Morning Oregonian., January 13, 1913, Page 6, Image 6

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T1IE MORNING OREGONIAN, MONDAY. JANUARY 13, 1913.
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PORTLAND, MONDAY, JANUARY. 1$. 1913.
THE LEGISLATURE.
Conditions attending the opening of
the Legislative Session at Salem today
are favorable for return to the effi
ciency contemplated by the framers of
the representative system of govern
ment. The presiding officers In both
House and Senate lack only the for
malities of election. There need be
no delay in perfecting organization.
The Speaker of the House and Presi
dent of the Senate have had oppor
tunity to settle in large part the com
mittee assignments. A United States
Senator is to be elected but he has
been chosen by they people. Politics
of this kind threatens no delay In
transacting the real business which
has brought the Legislature together.
Some of the most important of that
business has also been outlined by the
people as to general terms. There
can be no doubt that economy in ap
propriations Is demanded. The peo
ple have spoken in this regard a num
ber of times, both on matters origin
ating in the Legislature and on pro
posals emanating from the initiative.
Creation of new high-salaried offices
is not desired. Moderate, not stingy
or extravagant appropriations, are ex
pected. Oganlzatiron and appropria
tion procedures are thus so well de
fined that much of the interference
with general lawmaking that has at
tended past sessions need not now be
repeated.
Among the most important matters
"of legislation to be considered are bills
pertaining to the general welfare.
These Include workingmen's compen
sation, widows' pensions, minimum
wage, judicial reform, irrigation relief,
good roads, farm demonstration, and
Oregon development. Their scope is
so great and their details so complex
.that they are sufficient to require
much of the forty days' time, to which
the session Is confined.
Doubtless a variety of measures will
be presented which will aim at im
provement of the direct legislation
machinery, the direct primary and the
corrupt practices act. It can be said
without dispute that there is no notice
able sentiment in Oregon favorable to
the surrender of either of the prin
ciples mentioned in the foregoing sub
jects. But it may be averred with
equal posltiveness that there is a
widespread desire that the weaknesses
disclosed by their practical applica
tion should be cured.
It has been suggested with some
force that the Legislature should not
attempt to cure defects In the ."peo
ple's laws" until it has remedied its
own deficiencies. And it is true that
effort to prevent submission by initia
tive of freak, visionary or experimental
bills will come with poor grace
from a Legislature whose calendar Is
crowded with bills of similar charac
ter. One or more general plans have
been devised for diminishing the usual
high volume of introduced bills, but
it need not be overlooked that there
is also room for Individual improve
ment. Members In the pas,t have been
too ready to heed the importunities of
the dreamer and to present his out
pourings without expectation of more
than casual consideration. The bad
. bills must be printed with the good.
They help consume the time of mem
bers and employes. There are scores
of these that ought not to be Imposed
upon the attention of the Legislature
and no one knows It at heart better
than the men whose names these bills
bear as authors.
A businesslike, conscientious, indus
trious devotion by the Legislature to
its own duties will give untold weight
to any honestly conceived changes it
may propose in the governmental ac
tivities of the voters.
In respect to the initiative The
Oregonian believes the unrestrained
abuses that have grown up under it
are a reproach to orderly government
These abuses have led to forger-, brib
ery, deception, overcrowding of the
ballot and denial of the real will of
the people. To a great part, perhaps
the most, of these abuses the paid
petition hawker is an aid or incentive
and of some of them he is the origin
Itself. A law that prohibits the so
liciting of petition signatures for pay
will materially aid In restricting the
direct legislative machinery to moral
and proper uses.
Simplification of titles may well be
attempted. Prohibition of use of
money collected outside of Oregon for
the furtherance or defeat of any meas
ure would give better assurance of
home rule in lawmaking. Limitations
on the re-submislon of defeated meas
ures would relieve the voters of need
less harassment. The needs of the
system are plain, out there will be
those who will oppose honest endeav
or to provide them.
Such legislation will not appeal to
the comparatively few men who hope
the initiative will wreck itself nor will
it please the members of that busy
minority which would not be able to
inflict its half-baked ideas on the peo
pie if initiation of laws were removed
from a cash basis. It will, however,
gain the approval of the large mass
of honest friends of direct legislation
and gain It in greater proportion if
the Legislature's record In other re
spects Is as clean, wholesome and
strictly businesslike.
Our system of court procedure is
reduced to an absurdity when a county
Is put to an expense of 200 in trying
a lawsuit Involving J2.50, as men
tioned in Judge Knowles" communlca-
' tlon to The Oregonian. It would have
oald the county better to buy the stove
at twice Its value and give each liti
gant the amount In dispute.
ABUSING THE LAWMAKERS.
The last election ballot in Oregon carried
a total of forty-one initiative and referen-
um measures. They were forty-one pro
tests by the electorate of Oregon against
the short-comings of past Legislatures In
this state.
What can be said of the sincerity of
advice that is followed by such a state
ment as the foregoing. Tet It is part
of a "programme of progress," pro
posed by a Portland newspaper that
registers itself among the standpat
ters on the question of safeguarding
the initiative and referendum. The
facts are these:
Four of the forty-one measures on
the ballot were county bills which the
Legislature had not the power to en
act.
Six were measures referred to the
people by the Legislature itself.
Eight were constitutional amend
ments submitted by petition, not one
of which could the Legislature enact.
Six others dealt with subjects which
had been removed by the people from
the scope of legislative enactment.
The list of forty-one measures thus
discloses twenty-four that by no hon
est argument can be classed as pro
tests against legislative shortcomings.
And what of the other seventeen?
If mere initiation of a measure by
eight per cent of the voters can be
classed as protest by. the people we
presume the people protested seven
teen times. But it cannot so be
classed. The only true measure of
the people's protest is the peoples
vote at the polls. ,
Of the seventeen measures in ques
tion the people enacted five. But one
enactment, being on referendum, was
an endorsement of the Legislature.
Two of the defeated bills In the seven
teen were referred measures and may
be classed as protests or rebukes.
Thus the entire record qf legislative
deficiencies, as deemed such by a ma
jority of the people, is reduced from
forty-one to six.- And one of these
the astute journal which thus attempts
to destroy the confidence of the peo
ple in representative government has
declared to be a grievous mistake.
There ought to be at least a small
amount of fairness in admonishing the
Legislature as to Its""duties. Obviously
it Is not Its duty to enact laws that
are desired only by minorities nor is
the Legislature in fact contemned or
rebuked when cranks, theorists and
hobby riders purchase the submission
of bills it has failed to enact.
CONSERVATION AND RESERVATION.
When President-elect Wilson said at
Chicago: "A policy of reservation is
not a policy of conservation," he con
demned the Pinchot policy in fact,
whether he did so in Intent or not.
When he further proclaimed a policy
of accessibility to the raw materials of
the country to everybody on the same
terms, he expressed the sentiments of
the vast majority of Western people
on conservation and on the adminis
tration of the public domain.
This being so, It is difficult to con
ceive why Wilson should have any
hesitation about appointing a man
from the public land states as Secre
tary of the Interior. The reason
which has been suggested, namely,
that he fears criticism from the same
tvpe of men in the East who slandered
Ballineer is a poor compliment to his
courage. While he has been eminently
discreet, he has shown no lack of
courage, and it is difficult to believe
that, once convinced that a man from
the public land states could best ad
minister the land laws, he would fear
to appoint such a man.
The suspicion prevalent in the East
that a Western man would be suscep
tible' to local and special Influence in
administering the public domain is
based on a misconception of the West
ern attitude. The West has been the
greatest sufferer through the former
maladministration, whereby vast tracts
of land were acquired by single cor
porations and Individuals, for the re
sult has been to stifle develapment and
to prevent setlement. But for such
abuses Oregon might now have two or
three times its present population. The
West would be the greatest gainer by
an intelligent policy of conservation,
as distinguished from reservation.
We desire to see our coal lands
mined, not held in reserve by great
corporations. We desire to see the
surface of our coal land farmed or
grazed by many settlers, not held by
these same corporations. . We desire
to see ripe timber logged, but young
timber preserved, just as does the
most ardent conservationist. . We de
sire to see waterpower developed un
der proper control, agricultural land
farmed by the bona fide settler. All
those who use any part of the public
domain should pay a royalty on coal
or water power, a stumpage price on
timber, to the Government, but a pro
portion of this revenue equivalent to
taxes should be paid to the states.
There is nothing here to arouse the
antagonism of any reasonable conser
vationist. A Western man should be Secretary
of the Interior, because the success of
any land policy depends upon its in
telligent administration and because a
man familiar with Western conditions
can best give such an administration.
He will apply theory to known facts,
while any other man would be too apt
to attempt to force facts to fit his
theory.
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS BEACH CRISIS.
Turkey is once more relying on the
divisions among the powers to save
her from destruction. Knowing that
Austria is ready to pounce on the
Balkan allies whenever hostilities are
resumed, and that Roumanla, prob.
ably at the Instigation of Austria,
contemplates attacking Bulgaria In
the rear. Turkey may feel safe In re
newing the war.
The Turks have now had ample
time to gather and re-organize their
forces and to strengthen the defenses
of Constantinople. They have no
doubt enlisted the services of skilled
military engineers and artillerists to
make their lines impregnable. New
levies from Asia may enable them to
take the offensive and to endeavor to
win back the lost territory. They have
got their second wind and, if they
should again fight, the story may be
very unlike that told of the war be
fore it was suspended by the armlS'
tice.
The outcome hinges on the ques
tions: Will Austria fight? Will Russia
fight? Withdrawal of Servian forces
from Adriatic ports suggests a belief
that Austria will, and Russia will not,
fight. If Russia should fight, her first
step would be to create a diversion
bv attacking Austria on her eastern
frontier and by sending an army into
Roumania to prevent that country
from attacking Bulgaria. The Czar
would also invade Turkey and Asia
Minor and thus offer the Turks the
alternative of seeing their Adriatic
possessions rapidly overrun by Russian
armies, or of weakening the army
which defends their capital against
the Bulgarians and Servians. Should
the Russians Invade Asia Minor, they
might soon advance to the Asiatic
shore of the Bosphorus and place
Constantinople between two fires.
But Germany would not stand Idle
while Russia was thus pursuing a
career of conquest. Germans have
valuable concessions In Asia Minor
and the Kaiser has marked that coun
try as his heritage whenever the Tur
kish Empire breaks up. The Ger
man Chancellor lias announced the
pupose of Germany to stand by her
ally, Austria, in case of war. She
would more readily do so if she saw
Russia gobbling Asia Minor. Were
Russia thus involved with both Aus
tria and Germany, France and Eng
land would feel compelled to aid her,
not only by their duty as 'allies, but
by the opportunity it would afford
them to break down German mili
tary supremacy and to cripple the
German navy. Italy would inevit
ably become involved by her obliga
tions to Germany and Austria.
The crisis In the peace negotiations
has come. It can be ended or post
poned by the capitulation of Adrian-
ople, which would afford the Turkish
envoys an excuse for recognizing an
accomplished fact. Should the be
sieged city hold out, the peace of
Europe will hang on a thread.
FRAMING A COMPENSATION LAW.
A vast amount of information on
the subject of workingmen's compen
sation is contained in the compilation
prepared by I. N. Day, State Senator
for Multnomah County. In the printed
pamphlet which will contain this com
pilation, the investigator will find ma
terial for almost any angle of study
and it will prove a valuable reference
work for the members of the Legis
lature in considering the bill to be
presented by the Governor's Commis
sion, or any other measure on the
same subject.
One argument for enacting a com
pensation law is given striking force
by the statistics Mr. Day has prepared.
These figures give the number of per
sonal injury cases filed in the Circuit
Court of Multnomah County In two
years. In that period 223 cases were
instituted by employes for damages
for personal injuries. The total sum
sued for was $3,575,923.70; the amount
of damages allowed was $206,176.60,
but the judgments represented in this
total were in only sixty-one of the
223 cases filed. One of the virtues
of the compensation law is the relief
it affords the courts, the employer
and the employe from litigation.- In
further behalf of the employe it pro
vides a certainty of compensation and
a speediness in obtaining such relief
in time of dire distress.
Nineteen states have recently
enacted laws for better and more ade
quate compensation of injured work
men. The list of nineteen states,
however, includes four that have laws
which come under the head of em
ployers' liability acts. Oregon is one
of these. In the main, a liability act
is one which abrogates or restricts
the common law defenses. It merely
makes recovery by recourse to the
courts more general by imposing on
the employer responsibility for In
juries occurring under circumstances
which would not Impose a liability on
him under the common law.
In Oregon the three common law
defenses fellow servant, assumption
of risk and contributory negligence
doctrines are practically abrogated.
Coupled with a system which permits
verdicts in clvl actions by three
fourths of the jury, the Oregon lia
bility law has worked to the distinct
advantage of a large class of em
ployes. It has the fault, however, of
furnishing no relief for the workman
whose employer happens to be In
solvent or of negligible financial re
sources. Moreover, legal actions are
attended by long delays and while
judgments, as a rule, are greater in
amount than the compensation a
workman would obtain under the
more advanced form of law, a large
portion of the amount recovered goes
for attorneys' fees. Considering the
whole body of worklngmen and the
entire class of employers, the bur
dening of court dockets and expense
to taxpayers, a change in the Ore
gon law from the liability to the com
pensation form would obviously be of
advantage.
Of the fifteen states which have
compensation laws only two have the
state insurance form Ohio and Wash
ington. The state insurance form is
proposed in Oregon. For purposes of
distinction It may be said that In the
compensation law the entire cost of
compensation generally falls on the
employer as an Individual. The state
fixes a schedule of compensation for
injuries, usually a percentage of the
wages of the injured employe. Most
of the straight compensation laws In
the United States are elective. That
is, the employer, sometimes both em
ployer and employe, must give af
firmative or presumed consent to its
provisions. Those who do not elect
to accept It must settle the matter of
damages for injuries in court or by
private negotiations. If the employer
and employe have accepted the law,
the injuries are compensated by the
individual employer in accordance
with the legal schedule. Usually some
form of state supervision Is devised
which permits the employer who is
financially able to carry his own risks,
but compels the less responsible em
ployer to insure his risks that there
may be no question of the employe
receiving compensation in the event
he Is injured.
The state insurance plan provides
a fund, administered by the state,
from which compensation Is paid the
injured workman in accordance with
a fixed schedule graduated with view
to the severity of the injury, or the
workman's earning capacity. In Wash
ington the whole cost falls on the em
ployers; in Ohio ninety per cent is
paid by the employers and ten per
cent by the employes. The. proposed
Oregon law requires the employers
to contribute three-fourths of the
fund; the employes one-eighth, and
the state one-eighth. The Washington
law is compulsory upon those con
ducting hazardous employments; the
Ohio act is elective and applies to all
employers of five or more workmen.
The proposed Oregon law is elective.
Discussion In Oregon so far has
centered largely on the question of
distributing the cost of the insurance.
It has been suggested by some that
the employers should bear all the
cost; by others that the employes
should be the only ones assessed, and
some object to the percentage of dis
tribution among the three sources
employer, employe and state. Distribu
tion of cost Is an issue that will have
an Important bearing upon the suc
cessful operation of the act.particu-
larly if the elective form is retained.
If the act is. unsatisfactory, justifiably
or not to either employer or em
ploye, large numbers will decline to
accept its provisions and the act will
fail to accomplish its complete pur
pose. But equally important issues involve
the general form of the law. Is state
Insurance preferable to straight com
pensation? Is the elective form bet
ter than the compulsory? Ohio's
elective insurance law, it is said, is
practically a failure. A very small
proportion of employers and em
ployes have accepted its provisions.
The statement has been made that in
the first nine months of its operation
the claims paid amounted to 312,000,
while the cost of administration was
170,000. On the other hand, Mich
igan's elective compensation law (not
the insurance form), has been ac
cepted by a large percentage of men
engaged in the Industries.
Mr. Day's conclusion is that the
objects of the compensation law can
best be obtained by applying the act
to all industry and making it com
pulsory In form. We believe that so
far as the general principle enunciated
is concerned his view Is right. The
bill prepared by the Oregon Commis
sion omits several occupations sim
ilar in character to those it enu
merates, as affected by the act. It
takes no account of the' casual em
ployer whose premium could not be
collected except at large cost to the
state and who would pay it volun
tarily only to escape larger cost In
the event of injury to an employe; In
its operation it would promote dis
crimination In that the transient em
ploye would be continually paying
premiums, while the man who had a
steady Job would be relieved of pre
mium payments after the first year.
There are numerous other objection
able features created by the elective
principle adopted in the bill.
If the insurance plan is to be
adopted, and we are not convinced
that it is better than the simple com
pensation form, it would seem advis
able to heed the experiences of Ohio
and Washington. Whereas the elec
tive insurance law in Ohio has failed
to accomplish the desired result, the
compulsory insurance plan in Wash
ington has had a fair measure of suc
cess. While the latter law nas us
critics, they devote their objections.
not to the chief principles involved,
but to some of the details of the act
which are capable of amendment
without destroying the law itself.
The ways and means committee of
the House is wasting much valuable
time in hearing the repetition of the
same old tariff arguments which have
been heard by every ways and means
committee for generations. The Tariff
Board plan of collecting facts shines
the more by contrast with this dis
credited method.
Traffic between Puget Sound and
the East is not entirely cut off by the
snow blockade of railroads in the
Cascade. Mountains. The water-level
route down the Columbia and up the
Cowlitz is still open. The northern
roads are learning once more that it
is easfer to go around a wall than to
climb over it.
It would be most unkind of San
Francisco to deprive Carnegie of the
opportunity to rid himself of some of
his money. His one ambition with ad
vancing years is to die with so modest
a competence that he can squeeze
through the" needle's eye.
" Admiral Doyle's objection to the
pet goat on the battleship New Hamp
shire may not be due to the goat's
having butted him, but perhaps he
rode the goat. A sailor on horseback
Is proverbial for awkwardness, but a
sailor on goat-back!
Congress is now investigating the
money trust, the tariff, the banking
and currency system, the shipping
trust, and other subjects too numer
ous to mention. All this cry should
produce some wool in the shape of
legislation. -
Peary could congratulate Amund
sen on having no Cook to stir up a
nasty row over his polar discovery,
and each could congratulate the other
that there can be only two of their
kind, there being no more poles to
discover.
Little sympathy need be given vie
tims of gamblers on the ocean boats.
The "sucker" who expects to win in
a contest of skill simply pays good
price for a lesson that will last a life
time.
A man who, like ex-Sheriff Stevens,
can truly boast that accounts aggre
gating $30,000,000 checked to a cent
and that he and his deputies never lost
a prisoner they did not get back, has
Indeed cause for pride.
The dinner given iby Mrs. Taft to
Mrs. Cleveland, with invitations to
Mrs. Harrison and former Cabinet
ministers of Cleveland, was a graceful
act, raising social amenities above
political controversy.
The revelations of Mary Boyle
O'Reilly and Frank Choate about con
ditions in canneries show that there is
plenty of work ahead for the chll
dren's bureau.
President Taft graciously kissed a
4-year-old miss and, no doubt, would
do the same to one many years older.
The Twenty-seventh Legislature
opens its session today, but the "days
of old and the days of gold" are past.
The next work is to find a suitable
site for the" public market and, after
that, the stun to go into it.
There will be bills to relieve and
remedy everything, with the referen
duirt in sight , as a brake.
The growers of the frostkist orange
valley need relief, for all their eggs
were in tne uaa.ei.
' The Idaho Supreme Court must
envy the released Boise editors their
popularity.
The bankers in Leavenworth prison
want to get out before they are con
taminated.
The burning question today Is: Who
will be chosen electoral messenger?
At last it seems the plums are ripe
enough to shake off. "
The mascots got the Admiral's goat.
and the ban is off.
TWO GOVERNORS ARE COMPARED
Politician! Revealed la Sulzer Message
Business Man In That of Hainea.
PORTLAND, Jan. 11. (To the Edi
tor.) At this time I have betore me
the messages of two Governors, John
M. Haines, of Idaho, and the other
William Sulzer, of New York.
Governor Haines is practically un
known outside the state whose execu
tive duties he has been elected to dis
charge. Governor Sulzer commenced
25 . years ago to exploit his ambition
and advertise to the country his prog
ress. Both these men are about the
same age, and both began life as poor
boys. Sulzer, under the auspices of
Tammany Hall and New York poli
ticians, got into active, practical poli
tics at the same time that Governor
Haines began a business career at
Boise, Idaho. They both succeeaea in
their respective fields. Governor Sul
xer is known from one end of the coun
try to the other as a politician, pure
and simple; Governor Haines has
earned, as a strictly business man.
Dursuine an almost unbroken commer
cial career, a moderate fortune What
has come to him as a politician has
been merely incidental. While his suc
cesses have enriched him priinanly, as
was only ' reasonable, the city f his
residence and the State ol loano nave
been spurred on to further develop
ment by reason of them their puDiic
and progressive nature.
My purpose in contrasting the careers
of these two men is to draw attention
to the vast difference in their char
acters. The flamboyant, seiiassertlve
politician is everywhere in evidence in
the message of the New yo?k execu
tive. Sulzer's self-consciousness runs
through very line of his legislative
address. It would be hard anyvvnere
to find a more egotistic state document.
The modesty which Is unknown in lam-
many is. of course, not part or it. riia
dogmatism has blinded him wholly to
the fact that all such messages are
necessarily tentative,
Turning from a careful reading of
the message of the Governor of the
biggest state of the Union to that ot
one of the very smallest, we una tne
range of subjects discussed o equal
importance, demanding the same re
search and careful Judgment, and both
messages covor about the aame amount
of ground. In addressing a Legislature
of exceptional ability, Governor Haines
has given the country a valuable and
refreshing lesson in the line art ol po
litical modesty. His whole aim seems
to have been to discuss, apart Irom
himself, the principles and policies of
state government- It is clear from his
eessage that Governor names is
mindful of his responsibilities, yet, un
like Governor Sulzer, he does not make
that the gist of his address. Every
subject is handled with the calm, full,
frank manner which invites the co
operation and judgment of the Legis
lature. It is no less able than it Is
modest- It will draw about te execu
tive the good will and co-operation nf
all the other branches of the govern
ment. If there is an iota of independ
ence in the New York Legislature, the
Sulzer document is sure to arouse re
sentment and opposition.
It is seldom one reads a more finely
constructed state paper than this letter
of advice, suggestion and admonition
with which Governor Haines begins his
administration. It is what- the aver
age man believes a message should b?.
It will have a most salutary effect on
legislation. The good feeling it is more
than likely to create throughout tne
State of Idaho is an asset not to be
ignored.
A -more partisan creation than tnat
sent to the members of the Albany
Legislature by the new Governor would
be hard to find. Although constantly
declaring his freedom from the yoke
of Murphy and the dictates of Tarn
manjv Governor Sulzer's message has
no other characteristic quite so con
spicuous. The one is the merciless
work of a shrewd partisan politician,
the other the deliberate proposal of
a man trained In the affairs of business,
private and public His training :md
judgment color every suggestion and
the political phase Is entirely secona-
ary.
Idaho may well be pleased witn ner
Governor and give him the support hia
sanity, his progressiveness and states
manship deserve. It Is not at all un
likely the country will hear more ol
this modest executive.
BARTLETT SINCLAIR,
Origin of "Chee-Cnahko."
PARno. Wash.. Jan. 11. (To the
Editor.) In your definition of "chee
chahko," in reply to an inquiry, you
were too Indefinite and partly wrong.
If you will look It up In the Chinook
dictionary, you will find that "chee"
means "new," and "chahko," "come,"
or a "new comer." "Tenderfoot" is
applied throughout the West to a
"greenhorn" or "easy mark."
The name "chee-cnankos originatea
in the Yukon country to distinguish
them from the "sour doughs," who had
made their own bread through a Yukon
Winter without yeast powder, sour
milk or" potato water.
The name was soon applied to every
thing that came from the outside, and
received official recognition in con
tracts for money. The standard value
of gold is 116 per ounce, but the gold
mined from the different creeks varied
from S12 to 319 per ounce in value.
Coin and currency were "chee-chahko"
money, and unless specified the un
scruDUlous "chee-chahko" buyer could
at times make quite a respectable
"rake-off" from the "sour doughs" who
did not realise that trickery existed
among them until the "chee-chahkos"
and the law arrived.
The "sour doughs" settled their dif
ficulties quickly and out of court, and
coal oil cans full of gold were Bafe
in a cabin without a lock. Indians left
valuable packs along well-traveled
trails without thought of loss. The
"chee-chahko" changed all this, and
he wasn't tenderfooted about it, either.
W. P. GRAY.
We think Captain Gray has a wrong
impression of the word "tenderfoot.'
That term has found its way into the
modern dictionaries. Both Webster
and The Century define "tenderfoot"
as a "new-comer" in a rough and newly-settled
region. The term Is some
times applied to "greenhorns," but
more generally to new-comers.
Railroad-Owned Ships In the Canal.
SOUTH BEND. Wash., Jan. 9. (To
th Editor.) (1) Does the law prohib
iting railroad-controlled vessels the
use of the Panama Canal apply to for
eign countries? (2) What Is the basis
of England's objection? (3) When does
the Hay-Pauncefote treaty expire.'
G. NOONAN.
(1.) Yes. On its face it does.
(2) The British government does not
read the section referred to as applying
to or affecting British ships, but In its
protest against other provisions of the
canal laws it says: "They must reserve
their right to examine the matter fur
ther and to raise such contentions as
may seem Justified."
(3) The Hay-Pauncefote treaty was
made for no definite term, and is ap
narentlv binding until abrogated by
the joint consent of the United States
and Great Britain or repuaiatea oy
either power.
Admission to Bar.
ALBANY, Or., Jan. 11. -To the Ed
itor.) Will you kindly inform me to
whom to apply for rules and regula
tions governing the admission to the
bar in this state?
' AMANDUS BUTCHER.
To the clerk ofthe Supreme Court,
I Salem. ,--
VOTE ON Sl'BJECT. NOT DETAILS
Mr. Hammond Hall Plan for Improving
Direct Legislative System.
NORTH BEND, Or.; Jan. 9. (To the
Editor.) The plan of Senator Lowell
for correction of abuses in the use of
the Initiative is only a makeshift, it
seems to me. I will admit that five
bills on the ballot are better than 60
and that one would be still better, but
this paring-down process only miti
gates and does not cure the evil. Cut
it out entirely in its present form and
substitute a law which will provide for
a vote by the people on subjects for
legislation.
Let the vote of the people be a com
mand to make a law, not the law Itself.
For instance, instead of submitting to
the vote of the people a number of
voluminous and conflicting laws on the
subject of good roads, let the subject
be submitted in this way:
No. 1. Shall the state.aid in the con
struction of highways?
No. 2. Shall the counties be author
ized to issue bonds for the construc
tion of highways?
If both these propositions were
adopted by the people, then the next
Legislature must carry them into ef
fect by proper legislation and the de
tails would be worked out after open
discussion and consideration. Such leg
islation would be subject to the refer
endum and to subsequent amendment
In the usual way.
The great trouble with the present
law is that It requires the voter to
consider a thousand details which he
knows nothing about and which he
does not consider, as a matter of fact,
and could not alter if he did. It would
be quite as reasonable for a commu
nity to turn out en masse and try to
build a town hall. The majority might
be in favor of the building of a town
ball, but very few would know how to
ouild it
What the community should do Is
first to determine that they want a
town hall and then employ mechanics
to do the work. Let the people order
the kind of laws'" they want and require
the Legislature to fill the order. Our
present system produces confusion,
promotes litigation and unsettles busi
ness.
Furthermore, all petitions to get
anything on the ballot should be signed
Before a public officer and soliciting
signers to a petition should be made
an offense, the same as soliciting votes
upon election day. A. S. HAMMOND.
VEHICLE LAW IS TOO SWEEPING
Anto Owner Thinks It Unnecessarily
Taken In Unlet Streets.
PORTLAND, Jan. 11. (To the Ed
itor.) The firm of which I am a mem
ber has an office on Stark street, be
tween Second and Third streets, on the
ground floor.- As an - adjunct to our
Business we maintain an automobile.
We pay a much higher rent for a
ground-floor office than we would
have to for one located on an upper
floor, and one of our reasons for doing
so Is that we may have our automo
bile convenient and ready for instant
use.
Under an ordinance which goes into
effect on January 12, we understand
that we will not be permitted to keep
our machine in front of the office over
30 minutes at one time.
We are very willing to comply with
all rules and regulations prescribed by
ordinance or state laws, and the ordi
nance above referred to might possibly
Be necessary in the congested district.
but surely there was not sufficient
reason to make it Include the less busy
streets.
I think there are only three machines
which are more or less regularly kept
on Stark street during a portion of the
business day, and they could not be
considered as an obstruction to traffic,
at least not as much as the three-car
trains of the United Railways, which
stand In this particular block from 20
to 30 minutes at a time and occupy the
whole space between Second and Third
streets.
The question has occurred to me,
what are the streets for? The answer
will be, I presume, to take care of the
traffic, but If vehicles are prevented
from stopping on the Btreets, as their
business demands, they will soon cease
going there altogether; the more a ma
chine Is used the more money is dis
tributed through the regular trade
channels.
There is one item of satisfaction
that machine owners will have, and that
is, if they keep their machines at home
in the garage because they are not al
lowed down town, their monthly ex
pense bills will be greatly lessened.
H. W. GODDARD.
Need for Development Laws.
PORTLAND, January 11. (To the
Editor.) Again we are preparing to
witness a gathering of those elected
by the citizens of the great State of
Oregon, who shall frame legislation for
the upbuilding and protection of the
future welfare of our people. The" time
Is most opportune In which the State
of Oregon can and should establish to
the world that we are not only a peo
ple worthy of credit for the views we
hold, but also should" prove the fact
that we are a people capable of carry
ing out our ideas to the end that will
prove a benefit to the country and Its
citizens.
We have wonderful resources within
our state that should command at
tention to the world. We have great
facilities for the upbuilding of Indus
tries, for the success of agricultural
development, for the development of
shipping Interests, and we have a very
good reason to feel proud of our state
for the opportunities within our reach.
It is right that we should demand
legislation which will pave the way for
our future success; legislation whicn
will protect our manufacturing Inter
ests, that which will protect the labor
of our industries, that which will in
duce the creation of larger industries
and will open the way for transpor
tation and Investment from capital.
Freak legislation or class legisla
tion should find no place upon the
statutes of our state. To allow this
would mean the discouragement of in
vestment and only serve to lower the
standard of our people as a whole.
We have farm products that com
mand attention from ail parts of the
globe. We have timber and mining
products that take the lead as supe
rior articles of commerce. Our Oregon
wool is famed for its texture and great
effort has been given by our manufac
turing industries to produce finished
products which are in a superior class
and worthy of the title "Oregon made."
May we demand legislation which
will further the success of the people
of this state as a whole and further
the prosperity of our people by safe
and sane methods. By all means give
us mutual consideration and provide
for mutual betterment.
EDW. G. BARGER.
Motive for Single-Tax Campaign.
NYSSA, Or, Jan. 9. (To the Editor.)
Will you be so kind as to tell me
what motive Mr. Fels had In trying
to have a single-tax law passed in our
state? Mr. U'Ren, I suppose, was "an
hireling, and careth not for the sheep."
I will add I get some good reading
and Information out of The Oregonian.
W. BARCLAY VAN DYKE.
Mr. Fels, like a number of other
multl-mllllonalres, has a hobby. His is
single tax. He Is the principal con
tributor to the Fels fund commission,
which was organized with the avowed
purpose of establishing single tax in
some locality within a certain period of
time.
Establishment of single tax requires
a constitutional amendment- Oregon
was probably selected as the principal
field for the endeavor because of the
ease and speed with which constitu
tional amendments may be submitted
to vote
Lay of the Lobbyist
By Dean Collins.
a boon, a boon they Importune.
While soft to the Senators they croon.
Or seize, while pleas from their hot lips
roll.
rhe Representatives' buttonhole-
in that "theayter." oh legislator,
w here you are of many laws creator.
List, list
To the lobbyist
Who sings to the lawmakers of the
state:
"Appropriate, oh, appropriate!"
He can't be missed, the lobbyist;
He clings to the coat-tail, grasps the
wrist.
And pleads the needs, without formal
ity.
Of money for this or that locality;
In eager rout, he raises the shout,
"Appropriations shovel them out-"
Hark, hark.
The lobbyist's bark:
"Lo, we, your brave constituents.
wait
Appropriate, oh, appropriate!"
From the flowing Snake to the Kla
math Lake,
Or out where the ocean billows break.
They crowd and loudly their voices
raise.
And each for a special concession
prays. '
And wondrous wily that man must be
Who dodgeth wholly the legion s plea.
All. all
The lobbyists call:
"Haste, ere we dub thee base ingrate
Appropriate, oh, appropriate.!"
By myriad pleas they would with ease
Turn the ponderous treasury keys;
And each doth preach of the special
need
Conditions in his locality breed.
And they fancy not. or so I wot.
That the public purse hath a bottom
got.
Well, well."
The lobbyists yell.
"Do you intend to make us wait?
Appropriate, oh, appropriate!"
Senators pale and they fiercely nail.
And Represenatives forth they hale.
Never was ever a mortal run
Through such a gauntlet as is this one.
Ah, pity the gink who, the session
through.
This sibilant chorus must listen to:
"Hist,, hist!
I'm a lobbyist
Who seeks your influence, which is
great
Appropriate, oh, appropriate!"
Portland, January 12.
Half a Century Ago
Prom The Oregonian January 13, 1863.
The Victoria Colonist contains the
following from the mines: Peter C.
Danley received a letter from Beaver
Lake, written by his partner, Mr. Sel
lers. Mr. S. writes that the smallpox
Is making fearful ravages among both
whites and Indians. He says the coun
try is like a vast hospital. The Black
Jack tunnel on Williams Creek is
yielding from 20 to 30 pounds of gold
a day.
The widow of General F. W.' Lander,
formerly Miss Jennie Davenport, It is
said, is to marry Mr. Secretary Chase.
Jim Mace was whipped by Tom' King
by a scratch. The mill was entirely
in Mace's favor until King put In an
"Armstrong gun" hit, which knocked
Mace out of time.
All treaties with the Indians who
murdered the whites In Minnesota last
Summer are to be annulled and the
Indian annuities given to the suffer
ers among the white settlers.
In the County Court a case was de
cided of some ' Importance to parties
owning property In the city by deeds
from the proprietors. W. L. Chitten
den sued for an order on the admin
istrator of D. H. Lounsdaie for a deed
from him for some property bought ot
D. H. Lounsdale, who had covenanted
to convey after obtaining title from
the United States. The order was
granted.
FAMOUS BEARDS AMAZE A BARBER
"Sam" Korden Overcome by Appear
ance of J. Ham Levels.
Trenton, N. J., Cor. New York Herald.
There was great excitement for a
few moments when Colonel James
Hamilton Lewis, of Chicago, came in
to the Governor's office. "Sam" Gor
don, the veteran messenger and barber
to the Governors, hurried out and
glared In bewilderment at Mr. Lewis'
famous beard. Mr. Lewis' beard is
known from coast to coast and in some
parts of Europe.
Artists have differed whether it is
lavender, blue or pink. Anyhow, It is
some beard.
Another well-known beard also ap
peared in the Executive chamber to
day when Representative Redfleld, of
Brooklyn called. Two beards In a day
rather overcame "Sam."
"I never In all my life saw a beard
like that one of Mr. Lewis." he said.
"It Is a flne-beardy-all right, but I
guess there aren't many of them. I've
been in the bartering business off and
on for over 60 years, but this is the
greatest beard I ever saw. Mr. Red
field's beard is a little modern, but
still it looks quite a bit like the
beards we used to cut before the Civil
War." .
Oregon Architect for Oregon Building.
PORTLAND, Jan. 11. (To the Edi
tor.) Replying to a letter recently
published In The Oregonian regarding
the design of a building to be erected
at San Francisco to represent Oregon
at the Panama-Pacific Exposition. I
can state that I heartily agree with
the writer in the matter of selecting
the plans for the building on a com
petitive basis. I would add, however,
that the competition be limited and
open only to those residing and having
offices' In the State of Oregon.
Within the State of Oregon there are
any number of men capable of design
ing such a building. To find the best
Is a simple problem, and will resolve
Itself to a logical conclusion if the
authorities in charge will follow the
rules governing competition as pub
lished by the architectural societies.
If this method of selection is fol
lowed, Oregon will be assured of a
successful design and will be well able
to hold her own with the other build
ings that will be erected by the other
states and foreign countries.
It Is Imperative that the people of
this state have a building that is the
finest possible for the money and that
they be represented by none other
than the best possible at this world's
congress of exhibits. The selection of
the exhibits will be made after com
parison: the best of each sort will rep
resent Its kind; New York apples will
not be represented In the Oregon build
ing, neither will Wisconsin or Michi
gan timber and their products be there.
Why should we allow outBlde archi
tects and engineers even to be consid
ered in the design of our building?
Competition brings out the best- Limit
the competition to those of Oregon.
The Judges will have plenty to choose
from and their choice will be a plan
of a building that, when constructed,
will stand pre-eminently the best with
in the boundaries of the fair grounds.
Let the engineers and architects of
Oregon compete, then we will have Ore
gon products and resources exhibited in
a building, the plan of which, at least,
was "made in Oregon."
AN ENGINEER.
i