misapprehension not hard to explain. Women have won their place in in dustry by degrees. Aside from domes tic service, only seven industries were open to them in the United States in 1835, while the census of 1900 showed that they were engaged in 303 differ ent kinds of employment. It is plain : that those who, In those sixty-five years, succeeded in overcoming inertia and prejudice and in establishing their right to economic independence, were, upon the whole, the exceptional ones. There was necessarily a process of selection. Not all "made good," and those who did not do so were elimi nated by the operation of natural laws. The present unusual industrial situ ation has resulted in adding a large army of women to the ranks of work ers. A good many of them have en tered the field rather tentatively, as an experiment or adventure, in which motives of patriotism and necessity are somewhat mixed. It is probably true that a certain proportion of them find themselves out of harmony with their new employment and that others are not suited for the work they have undertaken. But long before another sixty-five years have passed, and the usual and orderly process of selection and training and readjustment has been followed, it is safe to say that complaints will have ceased. The trouble is that these employers have expected a miracle, and the age of miracles has passed. Experience does not justify the belief that women as a whole will not measure up to the required standard. In the future, as they have done in the past- GERMANY IS WAICHIXC. After more than three years of war the German people have oversub scribed their seventh war loan. The amount for which their government called was $3,000,000,000 the same as the minimum amount asked for as the second liberty loan of the United States and this sum has been ex ceeded by 1107,500,000, not including subscriptions from the front. This loan brings "the total which Germany has borrowed to nearly $16, ouu.ouo.uuo. or one-nrth of her na tional wealth. If the United States had borrowed the same proportion its war loans would have reached a total of $48,000,000,000. If we should raise the maximum sum set for the second liberty loan five billions the total would be only seven billions, or a little more than one-seventh as much in proportion as Germany has raised. Germany has done this with her foreign commerce dead, her industries dying, her people steadily growing weaker through living on half rations. Notwithstanding all peace maneuvers, domestic agitation for peace, mutinies in the navy and defeats on the west ern front, there Is no faltering on the part of the German people as a whole. They still back their government with their money. While subscriptions to the second liberty loan lag, we should watch Germany; there is no lagging there. Germany is watching us. If the loan falls short of the minimum of three billions, or barely exceeds that sum, it will be notice to Germany that America's heart is not in the war; that for lack of money we shall not be able to send to France that great Army which she fears. If the total should fall short of the maximum of five billions, it will be notice to Ger many that we are not disposed to put forth our full strength, as every other warring nation is doing. Failure to raise the maximum sum would be equivalent to an American reverse in battle. Failure to raise the minimum of three billions would be equivalent to an American disaster. It would be a German victory which would bring joy to the heart of the cruel Kaiser. The liberty loan must not fall. It should not stop at three billions. It should go on to five billions, even if an extension of the time for receiving subscriptions be necessary. The Amer ican people should arrange their af fairs so that they can promptly raise each successive loan for which the Government calls. We have provided the men, but money is as essential as men. Not to provide the money Is desertion of our men. Those who eagrerly catch at every plea for peace which emanates from Berlin and who constantly call for a definition of our war aims, would do well to keep in mind these words of General Smuts, the great Boer leader, uttered in an interview with the Paris Journal: But before thinking- of peace we must be certain or having finished with military imperialism. Before accepting: any peace, those who are charged with the destinies of the nations should give serious consid eration to the terms, for on the pact that we sign will depend for fenerations the peace and future of the whole world. The stake is the greatest that the human race has ever played for; patience and confidence are uil that we now need In order to be certain of winning it. We are fighting: to destroy an insti tution, the continued existence of which would render permanent peace impossible. That is our war aim, stated in a sentence. A Gaston milk hauler dropped into Forest Grove the other day and sub- , r - . , . scribed for a $500 bond and paid $1.50 on subscription to the local paper. Both were great deeds. Horse .radish root sells for4 15 cents a pound in the local market, and it is not considered unscrupulous to grate a little turnip with it for immediate family use. The man who yrould respond to the call to conserve sugar can show his patriotism in the restaurant, wheie nobody is watching, more than in his home. In these days of a mile a minute in a car,, do not overlook that 'a game little mare made a mile in two min utes flat at Atlanta. The little fellows whose big brothers, cousins and uncles are wearing the olive drab will enjoy the films at the Auditorium. Do not allow the little chap to go home from school Wednesday and dis cover his parent is not buying a lib erty bond. It is well that motorcycles are to replace the autos in the police service. Officers riding In cars have a luxuri ous look. Some morning the sun may rise in the west. That will be the day when this country does not respond to a loan call. Freely speaking, the judgment of the regents in the Eaton case was: "Don't hurry, but here's your hat!" Berlin must have a lot of "sporty kids," since the government prohibits tobacco to all under IS; Too many people should not be per mitted to ride in a parade arranged for pedestrians. The "bad" soldier was that way before he got into uniform. How to Keep Well. By Dr. W. A. E.au. Question pertinent tfj bytiena. sanitation and prevention of disease. If matters of general Interest, will bo answered in this column. Where spaeo will not permit or tne subject Is not suitable, letters win bs per sonally answered, subject to proper limita tions and where stamped addressed envelops Is Inclosed. Dr. Evans will not maks diag nosis or prescribe for Individual diseases. Re quests for such services cannot be answered. (Copyright. 1810. by Dr. V.'. A. E.ans. Published by arrangement with the Chicago Tribune. ) MEASLES IX XFIE ARMY. Colonel Mtinion, author of one of the best textbooks on military hygiene and one of the most capable sanitarians in the United States Army, conducted an investigation ot measles in the Army along the Mexican border in 1916. As the result of his studies he comes to the following conclusions: He believes not only that measles epidemics are preventable, but that hereafter they should be prevented. He believes that measles epidemics c.an be quite as well controlled in recruit de pots and barracks as In the field, pro vided that suitable ventilation and oth er facilities are provided. He says that an epidemic of measles hereafter is a reproach to the commander or medical officer concerned, a reflection on their efficiency and a cause for official In vestigation and discipline. Our greatest Interest Is In the bear ing this investigation has on measles epidemics In civil life. With a strong health department and an intelligent, willing co-operation by the people a civil community following the rules laid down as adapted to civil life could escape the ravages of epidemic measles. But we are also very much Interested in measles in military camps. Many of the military camps had epidemics of measles last Winter and Spring. One establishment had several hundred cases at one time. Some of these epl demies ran until hot weather. Note what this eminent military authority has to say "a reproach on the com mander and medical officer, a reflec tion on their efficiency, and a cause for official Investigation and discipline.' These are strong words, but they are not merely words. One commander at San Antonio was tried for what? Having an epidemic of measles. A second was severely rep rimanded for the same sin. They es caped, not because they were innocent. but because they were nice, easy-going, pleasant gentlemen, but wholly Igno rant of their duties, with no proper knowledge of hygiene and sanitation and without- organizing ability. The medical officers of these com mands were also excused for their de linquencies because they were new to their duties, untrained as sanitarians and, being nice, easy-jroing gentlemen, did not raise a row when their orders were not carried out and their advice was not taken. It was a little early in the game to court-martial for not controlling meas les. Now that the warning has been issued, let other commanders and med ical officers watch put. The best Information available is that 15 per cent of adults in the cities have not had measles. Since the per centage Is higher in troops from the country, let us say that 30 per cent of the troops from city and country cant" have measles because they have not already had it or becrause they have again become susceptible. Measles is so contagious that, though only a third of the troops can have it, it is one of the great scourges of ar mies. It has always been so. Ask any veteran of 1861. The people should remember these opinions of one of the leading sanitary authorities. They have a right to de mand that the troops be not subjected to epidemic measles. If this disease spreads in any camp the people have the right to complain, i The President, the Secretary of War commanding general and the surgeon-general have the right to object if epidemic measles disables the Army. Heart Piieaiie Symptom. Miss J. M. writes: "Kindly inform me what it is that causes swelling under the eyes, which often amounts to dis figurement and lasts often a good part of the day. This swelling generally ap pears after a night's sleep. My ankles also swell badly. "Is there any cure for asthma of less than a year's duration? Is it dan gerous or a bad-symptom for all parts of your body to go to sleep at different times? "As a general thing I seem otherwise to be in a remarkably healthy condi tion. I am much overweight, but have nearly always been so. I have not had the swelling in my face to speak of for four or five years until now. At that time I was examined rather thor oughly, but was found all right. I am a little over 30." REPLY. All of your symptoms point to some dis ease with your heart or kidneys or both. Swelling under the eyes, swelling of the ankles, asthma, numbness, combined make good basis for a diagnosis of heart dis ease or Bright a. Physical examinations and urine tests will show which is your trouble. Xen rant he nla and the Army. B. M. writes: "Will you please ad vise me the attitude of military exam- ners as to neurasthenia? The case in question is one of seven years' stand ing, causing change of occupation and resulting in comfort only after years of mental study and training combined with absolute rest from physical exer tion. The person is 25 years old." REPLY. I am sure neurasthenia is not regarded as a cause for exemption by the examining surgeons of the exemption boards. Jf you are accepted and get busy at camp you will be cured of any ordinary neurasthenia. Should it develop that you have some con dition more serious than a simple neur asthenia, you would fjpme under the oneer vatlon of special boarU of nerve specialists. for which arrangements have already been made by General Gorga. 31 ay Pass Army Test. J. A. writes: "I am 23 years old, five feet, nine inches tall and weigh 135 pounds. I have flat feet, a pigeon breast and also have four badly de cayed jawteeth, one on each side, both upper and lower. Do you think I would be accepted in the Army?" REPLY. Your proper weight is 148 pounds, but you are not enough under weight to cause your rejection. Flat foot of itself is not a cause of rejection. Flat foot, accompanied by weak foot, outward turning, or pain and fatigue will cause rejection. Whether pigeon breast will cause rejection will depend upon the che.'t measurements and expansion. Four badly decayed teeth will not cause re jection if the other teeth are right. FACTS AND DOCUMENTS IN Committee en Public Informattom Take FraMlaslsm mm Text for Mass The indictment of the German gov-1 ernment which was made by President 1 Wilson in his Flag day speech Is proved by an overwhelming mass of evidence by the Administration in the latest publication by the committee on public information. This is a pamphlet en titled "The Presiaent's Flag Day Ad dress, With Evidence of Germany's Plana." Each count in the indictment supported by a footnote citing the facts supporting it. and the facts are massed in such formidable shape as to prove the crimes and evil designs of .Germany to any open mind. It is a crushing answer to those who say that tne l nitea states is Wight. ng merely for the right to travel on munition ships. In support of the President's state ment that the "military masters" of Germany employed spies and conspira tors to corrupt the opinion of our people," to "spread sedition amounts t us and "to draw our own citizens from their allegiance" and that some of these agents were men connected with the German Embassy, the pamphlet days: As for espionage. Konln. the head of the Hamburg-AraerR-an secret service, who was active in passport frauds, who Induced Oustave Stahl to perjure himself and de clare the Lusitanla armed, and who plotted the destruction of the Wei land Cantil, in his work as a spy passed under 13 aliases In this country and Canada. As for the corruption of public opinion, it has pro- ceeded both openly and under cover. Lr. i Uernburg was the of liclal missionary, and I he and others went up and down the land. Newcpapers have been started with German money and others have received secret sub sidies from the German government. A check for $50O0 was discovered which Count von Bernstorff had sent to Marcus Braun. editor of Fair Play. And a letter was dis covered which George Sylvester Viereek. ed itor of the Fatherland, had sent to Privy Councilor Albert, the German agent, arrang ing for a monthly subsidy of $1750, to be delivered to him through the hands of in termediaries women whose names he ab breviates "to prevent any possible inquiry." There is a record of $;i(H0 paid through the German Embassy to f inane, the lec ture tour of Mies Kay Beverldge, an Amer ican artist, who waa further to be supplied with German war pictures. Efforts wore made by German sympathizers to get con trol of one at least of the great New York dailies, and about half a duxen weeklies have been devoted to German propaganda and little else. Most important of all, in a telegram dated January 101 T. hut just made public by the Secretary of State, von Bernstorff asked his government for authority to expend $."0,u0o "in order, as on former occasions, to influence Congress through the organization you know of." As for conspiracy in our midst. It has taken various forms under the fostering and munificent hand of Captains Boy-Ed, von Papcn, von Rintelen, Ta use her and von Igel, all directly connected with the German government. There is now In the posses sion of the united States Government a check made out to Konlg and signed by von Papon, Identified by number in a secret report of the German bureau of investiga tion as being used to procure $150 for the payment of a bomb maker, who was to plant explosives disguised as coal in the bunkers of the merchant vessels clearing from the port of New York. Tauscher, agent for Krupps. furnished supplies and equipment: Boy-Ed, Dr. Buenz. the German ex-Miiister to Mexico, the German Con sulate at San Francisco, and off icialu of the H am burg-American and North German l.loyd Steamship lints evaded customs regu lations and coaled - and victualed German raiders at sea; von Papen and von IkoI supervised the making of incendiary bombs on the Frledrich der Grosse. then In New York harbor, and stowed them away on outgoing ships; von Rintelen financed La bor's National Poace Council, which tried to corrupt legislators and labor leadera. Through John Devoy, an old anti-British agitator In New York City, relations wore maintained with the Irish revolutionaries and money paid to Sir Roger Casement, since executed in London for treason. This is shown by certain of the von Igel papers. In others there is the Implication that the German diplomatists in America were in volved In the Separatist movement In the Province of Quebec. The German agents spent $000,000 on Huerta'o abortive at tempt in this country to start a revolu tion in Moxlco (1015). For the whole jnib-jot-t see files of New York World and Now York Times indext under "German and Ausiro-Hungarlan conspirators," "German Plots," etc.. for 1014-1017,' and Congres sional Record, April 5. 1017, pp. 102, 103. The President sald: "They sought by violence to destroy our industries and arrest our commerce. Thi is proved by the following summary of the facts: They have sought to destroy our Indus tries by bringing about strikes and induc ing men to quit work. Labor's National Peace Council attempted to bring about a strike among liJ.noo longshoremen tGom pers statement. New York Times, Septem ber 14. lDlft). and that was not the only attempt. Ambassador Dumb a. and Consul Genoral von Nuber ran advertisements in various papers calling upon all loyal Aus trians to quit work in munitions factories. German official documents, seized in Cap tain von Igel s office, present a an argu ment against Austro-Hungary's cutting off the subsidy to a pretended employment bu reau, which was in reality a branch of the German secret service, that tht "Llebau bureau" had been highly successful In fo menting strikes and disturbances at muni tion factories. cf. letter of March 24. 301ft. to Ambassador von Bernstorff. ) Dumbai letter, reporting his plann to bring- about disturbances in the Bethlehem Steel works, was seized by the British among the be longings of Mr. Archibald, an American correspondent, and Dumba's recall was thereupon demanded by our Department of State. The Germans have sought to arrest our commerce, not by submarine alone, but by blowing up ships in harbor and at sea. They have put bombs in coal bunkers and tied them to rudder posts. Models of Rob ert Fay's contrivances for this latter pur pose were exhibited at his trial, and he spared passenger ships only because twin screws baffled him. By Fay's own confes sion and thnt of his partner, the money for this combination of treachery and mur der came from the German secret police. For Von Papen and Von Igel's bomb mak ing on the Frledrich der Grosse see above.) The extraordinary number of explosions In munition factories so for exceeds the nor mal number, even in this dangerous indus try, as to justify suspicion and investiga tion. The President's statement that "they tried to incite Mexico to take up arms against us and to draw Japan into i hostile alliance with her" is an evi dent reference to the ZImmermann note, of which it is aid: Mexico was to have Texas, Kexr Mexico and Arizona. It was written January 19, on the eve of the Germans unlimited sub marine warfare, and while we were at peace with Germany. The Minister was to act as soon as it was "certain that there will be an outbreak of war with the United States." With reference to the President's statement that "they impudently denied us the use of the high seas and re peatedly executed their tnreat mat they would send to their death any of our people who ventured to approach the coasts of Europe, me pampniei says: Possibly the most glaring Instance of German official effrontery was the permis sion to regular American passenger steamers to continue thoir sailings undisturbed after February 1, 1017, If Th conditions laid down in the Ger man note are then cited. They were that the only port of destination should be Falmouth, to ano irom wnicn a cer tain course via the Scilly Islands should be taken; that American vessels should be identified by being painted in a cer tain freak manner, highly suggestive of convicts stripes; that only one steamer a week should sail In each di rection, arriving on Sunday and de parting on Wednesday, and that the United States Government should guar antee that no contraband would be carried, according to the German defi nition. Quoting the President's statement that "many of our own people were corrupted," the pamphlet says: Among these were David Lamar and Henry Martin, who. In the pay of Captain von Rintelen, organized and managed La bor's National Poaoe Council, which sought to bring about strikes, an embargo on mu nitions and a boycott of banks which sub scribed to the Anglo-French loan. A cheok for $-",000 to J. F. J. Archibald for "propa ganda work" and a receipt from K'lwin Kmerson. the war correspondent, for $inoo "traveling expenses" were among the doc uments found In Von Igels possession. Many CASE GAINST GERMANY Prfniut- Wllaoa'a Indictment of of luimpr.tchsble .Evidence persons In places of influence and authority were approached. Others likewise bearing English names have been persuaded to take leading places in similar organizations which concealed, their origin and real purpose. The Ameri can Embargo Comerence arose out of tha ashes of Labor's Peace Council, and Its president was American, though the fund wero not. .Still others tampered with wert journalists who lent themselves to the Ger man propaganda and who went so far as to serve as couriers between t he Teutonic embassies and Vienna and Berlin. The Pre-sident said: "The German people did not originate or desire this hideous war or wish that we should be drawn into It." On this point the pam phlet says: The German people had no chance to Intiuence the policy of the Berlin govern ment during the critical days when that government, sanctioning the purpose of Austria to have her will of Serbia, made European war inevitable. They had not even the chance to express opinion or to learn at the time what the government was doing. Germany was declared "in danger of war t Kriegsvfahrzustand) at noon. July SI. a step almoot, if not alto gether, equivalent to mobilization. The country was "in danger of war." but a war made by Its own militaristic rulers, and not. as they pretended, by Russia, It is shown by the day and hour of each event and dispatch leading up to the declaration of war on Russia that the Kriegsgefahrzustand was declared before Kussia mobilized and that "the claim made afterwarde by the German government that the Xriegsgefahrxus tand was in reply to the Russian mobili zation is disproved by their own White Book." The statement continues: At 5 P. M.. August 1, the German army was formally mobilized, although there la much evidence that it had been mobilized for days, and at 7 P. M. war was declared against Russia. On August 4 the Reichstag, the representative body of the German na tion, met, and for the first time learned officially what had been done. Between July fo and August 4 the German gov ernment and put itself in the posture ot war against Russia, France, Great Britain and Belgium, and had violated Luxemburg, and yet had asked uo advice or consent of the German people. That is why it la proper to say that the German people did not begin the war, or the mass of people originate It. Perhaps the most conclusive proof of this lies in the efforts made by the government to convince the people (hat the war was strictly a defensive one. "En vious people every where are compelling ua to our jut defense," said the Kaiser on July 31 ; and again : "The sword is being forced into our hand." By such speeches and by the circulation of a report since acknowledged by high German officials to be false) that France had already attacked Germany, the German people were arousod. Even the invasion of Belgium was repre sented to be a defensive measure, and it waa declared by the Chancellor In the Reichstag and by everybody ele in author ity to have been due to certain knowledge that France herself was about to Invade Belgium. Lieutenant-General Freytag-Lor-Inghoven, chief of the supplementary staff. has recently mane It clear that this waa not true. He admits that the Initial suc cess of the German arms was largely ow ing to the French expecting the German advance elsewhere. (New York Times, Au gust l. iai7. The President said of the German people: "They are themselves in the grip of the same sinister power that has now at last etretched its ugly tal ons out and drawn blood from us.M In proof of this It is said: The present German empire and its con stitution was formed not by the people, hut by the lis kings and prince of Germany, headed by the King of Prussia. Bismarck wrote the const! tut ion and regarded it as adopted when the German princes and kings approved it. It was never submitted to a vote of the people. It is clear at once how perfect this constitution is. It Is perfect from the standpoint of kings and princes, especially of the Kaiser, who. as King of Prussia, controls two-thirds of the people and two-thirds of the land of Germany. The Reichstag was brought into ex istence because "Bismarck did not choose to leave the people out entire ly" and is elected by manhood suf frage, but the districts have been un changed since 1871. so that the large cities which have grown up are "but partially represented, and the German government dares not change them, be cause it would mean an increased vote for the laboring classes nnd the So cialist party." But the Iteichstag Is "merely a debating club" and is "not a, real factor in the German government." The statement follows: The real power in the German Parliament lies with the Bundesrat. a body of til mem bers, which meets I n secre t. 1 1 is com posod of diplomats appointed by the kings and prlncos of Germany, Prussia having the largest number. Those Ambassadors vote at the diroctlon of their sovereigns, and as the Kins; of Prussia is the most powerful and appoints the Chancellor, who presides over the Bundesrat, he has enough votes to veto any measure. The Bundesrat Is not only safe from democracy, but It is the body through which the Emperor, as King of Prussia, can really control Germany. Here are originated almost all bills, and all legis lation must be approved by the Bundesrat: this means, in other words, by Prussia and its King, the present Emperor William II. It is thus that Germany has been Prussian ized In its government and filled with the political ambitions and military Ideals of a state whose best models of a ruler are still, in the twentieth century, Frederick the Great and his brutal father. It Is the Emperor who declares war and makes peace, nominally with the approval of the Bundesrat. Even this body Is not consulted if the war is defensive. Whether a war in defensive or offensive is a matter for William II to determine, and he so deter mined when he declared the present war and only officially informed the Bundesrat of the fact three days later. It is this government, comprised of a group of kings and princes, led by the King of Prussia, that the pro-Germans praise as the most demo cratic in the world. What they mean is that for the sake of keeping the people quiet and submissive to their military alms the autoc racy grants them old-age pensions and clean streets, and in return expect them to send their sons to any war and to commit any act for the sake of a state where Irresponsi ble medieval-minded sovereigns still believe in this twentieth century that they rule by divine jrrace and are accountable only to God. But the god that they have in mind Is a war god whom they have created in their own image. The autocracy derives much of its power from the government of Pruseia, most powerful of the states, where. In voting, "four per cent of the wealthy people count for as much as 82 per cent of the laboring and poor class" and where the people must vote "by word of mouth in the presence of Iheir em ployer or land-owner." "The militaristic group which started the war without consulting the peo ple's representatives' is declared to "have been equally contemptuous of public opinion in conducting it." There have been sweeping changes in the British and French governments, but in Germany, when popular discontent led to the fall of Bethmann-Holl weg, the first secret conferences concerning his successor were evidently with the army Generals and then with the Crown Council, at which the Crown Prince was present." How little the new Chancellor, Michaelis, was the choice of the people was shown by his epeench on taking office. Saying that it was desirable to call to leading ex ecutive positions "men, who, in addi tion to their conciliatory character, possess the confidence of the great parties in the popular representative body," he said: All this is, of course, possible only on the assumption that the other side recognizes that the constitutional right of the imperial administration to conduct our policy must not be narrowed. I am not willing to per mit the conduct of affairs to be taken from my hands. Another installment will be printed in The Oregonian in the near future. Both Liable tor Family Necessities. PORTLAND, OcL 20. (To the Edi tor.) Under the laws of Oregon, can a woman who as a wife retains ex clusive control of her own property compel her husband to pay her debts? RIP VAN WINKLE. For family necessities incurred by either spouse, the husband and the wife are liable.