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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (April 9, 1902)
f3"" THE MOBNING OREGONIAN, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 9, 1902. K fcotereG at the Postofflce at Portland, Oregon, as second-class matter. REVISED SUBSCRIPTION RATES. By Mall (postago prepaid. In Advance Dally, with Sunday, per month 4....? 85 Sally, Sunday excepted, per year 7 BO Dally, with Sunday, per year 0 00 Spnday, per year 2 00 The Weekly, per year. 1 59 She "Weekly, S months CO .To City Subscribers Dully, per week, .delivered. Sundays ereepted.l5o Bally, per troek. delivered, Sundays lncluded.20o POSTAGE RATES. United States, Canada and Mexico: 1 to 14-page paper .. ..,......lc U to 2S-page paper............. .......... ..Zo Foreign rates double. Newa or discussion Intended for publication In The Oregonlan should be addressed Invaria bly "Editor The Oregonlan," not to thevuamo 'of any Individual. Letters relating to adver tising, subscriptions or to any business matter Should be addressed simply "The Oregonlan." 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In another column on this pas -we ireprlnt extracts from the St. Paul Globe, on the declaration of the Repub licans of Oregon, In their state platform put forth last "week, in relation to the Philippine Islanda The Globe is a Democratic party newspaper; and what.it says on this subject undoubtedly foreshadows the position to be taken by the Democratic party of the country. The Democratic party will demand abandonment of the Philippines by the United States. "Scuttle" is to be the leading1 word In our politics till after the next Presi dential election. The assumption that retention of the Philippine Islands by the United States Is inconsistent -with the principles of liberty is a strange and remarkable es timate, by those who put forth the as sumption, of the nature and quality of the liberty which we ourselves possess, and which will always be the possession of every people under the sovereignty of the United States. Maintenance of the authority of the United States in the Philippines will be maugre this silly assumption the. surest guarantee of the freedom of the people of the Islands. We have not dealt with the Philip pines as we have dealt with Cuba be cause the conditions were and are wholly different. We did not go to war on account of the Philippines, but did go to war on account of Cuba. We guaranteed the Independence of Cuba, but did not guarantee the independence of the Philippines. Spanish sovereignty in the Philppines, which had existed nearly four hundred years, was trans ferred by treaty, at the end of the war, to the United States. Not so with the sovereignty over Cuba. It was not transferred to the United States, but relinquished by Spain, that Cuba, through the understanding that had been established with the United States, might become an Independent country. Yet no one supposes that Cuba will remain independent. It is & burden which she cannot carry long. Her des tiny is annexation to the United States. The responsible classes of her people already foresee and desire It Now, as to "the great doctrine that governments derive their just powers from consent of the governed." It is asserted that we are denying it to the Filipinos. The assertion is a thought less one. No doctrine like this can be used with good sense as a mere catch phrase. The idea It carries has an eth ical content, but as a statement of al leged political fact it has little content of practical truth. From every point of view it is a revolutionary maxim; as an epigrammatic bit of political lit erature its origin may be found in the revolutionary thought of Rousseau and his contemporaries; while back of Rous seau Its substance may be traced through many generations of speculat ive discontent It is not a maxim of government, but a maxim of revolution; and over and over again, in our own history, the powers of government have been coercively applied to compel the submission of men who believed' they had as good a right to rebel against the existing governmental authority be cause they had not given or were un willing to continue their consent to it as had the men of the original thirteen colonies, who had proclaimed the doc trine on their separation from Great Britain. Our Southern States appealed to the doctrine, but the appeal could not be allowed. It Is a doctrine to which revolutionists always appeal, but which no government ever can allow unless it be too weak to defeat it The Filipinos will not be our "vas sals," but our equals, in ail rights. They will, however be subject to the general sovereignty, just as we are. That we shall have their ultimate "con sent" is unquestionable, as we now have that of our own states, which revolted forty years ago. A great na tion like ours goes forward in its ap pointed or destined course. It cannot be tied up by any maxims of revolu tion, or held within the bounds of a special jurisprudence. It has ethical justification if it displaces a lower by a higher social and political order, and strengthens or broadens civilization. Who doubts that these will be the re sults of our sovereignty over the Phil ippine Islands? In these large affairs vague maxims, metaphysical definlr tlons, merely mislead. At bottom, con sent and government are opposite terms. They exclude each other. Gov ernment is coercion, not consent We submit to conditions that we do not approve; but our non-resistance is the product of a thousand moral, mental and physical factors to which we do not consent We yield to expediency and convenience, rather than testthe the ory of consent of the governed. To the same conclusion the Filipinos are fast coming. Consent on their part will fol low exhaustion of their power of resist ance, and with demonstration to them that the rule of the United States will be in accord with the principles of jus tice'and freedom. Just as we now have the "consent" of our Southern States, so we shall have that of the Philippine Islands. LEGISLATIVE PLEDGES. The perils encountered by the Cuban relief bill on its way through the House are very suggestive of the chances taken by any Congress wherever it un dertakes by Its act to bind one or all succeeding Congresses. Yesterday upon a close vote the Speaker announced that the House re fused to go into committee of the whole. The bill was technically arrested right there, and might have been blocked yet had not McClellan of New York called for a division. Subsequently a vote by tellers resulted in, favor of the bill's consideration by the close vote of 107 to 102. It would be very easy for Congress to decline to pass any Cuban relief bill whatever. Then we should hear pro tests that our sacred pledge had been violated. There is no pledge to Cuba concerning tariff concessions, except a constructive pledge. If Congress decides there is no pledge, or that, even if there ia a constructive pledge, it la more righteously 'broken than, kept, there is no appeal. Congress is the people, speaking through their legally; consti tuted representatives. We did make a pledge to Cuba. It was to the effect that when order and stable government had been established we would get out and leave her to her self. That was the purpose of the Fifty-fifth Congress. But it Is clear that abandonment of Cuba might not meet either the desire or the judgment of any subsequent Congress. Senators and Representatives are not elected to carry out the desire of previous Con gresses, but to represent the people who elected them and act on their best judg ment at the time. There is nothing in our system of gov ernment that recognizes the acts of one Congress as binding upon another. Treaties are binning, but they may be abrogated. Laws made by one Congress may be repealed by another. It is folly to assert that the Piatt amendment or any understanding held in Cuba or Washington binds the Fifty-seventh Congress now In session. The wrong, if any, is In the pledge Itself. It was Unwise, -unconstitutional and Immoral. As to Cuba or as to the Philippines, no pledge should be made by either Ad ministration or Congress looking to re demption at tho hands of those elected by the people in the future. Any such act is an unwarranted assumption of power. GREAT BRITAIN'S PAPER ARMY. Mr. Brodrlck, the British Secretary Of State for War, in a recent speech told the House of Commons that in event of war British India would be expected to provide four corps. South Africa two, Australia two, New Zealand one and Canada four, making thirteen corps that could be used for imperial defense outside of the force kept at home for the protection of the British Isles. Mr. Brodrlck. must have been "talking through his hat" The Dominion of Canada, with Its population of 5,000,000, could easily raise a formidable army of 200,000 sturdy men that would be fully equal to the successful defense of the Canadian frontier against a foreign Invader. Such an army could be organ ized, cheaply maintained and quickly assembled at the call of danger, after the method of the Swiss military sys tem; but this kind of an army, ample for the home defense of the Canadian or the American frontier, would be a far lighter burden than that which Mr. Brodrlck would impose upon the Cana dian Dominion. If we understand his plan, he would expect Canada to pro duce, equip and keep permanently un der the colors an army of from 160,000 to 200,000 men, which might at any hour be called upon to serve at the other end of the globe. The United States, with a population of nearly 80,000,000, a very rich country, maintains an army of less than 100,000 men, and, were it not for the Philippine Islands, would not have an army of more than half that number. Canada could not afford to keep constantly under arms more than 50,000 men for the purpose named by Mr. Brodrlck. Great Britain could not possibly hope to obtain her force of thirteen army corps from her colonies. Out of British In dia's warlike races she might at her own expense obtain a considerable force of mercenaries of doubtful value, but where would she go to recruit tho re mainder of this great force? During the Napoleonic wars all Europe was a recruiting ground for England, for all Europe was Napoleon's enemy, but to day Great Britain's money could recruit no soldiers In Russia, France, Germany, Austria, Italy or Spain. The whole scheme is preposterous. Great Britain can protect her own coasts from invasion by her navy and her domestic levies, and her great colo nies are able to take care of them selves, but Great Britain in a great war with a first-class foreign power could not expect to raise a great army equal to the military Invasion of any great power of Continental Europe. Of course, with Spain and Portugal for allies, as in the Napoleonic war. Great Britain could dangerously threaten the flank of France; but Great Britain would be obliged to make war through her navy by destroying the ships and blockading the ports of her enemy. She has al ways been obliged to wage successful war in this way, save when she had Continental allies. She Is rich enough to fill the seas with enormous Ironclads, and on her fleets she must rely to dis tress her enemy so severely that he will be glad to make peace. As for the suc cessful invasion of England or of any of the great British colonies, it could scarcely be accomplished. The block ade of hostile ports, the destruction of hostile commerce, would be Great Brit ain's natural weapons in war. If the war was confined to a struggle between Japan, backed by Great Britain, and Russia supported by France, Great Britain would easily have the' best of It for her navy is so strong that France and Russia together could not hope to j cope with it, and with the Chinese and Japan Seas dominated by the English and Japanese fleets Russia could not hope to win. If Russia should attempt a diversion by attacking the Indian frontier, she would, be likely to be repulsed. Mean time, if Russia and Franqe warred against Great Britain In Europe, they I would be likely to lose their ships and suffer the blockade of their ports. As a military power, Great Britain can al ways make herself felt most powerfully through her predominant naval strength and skill and the ample resources. of her army chest, but It Is folly for her to assume that she can raise four army corps for Imperial service out of Can ada, two In Australia and one In New Zealand. Out of the 250,000,000 of India a great army could be raised, but It would be of questionable value against anything but Asiatic troops. Great Britain can defend herself from inva sion; her great colonies and dependen cies could defend themselves from in vasion with moderate naval and trans port assistance from the Imperial gov ernment, and then she could spare Iron clads enough to make Russia and France sorry they made war. NOT "WORTHY OF A STATUE. The proposal now before the Massa chusetts Legislature to erect a statue to General B. F. Butler is vigorously opposed by a number of eminent men who knew General Butler's political and military career. The ground of opposi tion Is not that General Butler was a Democrat, for statues have already been voted to men who were "war" Democrats at the outbreak of the Civil War, like General Joseph Hooker and General Charles Devena It Is not due to any depreciation of General Butler's Intellectual ability or his legal emi nence. It Is simply due to the belief that there is nothing in General But ler's military or political career that ttitles his memory to supreme honors ay the people of his state, and that there Is much in both his military and political career that was most detesta ble because most corrupt; that he was In no high sense a patriot; that he was never a statesman, but a mere artful, shifty and vindictive political dema gogue, to honor whose memory would be to confuse In the minds of the grow ing generation the difference between a man of statesmanlike quality and a mere successful political charlatan. This seems like a severe Indictment of General Butler, but It is supported and sustained by able and upright men who knew Butler long and well and have searched the facts of his military career down to the bottom by examina tion of the official archives of the Civil War. William Endlcott, who had the full confidence of John A. Andrew, war Governor at the time when Butler was prominent, read historical testimony before the legislative committee to show that Butler was not the originator of any plan to send Massachusetts troops South by way of Annapolis Instead of by Baltimore, for which Butler had been given credit J. M. Forbes read a summary of Butler's military record, prepared by Colonel Thomas D. Liver more, tending to show that no special credit was due him. So cheap was thlt, record that the erection of such a statue would be an injustice to every old sol dier who had an honorable record. Colonel Hallowell, of -the Fifty-fifth Massachusetts Volunteers during the war, has stigmatized as "this annual affront" the proposition for a Butler statue, and said he would be willing to submit the proposition to the people of the state for settlement In full confi dence that they would turn down the Butler statue Just as they turned down the man after they knew what he waa Colonel T. W. Hlgginson, the eminent literary essayist, a veteran of the Civil War, denounced Butler as an utterly selfish, ambitious, unscrupulous man In war or peace. J. F. Rhodes, the his torian, read a statement of Butler's corrupt dealings when In command at New Orleans. He gave dates on which General Butler had given permits to Confederates to ship contraband arti cles across Lake Pontchartraln, know ing that the goods would go Into the hands of the enemy. The Rhodes state ment showed that Genera Butler's brother was deeply interested In 1862 In speculation and trade witjh the Con federates, and that the General gave proteotlon and facilities 'for the conduct of this trade. General Buller, he be lieved, had also used his position to profit privately with his brother-in-law from trade with the Confederacy at Norfolk. Mr. Rhodes said that Butler's failure to take Petersburg, for which he is held responsible by Grant In his final official report and his fiasco before Fort Fisher, were of the first order of mag nitude, and left nothing of his military record worthy of praise. The capture of New Orleans was solely .due to the guns of Farragut's fleet General Fran cis A. Osborne, who was Colonel of tho Twenty-fourth Massachusetts Volun teers and served under General Butler, said that while he had been treated by General Butler with courtesy and kind ness, nevertheless his view was that "the man to whom Massachusetts erects a statue should be above suspi cion, and there is a widespread suspi cion against him." It is noteworthy that the opposition omitted from their indictment of Gen eral Butler's career the Important fact that in his very first term In Congress after the war he was prompt to cham pion the cause of dishonest finance. An able debater and an influential man, he supported the "greenbacklsm" of Pendleton, Voorhees and Ewlng in 1S68. He championed repudiation and favored the payment of our bonds In greenbacks instead of gdld. In 1874-76 Butler was a blatant greenbacker; In 1884 he was the candidate of the so-called "people's party" and still a greenbacker, and he was a "free sllverlte" when that ques tion came up for debate. A very able man, of vast legal learning and of large general reading. General Butler was one of the first apostles of dishonest money that rose to view after the Civil War, and from that time forward he was a "greenbacker" and a "free sllver lte." Of course, he knew better. Bryan, with his limited reading and lack of logical power, may originally have been fooled by his own folly, but General Butler had too large a brain and' was too well equipped with knowledge to have been other than a dishonest advo cate of dishonest money. He was a man destitute of political moral sense, always ready to back or ride any horse that he thought might possibly make a winning race. Of course, such a man is unworthy of a monument, for, in spite of his great abilities, he was a mere political quack. He was a quack as a General, a quack as a patriot, for he let his brother rob the Government he pretended to fight for, and a quack as a financier. He was, like Caleb Cushing, a far more gifted and accom plished man, everything by turn and nothing long; he was "never true save to one party, and that was himself." Representative Bromwell, of Ohio, who is a member of the pensions com mittee of the House, believes that the enactment of a service pension law for Civil War veterans would be iln the in terest of real economy. This is not a new view. More than twenty years ago a prominent New England .lawyer, who had gallantly commanded a regiment at Gettysburg, expressed the opinion that sooner or later we should be driven to the enactment of a general service pen sion bill. This gallant soldier and sound lawyer always argued that the moral effect upon the country of a service pension, In distinction from one In which the claimant has to prove in juries, would be very beneficial. Doubt less sooner or later a service pension will be granted to all participants in the Civil War, as in earlier wars. The average age of the survivors of that war Is 60 years; these men served the Government for $13 a month, and It Is fairly argued that they should all now, when honorably discharged, be granted something by the Government which would be In the nature of an Increase of the earlier compensation, but coming at a time when they need" it most There are thousands of old veterans who did splendid service but cannot swear to any disability consequent upon their military service or to absolute Inablllty to earn a living. Nevertheless, many of these old men are In straitened circum stances. Their robe and their Integrity to heaven in refusing ,to make a false oath to get a pension is about all they can call their own. A general service pension would be but justice to such men. Today President Roosevelt at the South Carolina Exposition will present to Major MIcah Jenkins, formerly an officer of the Rough Riders, a beautiful sword, the gift of South Carolinans who honor Major Jenkins, the gallant son of a gallant Confederate General killed by the fire of his own men at the second day's battle of the Wildernesa Ex-Governor Thompson, of South Caro lina, heads the state committee In charge of the presentation ceremonies, and will speak for South Carolina. To day is the anniversary of Lee's surren der at Appomattox, and President Roosevelt, whose mother was the daughter of a distinguished Georgia family, and whose uncles on the moth er's side were gallant officers In the Confederate Army, ought to be able to make a felicitous and eloquent speech on this, occasion. It seems like a ro mance ,that only thirty-seven years af ter ourfearful Civil War the President of the United States, the son of a Geor gia mother, whose whole family fought to the last for the Confederacy, should be Invited by the State of South Caro lina to present a sword to the son of a Confederate General who fell In battle, a sword obtained by the gallantry man ifested by the son of this Confederate 6lre In battle under the flag of the re stored Union. Verily, we are a thor oughly reunited If not reconstructed people. President Roosevelt can afford to forget the episode of Tillman's Inso lence, since South Carolina has repudi ated all sympathy with his boorlshness. The marked increase a few months ago In the price of meat throughout the country was met by consumers at first with protest, and then by querulous in quiry into the cause. Relief not com ing from either quarter, the philosoph ical American settled down to make the best of It, and, It Is said, has already, to his great delight, found that he had been eating more meat than was good for him, and that the increase in the price of meat had been a benefit rather than a calamity, even of the milder sort No doubt this conclusion 13 well based. There is little question that a good many Americans eat more meat than is healthful. A lessened use of this staple, with an Increased consump tion of other more nutritious and less stimulating foods, will prove valuable In assisting medical scientists to put to rout rheumatic and other disorders that appear to increase rather than diminish with the advance of civilization. The passage of Congressman Gros venors anti-shoddy bill would make no difference in the consumption of wool, and the woolgrowers would gain nothing by It The only people who now buy $10 shoddy and cotton suits are those who cannot afford to buy more expensive clothing. Those people who now buy cheap suits will not buy $25 all-wool or new wool suits when under the Grosvenor bill the cheap suits are officially stamped as composed in part or altogether of shoddy. A man who buys oleomargarine because It Is cheaper than butter would not buy any more butter because oleomargarine was distinctly marked as "shoddy" butter. The new tax law has worked satis factorily to all who have met Its condi tions. The delinquent lists in every county that has reported is smaller than for a number of years past, and tax payers generally are In a cheerful frame of mind.. Of course, there are property-owners who are not happy, not having liquidated their accounts with the Sheriff, but these are rela tively few in number, and with the men who traffic in tax titles to their profit, they are the only ones from whom complaint of the new law is heard. The number of patients In the Oregon Insane Asylum was larger during March of this year than during any month In the history of that instltutiqn. This does not prove that the ratio of .Insanity in the state is rising. It merely presents a fact incident to increasing population. The showing of 1241 in mates of the Insane Asylum Is, how ever, sufficiently sad, and the care and treatment of this unfortunate army represents the state's greatest and most humane charity. Cecil Rhodes once gave $50,000 to the Irish Parliamentary fund through Par nell. The explanation offered is that Rhodes held that Parnell was strug gling to obtain the recognition of the same principle for Ireland that he (Rhodes) hoped some day to obtain for the whole of South Africa. Probably Rhodes, too, liked Parnell, his unflinch ing courage and resolution, his leader ship, his grim masterfulnesa The Oregonlan desires to commend Senator Simon for his statement that had he been, present when the vote was taken on the ship subsidy bill he would have voted against it. The only criti cism The Oregonlan would make upon him In this matter Is that he was not present when the vote was taken. Un like Mr. MIcawber, in jail, he was not detained by circumstances over which he had no control. One proposal to the. local fusionists The Oregonlan fully approves. It Is the suggestion that for the vindication of the Honorable Joseph Simon they make the Honorable D. Soils Cohen their can- dldate for the State Senate. REPUBLICAN'VIEWS OF SUBSIDIES , New York Herald. Representative Hepburn, chairman of the committee on Interstate and foreign commerce, said he was inclined to look upon the ship subsidy bill as at present made up with disfavor. "I would not oppose a bill," continued Mr. Hepburn, "which would tend to build up the coastwise freight service in America. But any measure, like the bill which came from the Senate, providing for a subsidized fast service, seems to me to be class leslslatlon, and largely for the benefit of only a few." Representative Corliss of Michigan said he was against the Frye ship sub sidy bill on general principles. Representative H. C. Smith of Michi gan said: "I am against the Frye bill on general principles. I don't believe in ship subsidies of any kind. It aids only a few and favors altogether class legis lation. What we need Is general legis lation in matters of this kind that will extend Its benefits. "I do, however, believe that something should be done to build up our mer chant marine. It was the late Presi dent McKinley's idea to charge foreign ships bringing goods into this country 10 per cent, more than tariff rates. Now a reduction of 10 per cent should be made in favor of goods brought here in American-built ships, and by this plan no treaties would be violated." Representative Crumpacker of Indiana said: "I am against the ship subsidy bill always have been, and probably always will be." ' Representative Cousins of Iowa said: "Senators Allison and Dolliver voiced the sentiments of the people of Iowa when they voted against the ship sub sidy bill. I vill follow the leadership of our two Senators and vote against tho bJ1l. I believe the vofes of the six Republican Senators who voted against the bill will have a serious ef fect upon the vote in the House." Representative Loud of California said: "I have generally been In favor of sub sidles when I believed they were In the Interests of all the people. The pend ing bill in my opinion, does not appeal to the people generally: It Is framed in the Interest of a few persons, com paratively, and, under the circumstan ces. It will have to be modified materi ally before I could accept it I am of the opinion that a great many persons in San Francisco favor the bill because it will benefit the shipping Interests of the Pacific Coast" Representative Bartlett of Georgia said: "I am against the ship subsidy bill, whether It comes up this session or next I don't believe, however, that It will be forced to a vote this ses sion. I understand that the friends of the bill have taken alarm at the votes of Senators Allison -and Dolliver, and Speaker Henderson will not allow It to come to a vote." Representative Cushman of Washing ton said: "I don't like the bill in Its present shape. There is a good deal of feeling among the people that there are other matters of legislation of greater Interest to all which should receive con sideration at the present session beforo we pass a ship subsidy bill." Representative Mann of Illinois said: "I don't care to commit myself on the bill beforo It Is even considered In com mittee, but I have no hesitation In Bay ing that it only appeals to a few Inter ested persons. The great mass of the people, who will not be benefited by its provisions, are not clamoring for its enactment" THE OREGON PLATFORM. An "AntI" Comment on the Resolu tion Relating: to the Philippines. St Paul Globe. Fromr far-away Oregon comes the ominous sounding of the bell tolling the death knell of hope of Independence and liberty for the Filipinos. In convention assembled the Republicans of that state loudly declared in favor of everlastingly keeping the Philippines as a dependency of the United States. That the action of the Oregon Republi cans will be followed by those of other states when conventions meet goes with out saying. That party has adopted the motto. "To Have Is to Hold," apparently, all considerations of history and experi ence to the contrary notwithstanding. If the promise of ultimate liberty and Independence had been held out to the Filipinos as it was to the Cubans "there would have been not one drop of American blood spilled In warfare In the islands. But the mercenary spirit of the Republi can leaders overmastered all -other mo tives, and the hard fact was made plain that the Filipinos, having been delivered from the Spaniards, were but vassals of another people. They resisted, as our forefathers resisted England, and so far as can be learned there Is little evidence that the Filipinos will cease to resist while there are men left capable of carry ing arms. Among the great truths self-evident to Washington and Jefferson and Patrick Henry and John Hancock was this one: "That governments derive their Just pow ers from the consent of the governed." Oreiron Republicans have dpnlrrt it nnrt ""repudiated it. and their example will be ionowea d otner Republicans. Banian Antl-lum With Free Silver. Kansas City Star. It Is certainly a fine spectacle to 6ee the Democratic party, with Its Insistence on "Isolation" and Its protests against "for eign entanglements," seeking the assist ance of other powers in the preservation of peace in the Philippines. To begin with, this same plan providers that the United States shall hold and maintain sovereignty over naval, military and coaling stations and cable terminals. With these special advantages obtained for the United States it might not be the easiest thing In the world to secure the help of other nations in perpetuating the peace of the archi pelago. Exceptions to the administrative policies of the Republican party are in order, if any can bo made, but It la a co lossal mistake on the part of the De mocracy to keep up Its attitude In favor of the independence of the islands. That will never come about. Such an Issue will never bring a party victory. In fact It would defeat a party otherwise deserving success. This, like "Imperialism" or free silver, Is one of the things that the Demo cratic party should endeavor to forget and let the country forget if that party wants to make itself felt In the more vital and Immediate questions before the peo ple. Once Tried, Always Used. Buffalo Courier. Once voting machines are tried, the people will never consent to do without them. With a sufficient number of ma chines next fall. New York will have a fairer election than it ever knew. Dis honest practical politicians will be dis gusted with the new method, no doubt but the public will like It Voting ma chines will give Greater New York a real reform. Tears, Idle Tears. Alfred Tennyson. Tear, Idle tears. I know not what they mean. Tears from the depth of some divine despair Rlso In tho heart, and gather to the eyes. In looking on the h'appy Autumn fields, And thinking of the days that are no more. Fresh as the first beam glittering on a sail. That brings our friends up from the under world; ad as the last which reddens over one hat sinks with all we love below the verge- sad, eo fresh, the days that are no more. Ah! sad and strange as in dark Summer dawns The earliest pipe of balf-awaken'd birds To dying ears, when unto dying eyes The casement slowly grown a glimmering square; So sad, so strange, the dae that are no more. Dear as remember d kisses after death. And sweet as those by hopeless fancy feign'd On lips that are for others; deep as love. Deep as first love, and wild with all regret O Death In Life, the days that are no more. SOURCES OF OUR FOREIGN BORN New York Journal of Commerce. The population volume of the 12th cen sus enables 'us to analyze the composi tion of the American people, ethnologlo ally, geographically and in various other ways, and no analysis of the American people Is more Interesting than that of nativity and parentage. This can be most conveniently .done by reducing the propor tions for the entire population to the cor responding proportions for 1000 persons. We have for the entire population these two divisions according to nativity and parentage: Born in the United States 65,843,301 norn aDroaa 10,460,056 Total 76.303.3S7 Parents born irt the United States. ...50.104.448 One or both parents born Abroad. . . . .26,198,033 Total. ..'. 76,303,387 Now, If we reduce these figures to the proportionate rates for 1000, we find that the number of Americans is made up of: Home born r.8C3 Foreign born 137 Total 1000 Their parentage would be as follows: Both parents born In America 637 One or both born abroad 343 Total 1000 In carrying out theee ratios for the na tivity and parentage by countries we must disregard small fractions to avoid the ne cessity of vivisecting individuals, a pro cess wlilch Is to be deplored even when performed only statistically. With this explanation the 137 Americans per thou sand who were born abroad are thus dis tributed: Born In Germany 35 Ireland 21 Canada 15 Great Britain 15 Sweden, Norway and Denmark 14 Russia and Poland 10 Austria, Bohemia and Hungary 7 Italy c France, Belgium, Switzerland and Luxem burg 3 South America. Mexico, West Indies, Portu gal, Spain. Greece and Roumanla 2 All other countries 0 Total v Those one or both of whose parents were born abroad are thus divided: Both parents foreign 276 Fathers foreign born 43 Mothers foreign born ... .; 22 Total ."5M3 Persons both of whose parents were born abroad are thus distributed: Parents born In Germany . 82 Ireland 52 Great Britain '.'.'.""'.'.'."." 23 Canada 17 Russia and Poland .".""....".."..." 17 Austria. Hungary and Bohemia 12 Italy 9 France and Switzerland 4 All others , qq Total 78 Now, if we group together the natives of foreign countries with the persons born in this country, both of whoee parents were born In that country, we have per 1000. 117 Germans. 73 Ir!sh, 3S British 32 Canadian, 27 Russian and Polish, 19 Austrian-Hungarian-Bohemian, 15 Italian and 7 French and Swiss. The 45 Americans per thousand who have foreign-bOrn fathers are distributed thus: German fathers in British 0 Irish. V.'.'.V 8 Scandinavian ."." .. 2 Austrian, Hungarian, Bohemian, Russian and Polish 1 All. others "...". D- Total 75 The Immigrants from Southeastern Eu rope are lees Intelligent and less n-'is-tomed to the forms of constitution' eminent than those from North. 1 Europe. But they are industrious; .ne Italians are particularly satisfactory as common laborers tfnd workers in stone and plaster; the Slavs are still a very small fraction of the population and the assimilation of the second generation with the surrounding population Is almost complete. That a great part of these peo ple oare unable to Tead Is not evidence of stupidity, but of lack of opportunity; their children go Into our public schools and learn fast enough, and the officials of the Free Public Library here bear most Interesting testimony to the avidity with which the foreign-born, or their children, of the races least welcomed here call for books giving the history or describing the political institutions of this country. THE OLDEST AUTHOR. . Boston Herald. J The late Thomas Dunn English, we are uiujiueu iu imnK, naa me seniority among American authors of note. Per haps the venerable Richard Henry Stod dard was abreast of him In the years of life, but our Impression Is that he did not come into notice as a writer so early. Dr. English was a contemporary In literary production with Irving, Poe, Cooper and Willis, and was, ranked as of their period, though, of course, con siderably below them In Importance. There had been no other one living among our litterateurs for several years of whom the same could be said. The era of his production must have ex tended over more than 50 years. He found a market for his poetry in maga zines and newspapers during all that time. His best-known piece, "Ben Bolt" if not remarkable as literature, has a musical swing, and appeals to the heart in Its sentiment If it Is thought strange that Dr. English should have been a Democrat In politics. It is to be remem bered that the most of the greater authors of the land at the time he came on the stage belonged to that party. Among them were Irving. Bry ant, Hawthorne, Cooper, Paulding (who was In President Van Buren's Cabinet) and others. Nearness Lends Enchantment. New York Evening Post "Whatever be the truth about the alleged purchase by the Sugar Trust of extensive beet-sugar farms in Colorado, the mere rumor has been enough to throw the Den ver newspapers Into a happy flutter. And, strange as It may seem, they rather wel rome tho embrace of the saccharine oc topus. Thus the Denver Republican frank ly says that, although "the people of Col orado have looked upon the American Refining Company (no unpleasant use of the word trust you perceive) as the great enemy," if it is actually coming Into the state to "erect factories," there la "no reason why it should not be encouraged." It adds that what the citizens want Is "the development of the Industry," and that It is largely a matter of Indifference "who owns the factories." Thus does tho wild beast at a distance become a domes tic pet when it curls up near the pleased beet-grower and begins to purr softly to him of high prices for his land. Governor Geer and the Senate. The Oregonlan is worrying very much about Geera alleged candidacy for the Senate. If Geer wanted to bo Senator there would be some occasion for The Oregonlan fretting over the matter. So far as the Statesman Is Informed, not a single word has been uttered by Governor Geer bearing on this subject, and until some Intimation has been made of Its desires, the editor of The Oregonlan need lose no sleep. Salem Statesman. The Oregonlan is not "worrying." But It has no doubt that Governor Geer would like to be Senator, and it sees no reason why, as a newspaper, it should refuse to note the fact The Death Bed. Thomas Hood. W watch'd her breathing thro the night Her breathlnff soft and low, Ab in her breast the wave of life Kent heavlnjr to and fro. So silently we wem'd to speak. So slowly moved about. As we had lent her half our powers To eke her living out. Our very hopes belled our fears. Our fears our hopes belied "We thought her dying when she slept. And sleeping when she died, For when the morn came dim and Bad And chill with early showers. Her quiet eyelids closed she had Another morn than ours. NOTE AND COMMENT. It's an early "Winter. What we need Is a little rain. "Now let the eagle bird spread his wings for a long flight skyward. Lieutenant-Governor Tillman was seated far In the rear yesterday. April weather Is supposed to be change able. But this brand is all bad. It Is not likely that they will have to offer Edward the crown as o-'ten as they did Caesar. The Congressional Record is slow. It has not yet published a picture of Pur chasing Agent Christmas. The chances are that the President will not see a single pitchfork all tho time he is in South Carolina. The Democratic candidate for the Mayoralty seems to be playing now-you-see-hlm-and-now-you-don't A New York woman is living without any backbone. A good many politicians seem to be In the same plight Two Presidential nominations are re ported from "Washington. Some of the booms are getting an early start An Italian anarchist has been sent to Jail for six monoths. That length of time usually proves effective In an Italian Jail. The Boer3 say tho war will last four years more, but It Is likely that they re. serve the right to ask for an extension of time. One S. Skefflington has arisen In Eng land as a coronation poet. But even Austin ought to hold his own against a man with a name like that Some day some one will go to sleep for a hundred years and will wake up to find the Nicaragua Canal begun, and the Boer "War a little further toward Its end. There are yet a few offices on tho fusion ticket which haven't been offered to-Pennoyer, but the leaders Will have to hurry If they want him to refuse them all. "Parson Lowther may escape from the consequences of denial of the story of Eve and the snake," says a Kansas paper, "but It's a good thing for him that he did no deny that Noah story. "We ain't much of a Christian ourselves, but blamed If we will stand for a crank who don't believe in Noah!" A national school Inspector In Ireland was once examining a class In geography, and, having reason to correct an answer to a question regarding Iongtltude, pro ceeded to ask for a definition of latitude. There was a slight pause, and a young lad answered: "Please, sir, we have no latitude In Ireland. The government won't allow us any." A woman in Scotland had lost her hus band, and the minister, calling to con dole with her, found her sitting In front of a large bowl of porridge. "Terrible loss, terrible loss," sighed the minister. "Aye," was the reply, "it's a terrible loss to me. I've just been greetln a nlcht, and as sune as I flnisih this wee drap porridge I'm just gaun to begin again." A curious story comes from Kansas of a man who wanted to tell a neighbor what he thought of him without laying him self open to a suit for damages. So he hit on a plan of sending him each day a postal card with only one word written on It in a large hand, In addition to the date obscurely tucked away In a corner. The person receiving the cards recog nized the handwriting, and, suspecting something, kept them until they stopped coming, when he read them consecutively in the order of their reception. What he read was. "Ridiculous old Bill Jones Is the meanest cuss in town," and he at once instituted a suit for slapder against the sender. The latter's lawyer, however, called attention to the fact that the postal card containing "ridiculous," though mailed first, was dated the day after the date of the card having the word "town." Moreover, a careful Inspection would show that after the word "ridiculous" was an exclamation point, and after the word "town" was an interrogation mark, so that the series of postal cards might be made to read, "Old Bill Jones Is the meanest cuss In town? Ridiculous!" He claimed, the'refore. that Instead of slandering the plaintiff his client had de fended him from slander, and this plea was sustained by the court But, all the same, everybody In town insisted that the first reading of the cards was. the correct one, so that the writer attained his object 0 The Universal Voice. New York Press (Rep.) .It must be discouraging to a faith ful and courageous public official like Pension Commissioner Evans to find himself sacrificed to the "exigencies" of an antagonism numerically unimportant but of serious political consideration. But to Commissioner Evans It must be cause for gratification and to American opin ion It Is a credit that the sentiment of the newspaper press and of the people of the country, whatever the par tisanship of the one or the other, cor dially disapproves that sacrifice and ex presses a frank condemnation of the proceeding. $ PLEASANTRIES OF PARAGHAPHEBS This Is No Joke. Biggs A well-known scien tist says that men who work live longest. DIgga 1 don't know about that. It depends on whom they try to work. Chicago Dally News. Progress. "Jabez Is gettln' used to public speakln. ain't he?" "Oh, yes. I remember when you could hardly get him to stand up. an now jou kin hardly get him to sit down." Puck. On the Old Farm. His Cousin Tom's Boy (from New York) Uncle Abner. will you please put a point on these arrows? We're playln' buffalo huntln' an' they won't stick into tha cow this way. Judge. Willing to Accommodate. "Is this, then, ts be the end?" he sadly said. "Oh, I hope not' she replied. "I shall still 'reserve three nights a week for the theater, If you say bo." Chi cago Record-Herald. "Aunt Alice, were you very bal when you were little?" "No. Indeed, my dear! I tried to be very good." "Well, 1 think It's much better to be bad. so as to have something In teresting to talk about when you grow up." Life. Martha Tou don't mean to say you have ac cepted that Mr. Spooner? "Why, hi is so awk ward, you know! I saw him holding an um brella over you the other day, and all the water It caught he allowed to drain right onto you. Nancy What better proof could I have that he la In love with me? He hadn't the least Idea that it was raining, the dear man! Boston Transcript. His Tenure of Office. "So you're going to keep Bill Husker in Congress!" We are," an swered Farmer Corntossel. "We aon't want him around here. He waa so slick thr.t he didn't give anybody a show In a hoss trade or any thin' else, an' he gqt so uppish that it ground us to have to travel on the same road with him. You kin bet he'll stay in Congress. We couldn't Indict him nor have him kidnaped, an we've got to get rid of him somehow." Washington Star.