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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 17, 1916)
10 TIIE MORNING OREGONIAN, THURSDAY, AUGUST 17, 191G. THOUSANDS HEAR M HUGHES TALK Presidential Nominee Makes Great Impression by Ice Palace Speech. VITAL ISSUES PORTRAYED Stirring Speech . to Thousands Of l'ortland Admirers Meets With IH-ufcning Applause Women Come In Cor Praise. , l r-ontlnued From First. Page.) lng to safeguard. American industry and the American wage scale, that we shall have protection which shall enable American enterprise to prosper in the absence of a European war." He attributed to the Vreeland cur rency act enacted by a Republican Congress and signed by a Republican President the credit for tiding the financial affairs of the country through the depressing period that fol lowed the outbreak of the European war. The Federal reserve act, he said, did not go into effect until later, and when it did one of its provisions continued in effect, the provisions of this very Vreeland act. Mr. Hughes was In fine fettle. His voice apparently has recovered from the hoarseness that is reported to have afflicted it a week ago. Attacks Made In Good Spirit. He was in good humor, too, and In sisted that his unpleasant references to the Democratic party were made in the utmost good cheer. "We are all citizens of a common country," he added, "and. are trying to fight out our differences in a way that will be to the best interests of the country." . . The audience was a sympathetic one and frequently Interrupted his speech with cheers, laughter or vigorous clap ping of hands. While the audience inside the audito rium was one of the greatest that the candidate has addressed since opening liis campaign, he could have spoken to nearly half again as many had the capacity of the building permitted. Mexican Situation Reviewed. Mr. Hughes spoke with vigor of the Mexican situation. "We have created difficulties that we have got to get over," he said. "We have got to make friends of Mexico, secure their respect. They must believe In us, believe that we know what our rights are. - "We must return to the point where we sttod and have it understood that American life and the rights of Ameri can citizens in accordance with inter national law and treaty obligations are going to be maintained." "My friends, the greatest mistake this country can make," he said, speaking of the preparedness issue, "is- to sup pose that weakness and lack of firm ness are assurers of peace. That Is the highway to serious trouble and we must not tread in it any longer." Overflow Crowd Addressed. Another crowd, estimated at from S000 to 5000 persons, unable to gain entrance, listened to a brief ten-minute speech before Mr. Hughes entered the main hall. He covered, in those few words some of the principal issues of the campaign with particular reference to the tariff and "efficient Americanism." Crowd Gatben at 5:30 O'clock. People began to crowd the doors of the big building as early as 6:30 o'clock. When the doors were opened at 6 o'clock more than 1000 persons were ready to enter. They rushed in good naturedly and took the best seats in front. From that time on a continuous stream of humanity poured through the doors. Ry 7:30 every seat was filled. Then the police began cautiously to admit a few to the , little available standing room. x. Hundreds of others approached the entrances only to be turned back. But the people refused to leave. They formed a solid block of humanity near the main entrance, through which they knew Mr. Hughes must pass. They were patient. They called Jokingly to the favored few members of the Hughes committee, newspaper men. and other who were admitted by the Bentinels at the door. Then a messenger made them happy by announcing that Mr. Hughes would speak to them before he addressed the main meeting. Mighty Cheer Goes Up. Governor Hughes' arrival before the crowd outside was communicated to the crowd inside by the mighty cheer that went up. The people inside waited patiently. McElroy's band entertained them with music. As the candidate, escorted by the white-uniformed members of the Multorpor Club, entered the building through a side door, the band played "The Star-Spangled Banner" and the whole audience arose and cheered. Some waved flags. Others saluted with their handkerchiefs. Cheers Last Long, The cheering persisted long after the candidate had taken his place on the platform. It arose again when he took his place at the side of Mrs. Hughes. Mr. and Mrs. Hughes remained stand Ing so long as the tumult continued From out in front a flashlight ex ploded and that started it again. Prophecy Cue to Demonstration. Finally Charles L. McNary, Republl can state chairman, raised both hi hands and motioned for silence. He complimented the people for their en thusiasm and aroused new cheers by referring to Mr. Hughes as the next President of the United State. Mr. McNary introduced - Governor Withycorabe, who said that the Re publican convention at Chicago had nominated "the greatest living Amerl can, whose problems that will face him when he enters the Presidential office will he as great as those that confronted Lincoln. His. introduction of Mr. Hughes inspired a new ova tion. Governor Witbycombe said: ; 'The people of .Oregon rejoice to iilit that li e have within, -our borders one of America's greatest statesmen and most distinguished citizens. ' "This Nation is in need of a leader, a statesman, a Lincoln, and we believe that the National Republican Conven tion at Chicago selected America's greatest leader as the standard bearer of the party. Therefore, It is indeed a great honor and high privilege to pre sent to you the Hon. Charles Evans Hughes." Governor Hughes, attired In a black business suit and wearing the Plca dilly collar and black four-in-hand tie that have characterized him in this campaign, stepped briskly to the front of the platform. With upraised arm he admonished the people to attention. He turned and addressed the members of the Hughes campaign committee, comprising Re publican and Progressive leaders, the county chairmen and the Republican state committeemen who sat with him on the platform. All Able to Hear. He cast his eyes then toward the section inimedlately In front of him that had been reserved for the Grand Army veterans, and nodded smilingly in their direction. His voice penetrated to the farther most parts of the great building, which is more than 360 feet long. People 'on the extreme rear seats could hear quite -distinctly. By the time he started to speak the crowd outside had dispersed and the confusion attending their presence there had died down. He won the instant sympathy of his hearers by paying a complimentary tribute to the hospitality of Portland and to. the wonders of the Columbia River Highway that he had visited in the afternoon. Speech Is Here In FnlL Mr. Hughes spoke as follows: Fellow citizens, vou make me feel like an adopted son of Oregon (ap plause), it Is impossible for me ade quately to express my appreciation of this generous welcome that you ac cord. From the moment of my arrival in Portland this morning. I have had a ucceesion of pleasure. It has been a privilege to me personally to see so many of the people of Portland. Then this afternoon, I had the opportunity of riding over that unsurpassed high way which is the greatest credit to this community (applause). I know of nothing that surpasses It In this country or abroad, and I desire here to express profound appreciation of the public spirit of this community which developed a public undertaking of that fine quality. Unified Party Pleases.-. I rejoice to come here as a repre sentative of the reunited Republican party. (Applause.) It is a party re united because the great alms we have in view are so lofty that they transcend all possibilities of a differ ence. We have a conception of para mount National needs. We are here as an historic party once more restored to efficiency, to be an instrument of National service, and I am glad to be the spokesman of the party, not only reunited but reconsecrated to its ideals and traditions. We have occasion at this time to think of the imperative demands of a new period in the world's history. This 20th century is not to be like the centuries that have passed. Europe is finding Itself. Europe is finding itself in the midst of an awful conflict. America must find itself if it shall permanently prosper and vindicate free Institutions when it faces in commer cial rivalry a new Europe. You must not suppose we are to have an easy time in this country after the European war ends. We are to have one of the most difficult pe riods in our history, because of the severity of the competition which we ere then sure to meet. - But, before I spea.k of that, I want to speak of some of the fundamental concerns which should engage our attention. We came into this hall tonight to the air of our National athem. We never hear it, but we are inspired with patriotism. Do ycu reflect what that flag means? It does not mean mere wealth of re sources. It does not mean merely an admirable constitution system; It means iunuamental and human brother- nooa organized tor t!ie purpose or oetiering numan life. If we are to conserve our prosperity and assure our future we must take ac count of the fundamental necessities of our progress. There are some who think of America divided into classes. Common Justice. Held Essential. There are some who think of America as a place of agitation of conflict be tween classes..' Of course, there will always be contests and there will al ways be differences of opinion; but ii x thought that America meant s war of classes and a clash of interests, I should despair of the future of Amer ica. We have here no concern of labor as distinguished from the concerns of capital; we have no concern of capital as distinguished from the concerns of labor. We have a great co-operative enterprise; and if we are to succeed we must recognize not simply for the pur pose or economic efficiency, but with deference to the Ideals of brotherhood. that we are fellow workingmen, and insist upon common Justice to all con cerned. (Applause.) We must get over the idea that it Is Impossible to adjust matters that con cern real grievances. Any real griev ance can be adjusted by a calm, patient and resolute examination of the facts, There is nothing so serious that it can not be composed if we are desirous of doing the right thing and are willing to take account of the facts as they exist. We must have in this country. If we are to succeed prosperity, protection for our women and protection for our cniidren. (Applause.) Permanent Policy Needed. We must have a long loc ahead. It is not a question of the next ten years or the next 25 years; It is a question or tne policy wmch ttiu make us and keep us a great people recording to our amDitions. we must protect the future of the race by protecting our children throughout this land from exploitation We must advance every possible means of education. We must have more vo cational training than we have hith erto had. (Applause.) We must have opportunities ror refreshmer. ' and rec reation; because America cannot sue ceed unless America Is reasonably con tented. The American workingman must feel that in prosectulng his daily worn ne is a iaitmui friend of the coun try in furnishing productive enterprise with its necessary means of produc tion, and that as a faithful friend he is treated with reasonable hours, proper sanitary conditions of work and whole some recreation, in addition to proper compensation. (Applause.) Now, a per ception of these fundamental things knits ns together. We find that in stead of being In opposing camps we come together appreciably as we per ceive the baees of our common pros perity. There has been a great ad vance in this country in the last few years; a great advance in intelligence in a perception of what goes to make up efficiency. We have less and less of the old idea of living merely for the moment of using everything up in the desire for immediate accomplishment. We have a longer look, a farther look ahead; and the longer and farther you look the more solicitious you will be for the betterment of human lives. That is what the Declaration of Inde pendence and the constitution of the United States mean. Protective Tariff Needed. I love to think of this country real izing Itself with the tremendous power of loyalty, not the same kind of loyalty i that inspire a the subjects of a. man- REPUBLICAN NOMINEE FOR PRESIDENT AS HE APPEARED RECENTLY IN THE EAST. 1 t , ' ,A - ' A ! ? - - - rrv - I: " - ' s' s " ' : V . J I I rv ' ; , r " " I -S " " L' ' - J i - ' vS 'y - !.- i I v. . 1 l i - x ,..). ! CHARLES archy. You recognize that as a fine sentiment when you see patriotism in a monarchy, but patriotism In a pop ular government ought to have a finer quality, because if patriotism not sim ply in the sense of loyalty the idea of government in itself but It is loyalty to the Idea" of our Government, a Gov ernment of which we are a part, where we are both rulers and subjects in the same persons. (Applause.) 'I like to state these fundamental propositions because it seems to me that underlying all we are -trying to do in this campaign Is the fundamental expression of Americanism, to bring us together, to make us strong, to make us efficient for the duties before us. (Applause.) But If humanity enriched. strengthened with proper standards of living. Is to achieve this goal under our popular system of government, we must have a wise governmental policy. We cannot be indifferent to our sit uation. I recur to what I said at the beginning Europe Is finding Itself and America must find itself. If America is to properly protect her enterprise and make a greater success possible in industry and In her varied activities, she must have faithfully and honestly applied the Republican doctrine of a protective tariff. (Prolonged ap plause.) Time Permits no Controversy. We have had In the past debates over that question In times when It ! was difficult to furnish any immediate and conclusive answer to the question propounded, so much was eloquently said upon the one side and eloquently said upon the other nice, but we live in a time which permits of little or no controversy with regard to that ques tion. We know, we know, we know, and our opponents are learning. (Ap plause.) They came Into power with this extraordinary declaration In their platform. It will be a monument to them as long as the party endures. This is what they said four years ago: We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic party that the Federal Government under the Con stitution has no right nor power to Im pose or collect tariff duties except for the purpose of revenue. If that had been the Constitution of the United States, what kind of a country would we have today? It Is because4 that was not the Constitution of the United States' that we have our manifold -industries and our great de velopment. It is because that is not the Constitution of the United States that we can face the economic struggle of the future with a reasonable confi dence, provided that the party Is put in power which espouses that doctrine. (Applause). They went into power with that as sertion, that extraordinary miscon struction of our great fundamental law, which is only to be ranked with other misconstructions of that law for which the same party has stood in the past. Why, if I were a member of that party and I speak with all pos sible good nature, for we are all cit izens and thrashing things out in a good-natured way if I were- a mem ber of that party and looked over the platforms of the past I should feel that I was going through a cemetery richly embellished . with mortuary monuments. (Applause.) They went into power with STRIKING EXCERPTS FROM MR. HUGHES' SPEECH. The Democrats talk of a tariff commission. What for? Do they want a tariff commission to frame a tariff for revenue only? Preparedness is insurance against trouble. It insures the reason able respect of a world that is very inquisitive into the details of our preparation. The greatest mistake this country can make is to suppose that weakness and lack of firmness are assurers of peace. I desire to see America standing great among the nations, in con scious self-respect, seeking no trouble, not aggressive or blustering, . demanding only what is just but being firm in her demands and pre pared to maintain them. We had one clear line of duty in Mexico. That duty was to protect our citizens. We will do all we can to aid Mexico in governing herself. Mean while let Mexico and every man of power down there know that we understand that American citizens are going to be protected in all events. ( . We ought not to tolerate the suggestion of scuttling the Philippines, of leaving them in the predicament which you know perfectly well without my describing it. We can, if we are wise and careful, avoid trouble. We cannot afford, . however, to invite disrespect or to permit ourselves to be insulted be cause it i3 thought we will take the insult. If you want to know what is going o happen in this country after the European war, see what happened before the war. Is there any American so feeble in memory that he does not recall what followed the enactment of the Underwood tariff law? - ' mini HUGHES. that proposition and they pro ceeded to put it Into execution. Immediately, as the 6ecretary of the Treasury himself admitted, there was great apprehension, and well there might be. and they say today so far as the temporary apprehension was con cerned, and its immediate effect upon business, by pointing to a construc tive measure of the Republican Ad ministration, the Vreeland act of May 30. 1908, by which they said they could issue emergency currency If it were needed, and the very mention of that constructive act of a Republican Ad ministration and the power it conferred was sufficient for a short time to hold things so that there would not be an immediate, overwhelming sense of dis aster. They enacted their bill. It be came a law In October, 1913. Is there any American so feeble in memory that he does not recall what resulted? -Why, the consequences of their action be came notorious. It did not require one to be a student, a critic of financial affairs or a special observer to know the hundreds of thousands of unem ployed walking the streets of our cities. They knew. Every one of them was a tariff expert. (Applause.) There were three hundred thousand unem ployed tariff experts in the city of New York alone. All through the land people were taking counsel to provide relief, relief in thWi great country for the unemployed, it was necessary be cause enterprise was languishing, new undertakings were not starting, old undertakings were contracting their output, and instead of the drive and push of American energy there was a halting and a hesitation, and when- a relatively tew people in industrial en terprises begin to halt in this country we have very bad times. We cannot afford that sort of thing. We must go ahead and have policies which will enable us to go ahead. We knew that those results wore. You cannot -put American workingmen alongside of workingmen of other countries who work at less wages and expect the American workingman to survive in his Industrial opportunities. You have got to get down to the common basis of competition. It Is perfectly Idle to suppose that you can have the Ameri can wage scale and the American standards of living and let in. goods mania on a lower wage scale and by men with a lower standard of living without feeling the difference, without impoverishing those whom it Is our duty to protect. Vreeland Act Again Saves, Then came the European war. Here again there was a serious situation created at Its very outbreak. Once more it was the Vreeland act of 1ft as not the Federal reserve act that saved the day. The Secretary of the Treasury so stated. The reserve act merely carried forward, so far as that act was concerned, the period of its duration, and the emergency currency that was needed was issued under the act of the Republican administration before the other act had its system in force. Then rame the tremendous stimulus of American trade growing out of that struggle on the other side. Our op ponents must think that we are des titute of. ordinary intelligence when they try to make an asset of the bus! ness due to the European war. When we see conditions on the other side, the reason for our sudden expansion of trade after this period of depression to which I have referred Is quite ap parent. There are millions of men literally millions of men withdrawn from their ordinary peaceful pursuits. There are millions of men withdrawn from the work of making the goods which are needed for their support and proper supply. There are millions of others behind those men working to supply them with the means of fight ing what we call the munitions of war and the releaie from productive Industry of those msny millions of course gave an opportunity to the mil lions here at work to extend their trade, and it Jumped by leaps and bounds. Hay. breadstuffs, horses, mules, sad dles, harness, aluminum, sine every thing that goes into the furnishing of the necessities of national life went abroad in far greater quantities than they had ever gone before. It is per fectly apparent why. Who was going to feed those men In the trenches? Who was going to clothe them? Who was going to make up for this drain upon the Industries of these countries? Exportatlons jumped. I noted the other day that the exportation of mules Jumped in a year 2500 per cent. Was the exportation of mules, or the In crease of ZE00 per cent, due to the Demo cratic party? (Applause and laughter.) When you find that In a year exports doubled, trebled, quadrupled, go up 100 fold, you have some reason to note the extraordinary cause. You see the extraordinary cause in this extraor dinary conflict. If vou want to know what will happen when that conflict Is over, see what happened just oeiore that conflict began. Remove the ex traordinary cause and get American Industry once more in competition. War's Effeeta Discussed. Oh, but, you say, those nations are enfeebled, they are weak. . they are rtrained t- the last degree by this struggle. Let us think of that for a moment. You may have sympathized a few yesrs ago with the peasants of Russia because of the burdens upon the Russians as a result of the Russo- Japanese war. "iou may have thought that Japan would bo burdened Dy tne burdens of that war. In Russia we find that In the 10 years succeeding that war. her wealth doubled, her sav ings bank deposits doubled, and her industries tremendously Increased. Every economic capacity she had was greatly Increased. Instead of burden. Instead of breaking down, for which you may' have looked, you found an extraordinary stimulus. It was so with France, burdened with the In demnities after the Franco-Prussian war. Read the history of the French progress In the following years. Read our own history in the north, where we had the economic development of prosperity after the Civil War. Look at the facts In Europe. What do you find? You find men better disciplined than ever before. While there are large casualties reported, the larger number Is wourded. and a small percentage of the wounded fail to recover. There Is a military wasU-ge, but there Is not such a serious economic loss as you might suppose. On the other hand. Europe In every one of these nations is bcin? drilled, is being made more capable than ever: is learning co-operation. Is Increasing capacity. My friends, look out for en ergized Europe when it turns back to the pursuits of peace. Democrats Avoid Discussion. Here again we have not got a sub ject for debate. The grcund is con ceded. We do not hear our opponents talking now about the unconFtitution ality of a protective tariff. They are afraid to discu.ss any question of that sort. I do not expect to meet the spokesman of the Democratic party In tills campaign talking about the un constitutionality of a protective tariff. (Applause.) They talk of momentous changes, ft econcmlc revolutions; they whisper the possibility of doing some thing for 'American industry. That something has not materialized to any great degree. It :s very hard for them to do it. They do not really believo It, It Is being convinced against their will; and while they are auiet. they may be of the same opinion still. (Laughter.) A little while ago they denounced tarirr commission. They were very out-rr-oken in denouncing it. Now they talk of a tariff commission. What for? Do you want a tariff commission to frame a tariff for revenue only? It dees not require a tariff commission to do that. What do yon. want It for? J? or myself I do not think that our op ponents. composing that historic party. reaiiy know what they do stand for. (Applause.) They have made ur their minas tnat it is unsafe to co alone- the old lines; but they have not made up their minds exactly as to what new iin-js to take. They want to be elected. (Laughter and applause.) Amusing Incident Cited. Now. there was an amuslnir thine- happened the other day in Congress which throws a light upon the doubt and uncertainty In which our friends of the other side are at this time en veloped in respect to this subject. A letter was written the other day less than one month ago. so I understand, to the president of the Illinois Manu facturers' Association. It is dated July 28. It was written with respect to a tariff commission. It was written by an eminent Democrat. It contained this sentence, referring to the tariff com mission: "It ought to be possible by such means to make the question of duties merely a question of progress and development; a question of adapt ing means to ends, to safeguard, facili tate and help business and employ to the utmost the resources of the country in the future development of our busi ness and enterprise." Mr. Longworth, of Ohio, read that In the House and he said that that was written by the President himself ; whereupon the chair man of the ways and means committee, Mr. Kitchen, unable to understand that form of statement from a Democratic leader, arose and said, according to the Congressional Record of August S, he Bald: "I want to deny in the name of the President and the name of the Democrats of this House and all former Congresses, and in the name of Democrats throughout the country, that the President ever uttered such langu age, because, in my judgment it is impossible for any man who voted for the Underwood act or indorsed the Underwood act, much less of one who signed it. to have conceived and ex pressed publicly such high protective tariff sentiment.' (Laughter.) Letter's Authenticity Not Denied. Then Mr. Kitchen, leader as he is, went on to say: That he thought that utterance roust have been put In the President's mouth in order to injure him with the real Democrats and patriotic tariff reformers In all parts of the country. He added: "The Demo cratic theory, as I have always under stood it. Is a tariff for revenue only." Then be said. 'The man. who believed that import duties should be made merely a question of progress and de velopment of peace (that is what the letter says) merely a question of pro gress and development of peace, is bound to favor the repeal of the Under wood act, for not a section or para graph or sentence or line In that act was conceived or written upon that theory." That is true. "The President indorsed the Underwood act. Of course he never made such a statement as the gentleman from Ohio or the ashing ton Post attributes to him. I repeat my denial in the name of the Presi dent and of the Democratic party." And then four days later, on August 9, Mr. Longworth read the letter into the Congressional Record, with the reply of the president or tne Illinois Manu facturers Association. The letter, as he had stated it, purported to be signed by the President himself. And as far as I know, there has been no denial of its authenticity. (Applause.) It was rea in. four days after it was chal lenged by a reputable member of Cor srress and received, so far as the Record shows, no hint about its not being authentic. If it is not authentic, then the pro- vision for a tariff commission is little 'more than a sham, and if it is. it does not represent, as Mr. Kitchen well says, the sentiment of tne Democratic party. Believers Mail Apply Principle. My friends, if you want the principle of protection fairly and honestly ap plied. It has got to- be applied by tho:,e who believe in it, and not by those who do not believe In It. (Applause.) I be lieve In a tariff commission. We want to have the facts faithfully Jotted down and Vslrlv considered and patiently studied. It is no time for legislation to the beat of drums. It is no time for airy declamations of the contents of statutes in detail. We have got to study the facts and square our conduct according to the facts. I promise no man any chance to get the best of his fellow men through a protective tariff (applause); but I do propose that, be lieving In the protective principle and Intending to safeguard American indus try and the American wage scale, that we shall have protection which shall enable American enterprise to prosper in the absence of a European war. (Applause.) I desire to see America standing erect among the nations. In conscious self respect, seeking no trouble, not aggres sive or blustering, demanding only what is Just.. but being firm in her de mands and prepared to maintain them. (Applause.) We have had as much vacillation with respect to preparedness as we have had with respect to a tariff com mission. The reason for looking over our military appropriations has been very patent during the past few years. We are a people fortunately blessed. We desire the friendship of all. and I think all nations desire our friendship. We are removed from, those difficulties of European politics which are likely to draw European nations Into war. Wc have seen. We have very few seeds of trouble. We can, if we are wise and careful, avoid trouble. We cannot af ford, however, to invites disrespect or to permit ourselves to be Insulted because It Is thought we will tske the Insult. (Applause.) We have had questions as to our military preparations. A little while ago, not so very long ago, those who were solicitous about our unprepared condition, were described as "nervous and excited persons" who did not de serve serious consideration. Judged by that standard it was only a few months when the critics became the apostles of nervousness and excitement. Secretary's Action Cited. In a very short time aftor we were told that the subject required no spe cial consideration, it was demanding immediate consideration as the most Important subject before the American people, and there was a programme re quired by the Secretary of War. It was presented to Congress. Then It was abandoned, and the Secretary of War abandoned the Administration that first abandoned him and his programme. (Laughter and applause.) There was then another proposition. It was a proposition on paper calling for 178,000 men in toto in our regular Army, but in fart it gave us only lOo.OOO for the fiscal year ending June 30. 1917, and only 15,030 more than that for the next fiscal year after that. It made, in my judgment, the serious mistake of not following the former plan in securinR the first reserves In a reserve trained under the Federal Government and solely responsible to It- v lien you are being military. I believe In being mili tary. (Applause.) When you are try ing to perfect a proper system of de ferine. I believe in going at It in I straightforward way; not for parties In expediency or for the purpose of votes but for the purpose of ascertaining in a businesslike manner the thing you profess to have in view. (Applause.) We had soon after a demonstration of . our actual condition. There was trouble on the border. I will not at till moment stop to recite the causes of It. It was there. We had only about 40.- 00O available regular troops for the pur poses of necesnary police duty: that is. after subtracting those who were in our Insular possessions and those who were necessarily engaged in connection with the varied work of the Army at other places. We only had about 40, 000 that we could secure for the pre vention of bandit Incursions In our ter ritory. Now. those were not enough. We ought to have had a regular Army sufficient for that purpose. Our liber ties were not in danger. There was no grave emergency affecting generally the United States. It was jl matter of police duty on that border. Adequate Army Advocated This great Nation ought to be able to maintain an Army of sufficient strength to take care of police duties of that kind without calling men fro their shops and from their factories and from their stores and from the various professions and recruiting regiments up to war strength with raw recruits untrained, unprepared for actual serv ice, and sending them with a hurried call In mid-Summer, to the Mexican border. That is not efficiency. (Ap plause.) For the brave boys who went and didn t grumble, who responded to that call. I have the highest praise that is a fine exhibition of American ism, but because a man in a shop is a fine American you don't call him tout of bed in a city In the middle of the night to put out a fire or to go and arrest a marauder. You have an ade quate fire department and. an adequate police department to do that. (Ap plause.) We want In our regular line enough men to take care of us under conditions which do not seriously affect us. And such a condition as existed down there Is an illustration. I do not condemn the men; far from It. I praise the men and their willingness. I condemn the system, and I think with these warnings that we have had. "and par ticularly with the policies pursued, we ought to have rectified them. One of the first things that the Administration should have done, in my Judgment, was to look into that and see to It that we had, as promptly as possible, an effi cient military system. Adequate Kary la Vrged. I say with regard to the Navy: We ought to have a Navy adequate on both our coasts. We ought to have a Navy that is efficiently led; efficiently or ganized. We ought to have a Naval organization that compares favorably with the naval organizations In other countries. We ought to have men in charge of our great departments who are recognized by the American people as specially qualified, for such work. (Applause.) We are too big a country, and our Interests are too important to entrust these great arma of the serv ice good-naturedly to men who are simply of political consequence, (Ap lause.) If we are to hold our own and now let me repeat. I don't expect that we shall be called upon to hold our own In war; we certainly shall be more likely to be called upon for that pur pose It we are not properly prepared we shouM be prepared. It Is Insurance against trouble; It insures the reason able respect of a world that is very in quisitive into the details of our prepa ration. (Applause.) They know whether we are showing capacity for organisation, they know whether we are realizing our capacity. They know whether we. are prudent and prepared. My friends, the great est mistake this country can make la to suppose that weakness and lack of firmness are assurers of peace. That is the highway to serious trouble and we must not tread in it any longer. (Applause.) 1 look down to that border of which I have spoken for an Illustration of what I think Is the wrong way to do things in international affairs. I re fer to our troubles in Mexico. We had one clear line of duty. That duty was to protect our citizens. (Applause.) Let me read again from Chis interest ing document known as the Demo cratic platform of 1912, which we must never let them forget. (Laughter and applause.) They said: "The constitutional rights of Ameri can citizens should protect them on our borders and go with them throughout the world and every American citizen residing or having property in any for eign country is entitled to and must bo given the full protection of the United tatcH Uovernment, both for himself and his property." Those were brave ords (laughter and applause). Now. it is not a matter of moment whether llutrta was rec ognized or not The Executive coul recognize him if It was thought he had a stable government and could perform the proper function of government in affording business security and the discharge of International obligations. If it was thought he did not have such a government, then he need not be recognized. Recognition or non-recognition was one thing. It was a very different thing to go In and de stroy the only government Mexico had. That is what was done. (Applause.) Word was sent to Huerta not simply that he would not bo recognized, but that he must trade himself off. that he must eliminate himself, that an election must be held, and what is more wonderful, that he must not be a candidate at that election. Mexicans could not understand that. They -Could not understand, it, particularly when we coupled that injunction with . the statement that we did not profess to meddle with their affairs. (Laugh ter ana applause.) They could not un derstand it when it was coupled with our proiession or regard for the sov ereignty of Mexico. The Minister of EoreiSTi Affairs of Mexico when that message was sent to trie unrecognized Huerta by the un official spokesman (laughter) the Min ister or foreign Affairs said: "I find nothing in the Constitution nT h United States or in the constitution of .Mexico which gives the President of the United States authority to say who shall be a candidate at a. M.rim election." (Laucrhter and applause.) That was opDwina-. but w pAnttnui Just the same. There was a fixed de termination to eliminate the man. to ,' destroy the government he had. That was intervention, palpable interven tion. It was an intervention we stopped intervening very quickly after the man was gotten rid of. the gov ernment destroyed and Mexico wis turned, over to a hopeless anarchy. Vera Crua TFIaiico Discussed. Before that happened. Instrnrl of being kept oUt of war we fairly rushed Into it. We went down to Vrr i'ni as the country thought, to compel . salute. ve went In a hurry pending the authorization of Congress, It seems there was a boat load of ammunition that Huerta might get at Vera Cruz, and so wo had to seize the port to prevent his getting it. He got the am munition at another port within a few days (Laughter). We had a fisrht. killed some- hundreds of Mexicans, lost several of our own boys, we did not get the salute and then we came back. (Laughter and applause). We want a good government down there, we want to neip mem. we want them to under stand us. we don't want them to hate us, we don't want their contempt. What have we done? Why. we invited first their distrust of us. They couldn't understand what we were after. We did not protect our own people; they were massacred. we- otd nothing ex cept to tell them to come away. They did not. could not respect us. They, began to hate us. They poured Indig nities Indescribable upon our flag, it was a serious situation and all bt-causn we set out to do that which wn had no business to do and we lt-ft undono the one thing that it was our primary duty to do in protecting our own peo ple. (Applause). We attempted for a time, having thought we had discovered a military genius in. Villa, to exalt that amiable character and undoubted assassin to the position of power which Huerta had been denied. Dissatisfied with Huerta's character wo were ready to rmbrarx Villa. That could not be done and then Carranza was recognized. Carranza apparently did uot have much more strength in the north .than some othets. Carranza did int have a constitutional government. He was recognized only as having a de facto government. Tou have to put it In Latin to get away from the fart. (Laughter). So they recognized Carranza. but apparently there was no satisfactory assurance that came that if we bad trouble down there we should have free ingress to protect ourselves and If we wanted to have a. punitive expedition we should have a reasonably safe punitive expedi tion. We didn't get those assurances. Apparently we took our chances and bye and bye as a result of this sort of policy that had been continued and the failure to go along the on cor rect line. Villa, our old lover, with the bitterness of unrequited affection raided our border and then we sent down the moat extraordinary military expedition anyone ever heard or saw. (Laughter). It was set out to bo puni tive, it never punished anybody unless it punished ourselves. We lost brave lives there. If I am not mistaken one highly honored in this community. Lieutenant Adair. (Applause). We sent a thin line down there hundreds of miles into Mexico between two lines of railway that they could not touch. My friends, the old soldiers, what do you think of that as a military expedi tion? (Applause). Think of our boys going down there with a railway on each side of them fhat they could not touch because it was not really mili tary, you know, only punitive. Well, trouble of course could not be avoided in a situation like that. One com mander was saying. "Go west, keep going. The other commander said. "You go neither south, east or west, but you go back north," aivl we came back north. (Laughter). The rest of the story is told by our boys In theia presence on the border. Difficulties Mnst Be Solved. Now. we have created difficulties that we have got to get over. We have got to make friends of Mexico, secure their respect. (Applause). They roust believe in us. believe that we know what our rights are and also what are not our rights. (Applause). We must return to the point where we stood snd have- It understood that American life and the rights of American citizens in accordance with international law and treaty obligations are going to be maintained. (Prolonged applause). We want a stable government, we want to assist them. Why, my friends, they are starving down there, they are actually starving. Destroying the only government they had. we left them to the ravages of an awful revolution. They have no legislature, they have no courts, they have nothing but a military government. They have had little else but bloodshed and rapine. We want to show ourselves the friend of Mexico and we desire that as soon as possible there shall be a stable govern ment. We will do all we can to aid Mexico In governing herself, respect ing herself. Meanwhile, let Mexico and every man of power down there know that we understand that Ameri can citizens are going to bo protected In all events. (Prolonged npplauie.) We cannot afford In this country to lose sight of National obligations. Think of our friends on the other side almost ready to say that we should abandon the Philippines. That was a matter of National honor. We assumed obligations there which we are bound to discharge. (Applause.) Klalsh of TCadcrtaktnsr Vrscd. It Is not a-mstter so much of self interest. I do not care so much for the argument of self-interest ; but when this Nation undertakes before the world a responsibility, why. It must be discharged. (Applause.) And we ought not to tolerate the suggestion of scuttling the Philippines, of leaving them in the predicament which you know perfectly well without my describing It. We want to realize the sense of obligation as individuals. I like this training camp you have near here, and the other training camps w have In this country. I don't think it . iCouiludvd oa Fafin 17, Column .i