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THE MOBNING OREGONIAN, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 9, 1902.
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JPORTLAXD, TTEDXESDA.Y, APRIL O.
OREGON AND TUD PHILIPPINES.
In another column on this pas -we
ireprlnt extracts from the St. Paul
Globe, on the declaration of the Repub
licans of Oregon, In their state platform
put forth last "week, in relation to the
Philippine Islanda
The Globe is a Democratic party
newspaper; and what.it says on this
subject undoubtedly foreshadows the
position to be taken by the Democratic
party of the country. The Democratic
party will demand abandonment of the
Philippines by the United States.
"Scuttle" is to be the leading1 word In
our politics till after the next Presi
dential election.
The assumption that retention of the
Philippine Islands by the United States
Is inconsistent -with the principles of
liberty is a strange and remarkable es
timate, by those who put forth the as
sumption, of the nature and quality of
the liberty which we ourselves possess,
and which will always be the possession
of every people under the sovereignty
of the United States. Maintenance of
the authority of the United States in
the Philippines will be maugre this
silly assumption the. surest guarantee
of the freedom of the people of the
Islands.
We have not dealt with the Philip
pines as we have dealt with Cuba be
cause the conditions were and are
wholly different. We did not go to war
on account of the Philippines, but did
go to war on account of Cuba. We
guaranteed the Independence of Cuba,
but did not guarantee the independence
of the Philippines. Spanish sovereignty
in the Philppines, which had existed
nearly four hundred years, was trans
ferred by treaty, at the end of the war,
to the United States. Not so with the
sovereignty over Cuba. It was not
transferred to the United States, but
relinquished by Spain, that Cuba,
through the understanding that had
been established with the United States,
might become an Independent country.
Yet no one supposes that Cuba will
remain independent. It is & burden
which she cannot carry long. Her des
tiny is annexation to the United States.
The responsible classes of her people
already foresee and desire It
Now, as to "the great doctrine that
governments derive their just powers
from consent of the governed." It is
asserted that we are denying it to the
Filipinos. The assertion is a thought
less one. No doctrine like this can be
used with good sense as a mere catch
phrase. The idea It carries has an eth
ical content, but as a statement of al
leged political fact it has little content
of practical truth. From every point
of view it is a revolutionary maxim;
as an epigrammatic bit of political lit
erature its origin may be found in the
revolutionary thought of Rousseau and
his contemporaries; while back of Rous
seau Its substance may be traced
through many generations of speculat
ive discontent It is not a maxim of
government, but a maxim of revolution;
and over and over again, in our own
history, the powers of government have
been coercively applied to compel the
submission of men who believed' they
had as good a right to rebel against the
existing governmental authority be
cause they had not given or were un
willing to continue their consent to it
as had the men of the original thirteen
colonies, who had proclaimed the doc
trine on their separation from Great
Britain. Our Southern States appealed
to the doctrine, but the appeal could
not be allowed. It Is a doctrine to
which revolutionists always appeal, but
which no government ever can allow
unless it be too weak to defeat it
The Filipinos will not be our "vas
sals," but our equals, in ail rights.
They will, however be subject to the
general sovereignty, just as we are.
That we shall have their ultimate "con
sent" is unquestionable, as we now
have that of our own states, which
revolted forty years ago. A great na
tion like ours goes forward in its ap
pointed or destined course. It cannot
be tied up by any maxims of revolu
tion, or held within the bounds of a
special jurisprudence. It has ethical
justification if it displaces a lower by
a higher social and political order, and
strengthens or broadens civilization.
Who doubts that these will be the re
sults of our sovereignty over the Phil
ippine Islands? In these large affairs
vague maxims, metaphysical definlr
tlons, merely mislead. At bottom, con
sent and government are opposite
terms. They exclude each other. Gov
ernment is coercion, not consent We
submit to conditions that we do not
approve; but our non-resistance is the
product of a thousand moral, mental
and physical factors to which we do not
consent We yield to expediency and
convenience, rather than testthe the
ory of consent of the governed. To the
same conclusion the Filipinos are fast
coming. Consent on their part will fol
low exhaustion of their power of resist
ance, and with demonstration to them
that the rule of the United States will
be in accord with the principles of jus
tice'and freedom. Just as we now have
the "consent" of our Southern States,
so we shall have that of the Philippine
Islands.
LEGISLATIVE PLEDGES.
The perils encountered by the Cuban
relief bill on its way through the House
are very suggestive of the chances
taken by any Congress wherever it un
dertakes by Its act to bind one or all
succeeding Congresses.
Yesterday upon a close vote the
Speaker announced that the House re
fused to go into committee of the whole.
The bill was technically arrested right
there, and might have been blocked yet
had not McClellan of New York called
for a division. Subsequently a vote by
tellers resulted in, favor of the bill's
consideration by the close vote of 107
to 102.
It would be very easy for Congress
to decline to pass any Cuban relief bill
whatever. Then we should hear pro
tests that our sacred pledge had been
violated. There is no pledge to Cuba
concerning tariff concessions, except a
constructive pledge. If Congress decides
there is no pledge, or that, even if there
ia a constructive pledge, it la more
righteously 'broken than, kept, there is
no appeal. Congress is the people,
speaking through their legally; consti
tuted representatives.
We did make a pledge to Cuba. It
was to the effect that when order and
stable government had been established
we would get out and leave her to her
self. That was the purpose of the
Fifty-fifth Congress. But it Is clear
that abandonment of Cuba might not
meet either the desire or the judgment
of any subsequent Congress. Senators
and Representatives are not elected to
carry out the desire of previous Con
gresses, but to represent the people who
elected them and act on their best judg
ment at the time.
There is nothing in our system of gov
ernment that recognizes the acts of one
Congress as binding upon another.
Treaties are binning, but they may be
abrogated. Laws made by one Congress
may be repealed by another. It is folly
to assert that the Piatt amendment
or any understanding held in Cuba or
Washington binds the Fifty-seventh
Congress now In session. The wrong,
if any, is In the pledge Itself. It was
Unwise, -unconstitutional and Immoral.
As to Cuba or as to the Philippines, no
pledge should be made by either Ad
ministration or Congress looking to re
demption at tho hands of those elected
by the people in the future. Any such
act is an unwarranted assumption of
power.
GREAT BRITAIN'S PAPER ARMY.
Mr. Brodrlck, the British Secretary
Of State for War, in a recent speech told
the House of Commons that in event of
war British India would be expected to
provide four corps. South Africa two,
Australia two, New Zealand one and
Canada four, making thirteen corps
that could be used for imperial defense
outside of the force kept at home for
the protection of the British Isles. Mr.
Brodrlck. must have been "talking
through his hat" The Dominion of
Canada, with Its population of 5,000,000,
could easily raise a formidable army
of 200,000 sturdy men that would be
fully equal to the successful defense of
the Canadian frontier against a foreign
Invader. Such an army could be organ
ized, cheaply maintained and quickly
assembled at the call of danger, after
the method of the Swiss military sys
tem; but this kind of an army, ample
for the home defense of the Canadian
or the American frontier, would be a
far lighter burden than that which Mr.
Brodrlck would impose upon the Cana
dian Dominion. If we understand his
plan, he would expect Canada to pro
duce, equip and keep permanently un
der the colors an army of from 160,000
to 200,000 men, which might at any hour
be called upon to serve at the other end
of the globe.
The United States, with a population
of nearly 80,000,000, a very rich country,
maintains an army of less than 100,000
men, and, were it not for the Philippine
Islands, would not have an army of
more than half that number. Canada
could not afford to keep constantly
under arms more than 50,000 men for
the purpose named by Mr. Brodrlck.
Great Britain could not possibly hope to
obtain her force of thirteen army corps
from her colonies. Out of British In
dia's warlike races she might at her
own expense obtain a considerable force
of mercenaries of doubtful value, but
where would she go to recruit tho re
mainder of this great force? During
the Napoleonic wars all Europe was
a recruiting ground for England, for all
Europe was Napoleon's enemy, but to
day Great Britain's money could recruit
no soldiers In Russia, France, Germany,
Austria, Italy or Spain.
The whole scheme is preposterous.
Great Britain can protect her own
coasts from invasion by her navy and
her domestic levies, and her great colo
nies are able to take care of them
selves, but Great Britain in a great war
with a first-class foreign power could
not expect to raise a great army equal
to the military Invasion of any great
power of Continental Europe. Of course,
with Spain and Portugal for allies, as
in the Napoleonic war. Great Britain
could dangerously threaten the flank of
France; but Great Britain would be
obliged to make war through her navy
by destroying the ships and blockading
the ports of her enemy. She has al
ways been obliged to wage successful
war in this way, save when she had
Continental allies. She Is rich enough
to fill the seas with enormous Ironclads,
and on her fleets she must rely to dis
tress her enemy so severely that he will
be glad to make peace. As for the suc
cessful invasion of England or of any of
the great British colonies, it could
scarcely be accomplished. The block
ade of hostile ports, the destruction of
hostile commerce, would be Great Brit
ain's natural weapons in war. If the
war was confined to a struggle between
Japan, backed by Great Britain, and
Russia supported by France, Great
Britain would easily have the' best of
It for her navy is so strong that France
and Russia together could not hope to
j cope with it, and with the Chinese and
Japan Seas dominated by the English
and Japanese fleets Russia could not
hope to win.
If Russia should attempt a diversion
by attacking the Indian frontier, she
would, be likely to be repulsed. Mean
time, if Russia and Franqe warred
against Great Britain In Europe, they
I would be likely to lose their ships and
suffer the blockade of their ports. As a
military power, Great Britain can al
ways make herself felt most powerfully
through her predominant naval strength
and skill and the ample resources. of
her army chest, but It Is folly for her
to assume that she can raise four army
corps for Imperial service out of Can
ada, two In Australia and one In New
Zealand. Out of the 250,000,000 of India
a great army could be raised, but It
would be of questionable value against
anything but Asiatic troops. Great
Britain can defend herself from inva
sion; her great colonies and dependen
cies could defend themselves from in
vasion with moderate naval and trans
port assistance from the Imperial gov
ernment, and then she could spare Iron
clads enough to make Russia and
France sorry they made war.
NOT "WORTHY OF A STATUE.
The proposal now before the Massa
chusetts Legislature to erect a statue
to General B. F. Butler is vigorously
opposed by a number of eminent men
who knew General Butler's political and
military career. The ground of opposi
tion Is not that General Butler was a
Democrat, for statues have already
been voted to men who were "war"
Democrats at the outbreak of the Civil
War, like General Joseph Hooker and
General Charles Devena It Is not due
to any depreciation of General Butler's
Intellectual ability or his legal emi
nence. It Is simply due to the belief
that there is nothing in General But
ler's military or political career that
ttitles his memory to supreme honors
ay the people of his state, and that
there Is much in both his military and
political career that was most detesta
ble because most corrupt; that he was
In no high sense a patriot; that he was
never a statesman, but a mere artful,
shifty and vindictive political dema
gogue, to honor whose memory would
be to confuse In the minds of the grow
ing generation the difference between a
man of statesmanlike quality and a
mere successful political charlatan.
This seems like a severe Indictment of
General Butler, but It is supported and
sustained by able and upright men
who knew Butler long and well and
have searched the facts of his military
career down to the bottom by examina
tion of the official archives of the Civil
War. William Endlcott, who had the
full confidence of John A. Andrew, war
Governor at the time when Butler was
prominent, read historical testimony
before the legislative committee to show
that Butler was not the originator of
any plan to send Massachusetts troops
South by way of Annapolis Instead of
by Baltimore, for which Butler had
been given credit J. M. Forbes read a
summary of Butler's military record,
prepared by Colonel Thomas D. Liver
more, tending to show that no special
credit was due him. So cheap was thlt,
record that the erection of such a statue
would be an injustice to every old sol
dier who had an honorable record.
Colonel Hallowell, of -the Fifty-fifth
Massachusetts Volunteers during the
war, has stigmatized as "this annual
affront" the proposition for a Butler
statue, and said he would be willing to
submit the proposition to the people of
the state for settlement In full confi
dence that they would turn down the
Butler statue Just as they turned down
the man after they knew what he waa
Colonel T. W. Hlgginson, the eminent
literary essayist, a veteran of the Civil
War, denounced Butler as an utterly
selfish, ambitious, unscrupulous man In
war or peace. J. F. Rhodes, the his
torian, read a statement of Butler's
corrupt dealings when In command at
New Orleans. He gave dates on which
General Butler had given permits to
Confederates to ship contraband arti
cles across Lake Pontchartraln, know
ing that the goods would go Into the
hands of the enemy. The Rhodes state
ment showed that Genera Butler's
brother was deeply interested In 1862
In speculation and trade witjh the Con
federates, and that the General gave
proteotlon and facilities 'for the conduct
of this trade. General Buller, he be
lieved, had also used his position to
profit privately with his brother-in-law
from trade with the Confederacy at
Norfolk. Mr. Rhodes said that Butler's
failure to take Petersburg, for which he
is held responsible by Grant In his final
official report and his fiasco before Fort
Fisher, were of the first order of mag
nitude, and left nothing of his military
record worthy of praise. The capture
of New Orleans was solely .due to the
guns of Farragut's fleet General Fran
cis A. Osborne, who was Colonel of tho
Twenty-fourth Massachusetts Volun
teers and served under General Butler,
said that while he had been treated by
General Butler with courtesy and kind
ness, nevertheless his view was that
"the man to whom Massachusetts
erects a statue should be above suspi
cion, and there is a widespread suspi
cion against him."
It is noteworthy that the opposition
omitted from their indictment of Gen
eral Butler's career the Important fact
that in his very first term In Congress
after the war he was prompt to cham
pion the cause of dishonest finance. An
able debater and an influential man,
he supported the "greenbacklsm" of
Pendleton, Voorhees and Ewlng in 1S68.
He championed repudiation and favored
the payment of our bonds In greenbacks
instead of gdld. In 1874-76 Butler was
a blatant greenbacker; In 1884 he was
the candidate of the so-called "people's
party" and still a greenbacker, and he
was a "free sllverlte" when that ques
tion came up for debate. A very able
man, of vast legal learning and of large
general reading. General Butler was
one of the first apostles of dishonest
money that rose to view after the Civil
War, and from that time forward he
was a "greenbacker" and a "free sllver
lte." Of course, he knew better. Bryan,
with his limited reading and lack of
logical power, may originally have been
fooled by his own folly, but General
Butler had too large a brain and' was
too well equipped with knowledge to
have been other than a dishonest advo
cate of dishonest money. He was a
man destitute of political moral sense,
always ready to back or ride any horse
that he thought might possibly make a
winning race. Of course, such a man
is unworthy of a monument, for, in
spite of his great abilities, he was a
mere political quack. He was a quack
as a General, a quack as a patriot, for
he let his brother rob the Government
he pretended to fight for, and a quack
as a financier. He was, like Caleb
Cushing, a far more gifted and accom
plished man, everything by turn and
nothing long; he was "never true save
to one party, and that was himself."
Representative Bromwell, of Ohio,
who is a member of the pensions com
mittee of the House, believes that the
enactment of a service pension law for
Civil War veterans would be iln the in
terest of real economy. This is not a
new view. More than twenty years ago
a prominent New England .lawyer, who
had gallantly commanded a regiment at
Gettysburg, expressed the opinion that
sooner or later we should be driven to
the enactment of a general service pen
sion bill. This gallant soldier and sound
lawyer always argued that the moral
effect upon the country of a service
pension, In distinction from one In
which the claimant has to prove in
juries, would be very beneficial. Doubt
less sooner or later a service pension
will be granted to all participants in
the Civil War, as in earlier wars. The
average age of the survivors of that
war Is 60 years; these men served the
Government for $13 a month, and It Is
fairly argued that they should all now,
when honorably discharged, be granted
something by the Government which
would be In the nature of an Increase
of the earlier compensation, but coming
at a time when they need" it most
There are thousands of old veterans who
did splendid service but cannot swear
to any disability consequent upon their
military service or to absolute Inablllty
to earn a living. Nevertheless, many of
these old men are In straitened circum
stances. Their robe and their Integrity
to heaven in refusing ,to make a false
oath to get a pension is about all they
can call their own. A general service
pension would be but justice to such
men.
Today President Roosevelt at the
South Carolina Exposition will present
to Major MIcah Jenkins, formerly an
officer of the Rough Riders, a beautiful
sword, the gift of South Carolinans
who honor Major Jenkins, the gallant
son of a gallant Confederate General
killed by the fire of his own men at the
second day's battle of the Wildernesa
Ex-Governor Thompson, of South Caro
lina, heads the state committee In
charge of the presentation ceremonies,
and will speak for South Carolina. To
day is the anniversary of Lee's surren
der at Appomattox, and President
Roosevelt, whose mother was the
daughter of a distinguished Georgia
family, and whose uncles on the moth
er's side were gallant officers In the
Confederate Army, ought to be able to
make a felicitous and eloquent speech
on this, occasion. It seems like a ro
mance ,that only thirty-seven years af
ter ourfearful Civil War the President
of the United States, the son of a Geor
gia mother, whose whole family fought
to the last for the Confederacy, should
be Invited by the State of South Caro
lina to present a sword to the son of a
Confederate General who fell In battle,
a sword obtained by the gallantry man
ifested by the son of this Confederate
6lre In battle under the flag of the re
stored Union. Verily, we are a thor
oughly reunited If not reconstructed
people. President Roosevelt can afford
to forget the episode of Tillman's Inso
lence, since South Carolina has repudi
ated all sympathy with his boorlshness.
The marked increase a few months
ago In the price of meat throughout the
country was met by consumers at first
with protest, and then by querulous in
quiry into the cause. Relief not com
ing from either quarter, the philosoph
ical American settled down to make the
best of It, and, It Is said, has already,
to his great delight, found that he had
been eating more meat than was good
for him, and that the increase in the
price of meat had been a benefit rather
than a calamity, even of the milder
sort No doubt this conclusion 13 well
based. There is little question that a
good many Americans eat more meat
than is healthful. A lessened use of
this staple, with an Increased consump
tion of other more nutritious and less
stimulating foods, will prove valuable
In assisting medical scientists to put to
rout rheumatic and other disorders that
appear to increase rather than diminish
with the advance of civilization.
The passage of Congressman Gros
venors anti-shoddy bill would make
no difference in the consumption of
wool, and the woolgrowers would gain
nothing by It The only people who
now buy $10 shoddy and cotton suits
are those who cannot afford to buy
more expensive clothing. Those people
who now buy cheap suits will not buy
$25 all-wool or new wool suits when
under the Grosvenor bill the cheap suits
are officially stamped as composed in
part or altogether of shoddy. A man
who buys oleomargarine because It Is
cheaper than butter would not buy any
more butter because oleomargarine was
distinctly marked as "shoddy" butter.
The new tax law has worked satis
factorily to all who have met Its condi
tions. The delinquent lists in every
county that has reported is smaller than
for a number of years past, and tax
payers generally are In a cheerful
frame of mind.. Of course, there are
property-owners who are not happy,
not having liquidated their accounts
with the Sheriff, but these are rela
tively few in number, and with the
men who traffic in tax titles to their
profit, they are the only ones from
whom complaint of the new law is
heard.
The number of patients In the Oregon
Insane Asylum was larger during
March of this year than during any
month In the history of that instltutiqn.
This does not prove that the ratio of
.Insanity in the state is rising. It merely
presents a fact incident to increasing
population. The showing of 1241 in
mates of the Insane Asylum Is, how
ever, sufficiently sad, and the care and
treatment of this unfortunate army
represents the state's greatest and most
humane charity.
Cecil Rhodes once gave $50,000 to the
Irish Parliamentary fund through Par
nell. The explanation offered is that
Rhodes held that Parnell was strug
gling to obtain the recognition of the
same principle for Ireland that he
(Rhodes) hoped some day to obtain for
the whole of South Africa. Probably
Rhodes, too, liked Parnell, his unflinch
ing courage and resolution, his leader
ship, his grim masterfulnesa
The Oregonlan desires to commend
Senator Simon for his statement that
had he been, present when the vote was
taken on the ship subsidy bill he would
have voted against it. The only criti
cism The Oregonlan would make upon
him In this matter Is that he was not
present when the vote was taken. Un
like Mr. MIcawber, in jail, he was not
detained by circumstances over which
he had no control.
One proposal to the. local fusionists
The Oregonlan fully approves. It Is the
suggestion that for the vindication of
the Honorable Joseph Simon they make
the Honorable D. Soils Cohen their can-
dldate for the State Senate.
REPUBLICAN'VIEWS OF SUBSIDIES
, New York Herald.
Representative Hepburn, chairman of
the committee on Interstate and foreign
commerce, said he was inclined to look
upon the ship subsidy bill as at present
made up with disfavor.
"I would not oppose a bill," continued
Mr. Hepburn, "which would tend to
build up the coastwise freight service in
America. But any measure, like the bill
which came from the Senate, providing
for a subsidized fast service, seems to
me to be class leslslatlon, and largely
for the benefit of only a few."
Representative Corliss of Michigan
said he was against the Frye ship sub
sidy bill on general principles.
Representative H. C. Smith of Michi
gan said: "I am against the Frye bill
on general principles. I don't believe in
ship subsidies of any kind. It aids only
a few and favors altogether class legis
lation. What we need Is general legis
lation in matters of this kind that will
extend Its benefits.
"I do, however, believe that something
should be done to build up our mer
chant marine. It was the late Presi
dent McKinley's idea to charge foreign
ships bringing goods into this country
10 per cent, more than tariff rates. Now
a reduction of 10 per cent should be
made in favor of goods brought here
in American-built ships, and by this
plan no treaties would be violated."
Representative Crumpacker of Indiana
said: "I am against the ship subsidy
bill always have been, and probably
always will be." '
Representative Cousins of Iowa said:
"Senators Allison and Dolliver voiced
the sentiments of the people of Iowa
when they voted against the ship sub
sidy bill. I vill follow the leadership
of our two Senators and vote against
tho bJ1l. I believe the vofes of the
six Republican Senators who voted
against the bill will have a serious ef
fect upon the vote in the House."
Representative Loud of California said:
"I have generally been In favor of sub
sidles when I believed they were In
the Interests of all the people. The pend
ing bill in my opinion, does not appeal
to the people generally: It Is framed
in the Interest of a few persons, com
paratively, and, under the circumstan
ces. It will have to be modified materi
ally before I could accept it I am of
the opinion that a great many persons
in San Francisco favor the bill because
it will benefit the shipping Interests of
the Pacific Coast"
Representative Bartlett of Georgia
said: "I am against the ship subsidy
bill, whether It comes up this session
or next I don't believe, however, that
It will be forced to a vote this ses
sion. I understand that the friends of
the bill have taken alarm at the votes
of Senators Allison -and Dolliver, and
Speaker Henderson will not allow It to
come to a vote."
Representative Cushman of Washing
ton said: "I don't like the bill in Its
present shape. There is a good deal of
feeling among the people that there are
other matters of legislation of greater
Interest to all which should receive con
sideration at the present session beforo
we pass a ship subsidy bill."
Representative Mann of Illinois said:
"I don't care to commit myself on the
bill beforo It Is even considered In com
mittee, but I have no hesitation In Bay
ing that it only appeals to a few Inter
ested persons. The great mass of the
people, who will not be benefited by its
provisions, are not clamoring for its enactment"
THE OREGON PLATFORM.
An "AntI" Comment on the Resolu
tion Relating: to the Philippines.
St Paul Globe.
Fromr far-away Oregon comes the
ominous sounding of the bell tolling the
death knell of hope of Independence and
liberty for the Filipinos. In convention
assembled the Republicans of that state
loudly declared in favor of everlastingly
keeping the Philippines as a dependency
of the United States.
That the action of the Oregon Republi
cans will be followed by those of other
states when conventions meet goes with
out saying. That party has adopted the
motto. "To Have Is to Hold," apparently,
all considerations of history and experi
ence to the contrary notwithstanding.
If the promise of ultimate liberty and
Independence had been held out to the
Filipinos as it was to the Cubans "there
would have been not one drop of American
blood spilled In warfare In the islands.
But the mercenary spirit of the Republi
can leaders overmastered all -other mo
tives, and the hard fact was made plain
that the Filipinos, having been delivered
from the Spaniards, were but vassals of
another people. They resisted, as our
forefathers resisted England, and so far
as can be learned there Is little evidence
that the Filipinos will cease to resist
while there are men left capable of carry
ing arms.
Among the great truths self-evident to
Washington and Jefferson and Patrick
Henry and John Hancock was this one:
"That governments derive their Just pow
ers from the consent of the governed."
Oreiron Republicans have dpnlrrt it nnrt
""repudiated it. and their example will be
ionowea d otner Republicans.
Banian Antl-lum With Free Silver.
Kansas City Star.
It Is certainly a fine spectacle to 6ee the
Democratic party, with Its Insistence on
"Isolation" and Its protests against "for
eign entanglements," seeking the assist
ance of other powers in the preservation
of peace in the Philippines. To begin with,
this same plan providers that the United
States shall hold and maintain sovereignty
over naval, military and coaling stations
and cable terminals. With these special
advantages obtained for the United States
it might not be the easiest thing In the
world to secure the help of other nations
in perpetuating the peace of the archi
pelago. Exceptions to the administrative
policies of the Republican party are in
order, if any can bo made, but It la a co
lossal mistake on the part of the De
mocracy to keep up Its attitude In favor of
the independence of the islands. That
will never come about. Such an Issue will
never bring a party victory. In fact It
would defeat a party otherwise deserving
success. This, like "Imperialism" or free
silver, Is one of the things that the Demo
cratic party should endeavor to forget
and let the country forget if that party
wants to make itself felt In the more vital
and Immediate questions before the peo
ple. Once Tried, Always Used.
Buffalo Courier.
Once voting machines are tried, the
people will never consent to do without
them. With a sufficient number of ma
chines next fall. New York will have
a fairer election than it ever knew. Dis
honest practical politicians will be dis
gusted with the new method, no doubt
but the public will like It Voting ma
chines will give Greater New York a
real reform.
Tears, Idle Tears.
Alfred Tennyson.
Tear, Idle tears. I know not what they
mean.
Tears from the depth of some divine despair
Rlso In tho heart, and gather to the eyes.
In looking on the h'appy Autumn fields,
And thinking of the days that are no more.
Fresh as the first beam glittering on a sail.
That brings our friends up from the under
world;
ad as the last which reddens over one
hat sinks with all we love below the verge-
sad, eo fresh, the days that are no more.
Ah! sad and strange as in dark Summer
dawns
The earliest pipe of balf-awaken'd birds
To dying ears, when unto dying eyes
The casement slowly grown a glimmering
square;
So sad, so strange, the dae that are no more.
Dear as remember d kisses after death.
And sweet as those by hopeless fancy feign'd
On lips that are for others; deep as love.
Deep as first love, and wild with all regret
O Death In Life, the days that are no more.
SOURCES OF OUR FOREIGN BORN
New York Journal of Commerce.
The population volume of the 12th cen
sus enables 'us to analyze the composi
tion of the American people, ethnologlo
ally, geographically and in various other
ways, and no analysis of the American
people Is more Interesting than that of
nativity and parentage. This can be most
conveniently .done by reducing the propor
tions for the entire population to the cor
responding proportions for 1000 persons.
We have for the entire population these
two divisions according to nativity and
parentage:
Born in the United States 65,843,301
norn aDroaa 10,460,056
Total 76.303.3S7
Parents born irt the United States. ...50.104.448
One or both parents born Abroad. . . . .26,198,033
Total. ..'. 76,303,387
Now, If we reduce these figures to the
proportionate rates for 1000, we find that
the number of Americans is made up of:
Home born r.8C3
Foreign born 137
Total 1000
Their parentage would be as follows:
Both parents born In America 637
One or both born abroad 343
Total 1000
In carrying out theee ratios for the na
tivity and parentage by countries we must
disregard small fractions to avoid the ne
cessity of vivisecting individuals, a pro
cess wlilch Is to be deplored even when
performed only statistically. With this
explanation the 137 Americans per thou
sand who were born abroad are thus dis
tributed: Born In Germany 35
Ireland 21
Canada 15
Great Britain 15
Sweden, Norway and Denmark 14
Russia and Poland 10
Austria, Bohemia and Hungary 7
Italy c
France, Belgium, Switzerland and Luxem
burg 3
South America. Mexico, West Indies, Portu
gal, Spain. Greece and Roumanla 2
All other countries 0
Total v
Those one or both of whose parents
were born abroad are thus divided:
Both parents foreign 276
Fathers foreign born 43
Mothers foreign born ... .; 22
Total ."5M3
Persons both of whose parents were
born abroad are thus distributed:
Parents born In Germany . 82
Ireland 52
Great Britain '.'.'.""'.'.'."." 23
Canada 17
Russia and Poland .".""....".."..." 17
Austria. Hungary and Bohemia 12
Italy 9
France and Switzerland 4
All others , qq
Total 78
Now, if we group together the natives
of foreign countries with the persons born
in this country, both of whoee parents
were born In that country, we have per
1000. 117 Germans. 73 Ir!sh, 3S British 32
Canadian, 27 Russian and Polish, 19 Austrian-Hungarian-Bohemian,
15 Italian and
7 French and Swiss. The 45 Americans
per thousand who have foreign-bOrn
fathers are distributed thus:
German fathers in
British 0
Irish. V.'.'.V 8
Scandinavian ."." .. 2
Austrian, Hungarian, Bohemian, Russian
and Polish 1
All. others "...". D-
Total 75
The Immigrants from Southeastern Eu
rope are lees Intelligent and less n-'is-tomed
to the forms of constitution'
eminent than those from North. 1
Europe. But they are industrious; .ne
Italians are particularly satisfactory as
common laborers tfnd workers in stone
and plaster; the Slavs are still a very
small fraction of the population and the
assimilation of the second generation
with the surrounding population Is almost
complete. That a great part of these peo
ple oare unable to Tead Is not evidence
of stupidity, but of lack of opportunity;
their children go Into our public schools
and learn fast enough, and the officials of
the Free Public Library here bear most
Interesting testimony to the avidity with
which the foreign-born, or their children,
of the races least welcomed here call for
books giving the history or describing the
political institutions of this country.
THE OLDEST AUTHOR. .
Boston Herald.
J The late Thomas Dunn English, we are
uiujiueu iu imnK, naa me seniority
among American authors of note. Per
haps the venerable Richard Henry Stod
dard was abreast of him In the years
of life, but our Impression Is that he
did not come into notice as a writer so
early. Dr. English was a contemporary
In literary production with Irving, Poe,
Cooper and Willis, and was, ranked as
of their period, though, of course, con
siderably below them In Importance.
There had been no other one living
among our litterateurs for several years
of whom the same could be said. The
era of his production must have ex
tended over more than 50 years. He
found a market for his poetry in maga
zines and newspapers during all that
time. His best-known piece, "Ben Bolt"
if not remarkable as literature, has a
musical swing, and appeals to the heart
in Its sentiment If it Is thought strange
that Dr. English should have been a
Democrat In politics. It is to be remem
bered that the most of the greater
authors of the land at the time he
came on the stage belonged to that
party. Among them were Irving. Bry
ant, Hawthorne, Cooper, Paulding (who
was In President Van Buren's Cabinet)
and others.
Nearness Lends Enchantment.
New York Evening Post
"Whatever be the truth about the alleged
purchase by the Sugar Trust of extensive
beet-sugar farms in Colorado, the mere
rumor has been enough to throw the Den
ver newspapers Into a happy flutter. And,
strange as It may seem, they rather wel
rome tho embrace of the saccharine oc
topus. Thus the Denver Republican frank
ly says that, although "the people of Col
orado have looked upon the American
Refining Company (no unpleasant use of
the word trust you perceive) as the great
enemy," if it is actually coming Into the
state to "erect factories," there la "no
reason why it should not be encouraged."
It adds that what the citizens want Is
"the development of the Industry," and
that It is largely a matter of Indifference
"who owns the factories." Thus does tho
wild beast at a distance become a domes
tic pet when it curls up near the pleased
beet-grower and begins to purr softly to
him of high prices for his land.
Governor Geer and the Senate.
The Oregonlan is worrying very much about
Geera alleged candidacy for the Senate. If
Geer wanted to bo Senator there would be some
occasion for The Oregonlan fretting over the
matter. So far as the Statesman Is Informed,
not a single word has been uttered by Governor
Geer bearing on this subject, and until some
Intimation has been made of Its desires, the
editor of The Oregonlan need lose no sleep.
Salem Statesman.
The Oregonlan is not "worrying." But
It has no doubt that Governor Geer would
like to be Senator, and it sees no reason
why, as a newspaper, it should refuse to
note the fact
The Death Bed.
Thomas Hood.
W watch'd her breathing thro the night
Her breathlnff soft and low,
Ab in her breast the wave of life
Kent heavlnjr to and fro.
So silently we wem'd to speak.
So slowly moved about.
As we had lent her half our powers
To eke her living out.
Our very hopes belled our fears.
Our fears our hopes belied
"We thought her dying when she slept.
And sleeping when she died,
For when the morn came dim and Bad
And chill with early showers.
Her quiet eyelids closed she had
Another morn than ours.
NOTE AND COMMENT.
It's an early "Winter.
What we need Is a little rain.
"Now let the eagle bird spread his wings
for a long flight skyward.
Lieutenant-Governor Tillman was
seated far In the rear yesterday.
April weather Is supposed to be change
able. But this brand is all bad.
It Is not likely that they will have to
offer Edward the crown as o-'ten as they
did Caesar.
The Congressional Record is slow. It
has not yet published a picture of Pur
chasing Agent Christmas.
The chances are that the President will
not see a single pitchfork all tho time
he is in South Carolina.
The Democratic candidate for the
Mayoralty seems to be playing now-you-see-hlm-and-now-you-don't
A New York woman is living without
any backbone. A good many politicians
seem to be In the same plight
Two Presidential nominations are re
ported from "Washington. Some of the
booms are getting an early start
An Italian anarchist has been sent to
Jail for six monoths. That length of time
usually proves effective In an Italian Jail.
The Boer3 say tho war will last four
years more, but It Is likely that they re.
serve the right to ask for an extension
of time.
One S. Skefflington has arisen In Eng
land as a coronation poet. But even
Austin ought to hold his own against a
man with a name like that
Some day some one will go to sleep
for a hundred years and will wake up to
find the Nicaragua Canal begun, and the
Boer "War a little further toward Its end.
There are yet a few offices on tho
fusion ticket which haven't been offered
to-Pennoyer, but the leaders Will have to
hurry If they want him to refuse them
all.
"Parson Lowther may escape from the
consequences of denial of the story of
Eve and the snake," says a Kansas paper,
"but It's a good thing for him that he
did no deny that Noah story. "We ain't
much of a Christian ourselves, but blamed
If we will stand for a crank who don't
believe in Noah!"
A national school Inspector In Ireland
was once examining a class In geography,
and, having reason to correct an answer
to a question regarding Iongtltude, pro
ceeded to ask for a definition of latitude.
There was a slight pause, and a young
lad answered: "Please, sir, we have no
latitude In Ireland. The government
won't allow us any."
A woman in Scotland had lost her hus
band, and the minister, calling to con
dole with her, found her sitting In front
of a large bowl of porridge. "Terrible
loss, terrible loss," sighed the minister.
"Aye," was the reply, "it's a terrible
loss to me. I've just been greetln a
nlcht, and as sune as I flnisih this wee
drap porridge I'm just gaun to begin
again."
A curious story comes from Kansas of a
man who wanted to tell a neighbor what
he thought of him without laying him
self open to a suit for damages. So he
hit on a plan of sending him each day a
postal card with only one word written
on It in a large hand, In addition to the
date obscurely tucked away In a corner.
The person receiving the cards recog
nized the handwriting, and, suspecting
something, kept them until they stopped
coming, when he read them consecutively
in the order of their reception. What
he read was. "Ridiculous old Bill Jones
Is the meanest cuss in town," and he at
once instituted a suit for slapder against
the sender. The latter's lawyer, however,
called attention to the fact that the
postal card containing "ridiculous," though
mailed first, was dated the day after the
date of the card having the word "town."
Moreover, a careful Inspection would
show that after the word "ridiculous"
was an exclamation point, and after the
word "town" was an interrogation mark,
so that the series of postal cards might
be made to read, "Old Bill Jones Is
the meanest cuss In town? Ridiculous!"
He claimed, the'refore. that Instead of
slandering the plaintiff his client had de
fended him from slander, and this plea
was sustained by the court But, all
the same, everybody In town insisted that
the first reading of the cards was. the
correct one, so that the writer attained
his object
0
The Universal Voice.
New York Press (Rep.)
.It must be discouraging to a faith
ful and courageous public official like
Pension Commissioner Evans to find
himself sacrificed to the "exigencies" of
an antagonism numerically unimportant
but of serious political consideration. But
to Commissioner Evans It must be cause
for gratification and to American opin
ion It Is a credit that the sentiment
of the newspaper press and of the
people of the country, whatever the par
tisanship of the one or the other, cor
dially disapproves that sacrifice and ex
presses a frank condemnation of the
proceeding.
$
PLEASANTRIES OF PARAGHAPHEBS
This Is No Joke. Biggs A well-known scien
tist says that men who work live longest.
DIgga 1 don't know about that. It depends on
whom they try to work. Chicago Dally News.
Progress. "Jabez Is gettln' used to public
speakln. ain't he?" "Oh, yes. I remember
when you could hardly get him to stand up.
an now jou kin hardly get him to sit down."
Puck.
On the Old Farm. His Cousin Tom's Boy
(from New York) Uncle Abner. will you please
put a point on these arrows? We're playln'
buffalo huntln' an' they won't stick into tha
cow this way. Judge.
Willing to Accommodate. "Is this, then, ts
be the end?" he sadly said. "Oh, I hope not'
she replied. "I shall still 'reserve three nights
a week for the theater, If you say bo." Chi
cago Record-Herald.
"Aunt Alice, were you very bal when you
were little?" "No. Indeed, my dear! I tried
to be very good." "Well, 1 think It's much
better to be bad. so as to have something In
teresting to talk about when you grow up."
Life.
Martha Tou don't mean to say you have ac
cepted that Mr. Spooner? "Why, hi is so awk
ward, you know! I saw him holding an um
brella over you the other day, and all the
water It caught he allowed to drain right onto
you. Nancy What better proof could I have
that he la In love with me? He hadn't the
least Idea that it was raining, the dear man!
Boston Transcript.
His Tenure of Office. "So you're going to
keep Bill Husker in Congress!" We are," an
swered Farmer Corntossel. "We aon't want him
around here. He waa so slick thr.t he didn't
give anybody a show In a hoss trade or any
thin' else, an' he gqt so uppish that it ground
us to have to travel on the same road with
him. You kin bet he'll stay in Congress. We
couldn't Indict him nor have him kidnaped,
an we've got to get rid of him somehow."
Washington Star.