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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 23, 1900)
' i : FHE y MOS?.fsTIC5 OBEOOIA3jr, TySIiYf " QCTOBJSJ. 23-,, 1$0& JS. ''pggonftttu Entered at tbe PostofHcc at Portland, Orecon, as second-close matter. TELEPHONES. EiJltorial Room.. ..100 Business Office. ...06? REVISED SUBSCRIPTION RATES. B Hall .tpoatage prepaid), In Advance rafly, with Sunday, per month fO S5 pally, Sunday excepted, per year.. J J polish with Sundaj, per year . W bunday, per year ........,.......,-- w ThoWeekly. per year 1 5 Jha Weekly, U months To City Subscribers . , Dally, per week, acllvored, Sunday excepted.! Dally, jper -week, delivered, Sundays Jncludcd.20c POSTAGE RATES. United States, Canada and Mexico: lO.ib IG-nago -paper ,,..........-.-' c 10 to 32-tfnge'phper ' 2c Foreign mtes double. -r fews or discussion Intended for publication In The Oregonian should be addressed lnxarla bly "'Editor The Qregonlnn," not to the name of any Individual. Letters relating to advertis ing, "subscriptions or to any business matter should Te addressed simply "The Oregonian;" The Oregonian does not buy poems or stories from Individuals, end cannot undertake to re turn any manuscripts cent to It -without solici tation. No stamps should be Inclosed Xor this purpose, Fuget Sound Bureau Captain A. Thompson, office at 1111 Pacific avenue, Tacoma. Box 953, Tacoma Postofllce. Eastern Business Office The Tribune build ing, New Tork City; "Tho Rookery," Chicago; the S. C. Beckwlth special agency. New Tork. 2or sale In Son Francisco by J. K. Cooper, 740 Market street, near the Palace Hotel; Gold smith Bros.. 230 Sutter street; F. W. Pitts, 1008 Market street; roster St. Orear, Ferry News Stand; L. E. Lee, Palace Hotel News Stand. For Bale In Los Angeles by B. F. Gardner, 259 So. Spring street, and Oliver & Haines, 100 So. Spring street. For sale In Omaha by H. C. Shears, 103 N. Sixteenth street, and Barkalow Bros.. 1012 Farnam street. For sale In Salt Lake by the Salt Lake News Co., 77 W. Second South street. For sale In New Orleans by Ernest & Co., 116 Royal street- On file In Washlncton. X). C. with A. TV. Dunn, COO 14th N. W. For sale In Chlcaco by the P. O. News Co., 217 Dearborn street. TODAY'S WEATHER. Occasional rain, with fresh to brisk southerly winds. t j POR.TT.AXD, TUESDAY, OCTOBEIt.23. BARRELS EMPTY OR FULL. Among the names appended to the Address issued by the so-called antl 4 Imperialist league we note that of Rev. "W. R. "Lord, ot Portland. So we have a citizen among us who, it must be ad mitted, really believes that retention of the territories we have received from Spain will imperil liberty and our form of government for this is what the ad dress alleges. Further, that it is "a greater danger than we have encoun tered" since the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth the danger that we are to 2e transformed from a republic bound ed on the Declaration of Independence, guided "by the counsels of "Washington, Into a vulgar, commonplace empire founded on physical force." Far ie it Irom us to deny sincerity to the authors of this address. But they are pursuing a fancy or figment of their own, and are terrifying them selves" with it. Physical force, which they so rrfuch fear, made this Repub lic'" Physical force has sustained it, and agaTn and -again must sustain it, or it wilt fall. In this .modern world arms never suppress ideas. On the contrary, in fact, ideas make progress chiefly through use of arms. If any one forgets .that this is n, government of force, lit him ask our Confederate States. "Government always rests on force. It can rest, at oottom, on nbthing else. No government ever was or ever could be good enough to satisfy the people over whom, it bore rule, or to remove cause of-dlscontent, criticism and oppo sition. Hence one part or another of the people would overthrow any gov ernment, if they could. "Physical force," -so "bitterly denounced by our theorists and idealists, is the only pro tection or assurance of safety to any form of government, or to a regulated freedom. It is merely childish better perhaps call it an, old wives fable the supposi tion" that we sall be "transformed," be come oppressors abroad and lose our liberties at home, if we retain these possessions. Are we, then, so slightly grounded in the principles of liberty? Fear of "empire" had a thousand times greater reason when the country had colossal armies in motion against our revolted" states. Our "ant'is" are authors of their own fears. They talk themselves into terror- Xrord Bacon notes that "it hath been quaintly observed by one of the ancients that an empty barrel, knocked upon with the finger, giveth a diapason to the sound of the like barrel full." Yet there are ways to determine whether the barrel be full or empty; whloh, however, seem not to have oc curred to our simple-minded yet earnest friends. THE BUGABOO OF MILITARISM. In 1798 the Army of the United States "because of threatened war with France,. -was increased from 4159 to 14,221. In 1799 it was increased to 61,691. By the act of May 16. 1802, the President was- authorized . to reduce the Army to a "peace -establishment"' of 3287. In 1808 the threatening condition of affairs with Great Britain compelled the in crease of the Army to 9147. In 1812 the Army- was about 36,000 strong. In 1813- it was 57,351 strong, and in 1814 It was nearly 63,000 strong. The foregoing figures take no account of volunteers and atillitia;they have o do only with thje United. States Army. By the act of March, "1815, the Army was reduced to aboiit. 12,000 men, and in 1821 it was fUrlher Teduced to -about 6000 officers and men. The Florida "War with the Seminole -Indians, in 1838, compelled tha Increase of the Army to about 12,000 officers and men. The Mexican War compelled a further increase of the Arny to nearly -31,000 strong, officers anfl -men. In 1S4S the Army was ixn media'tely reduced to 10,317 officers and men. At the outbreak of the Civil "War tbeArmy was but 12,608 strong, officers and. .men. In 1SG1 Congress increased the Army to a strength of 37264v- en listed men and 2009 officers. In 1868 the .strength of the Army was 64,641 officers and men. By 1870 the Army had been reduced to an enlisted strength of 32,788, and -when our war broke rout with Spain in April, 1898, the number of commissioned officers was 2151 and the enlisted strength 55,000 men. These figures -show that from 1798 to 1898 the Army of the United States has been regularly expanded to meet the exigency of war, and as regularly con tracted when the warlike emergency was over. When our regular Army was expanded, to 51,691 in 1799, our .popula tion was about 5,000,000. Today, when our -regular Army has-been expanded to about 64,000, men, we have- a .popula tion of W.OOD.OOO, or fifteen times bur population In 1799. In 1814, when our Army was 63,009 strong, we had a, popu lation of about 8.000,000. Today, with our regular Army of 64,000 .men, we have a population nine times as strong as it was in 1814. In face of these .figures of the regular expansion and 'contraction of our Army from 1798 to 1898, Mr. Bryan's pretense that our present expansion to 64,000 men for warlike emergency, about the same fig ures as when it 'was expanded in 1799 and 1814, ought -to be a source of anxi ety to labor, Is utterly absurd. Bry,an himself approved the war with Spain, for he enlisted in it, and he urged the ratification of the' treaty of Paris upon the Democratic members of the Senate. He promoted militarism to the extent of his ability, and he urged the ratifica tion of the treaty through which we became heir to our present warlike re sponsibilities in the Philippines. ' LOGIC IKSUPERABfiE. I call upon you to witness, says Mr. Bryan, that the income of the apple grower is less than the Income of the trust magnate, ( You will see the neces sity, therefore, of voting for me for President." . It is- assumed by Bryan that everj man who owns a considerable property or does a considerable business Is a "trust magnate." . , This argument Is as convincing as anything Mr. Bryan has ever said, Its admirable adaptability lies in the fact that it puts the burden of proof on the other side. The man who proposes to vote for McKinley for. President must show that the Income of the poor apple grower is larger than the Income of the rich trust magnate. It will not do to say that a trust magnate blew hii brains out in New York the other day because he was ruined and couldn't stand humiliation, or that President McKInley's apple crop netted him sev eral hundred dollars. No, 'the Issue is far broader. It cov ers, in fact, the whole range of occupa tions and Involves on Mr. Bryan's pari the position that the poor are not as well off as the rich. On that rock he stands and boldly defies all comers. The man, therefore, who disputes Mr. Bryan's title to the Presidency must be prepared to maintain that the boot black receives a larger salary than the bank president, that a brakeman's pay is more than that of the general man ager, that 30 cents is more than $280, that a bird in the bush Is worth two In the hand. Statistics show that those who are in receipt of small incomes earn less money, on fhe average, than those wh are in. receipt of large Incomes. Mr. Bryan claims the support of every mar; who adheres to this -view. All 'others he generously concedes to McKinley. MARKETS FOR IUMBER. The fact which sticks out most prom inently in the lumbermen's appeal to the Northern Pacific for lower rates is the necessity for more markets. Within the past twelve months the number oi sawmills in the State of Washington has increased nearly 25 per cent, mak ing the total number of mills in the state over 200. The exact number of new mills built or old ones reopened Is forty-five for a period of one year. The capacity of these additional mills is put at something over 2,000,000 feet per day, and it is estimated that the total capacity of the mills of the state Is over 7,000,000 feet per day, and their capacity for a single year is upwards of 2,000,000,000 feet. The rail shipments during 1S89 aggregated 229,000,000 feet or, in round numbers, 15,000 carloads. The cargo shipments amount to 422,000,. 000 feet, leaving, it is estimated, 1,500, 000,000 feet surplus lumher. In Oregon we have the same acutt problem In slightly different shape Lumber interests are clamoring foi lower rates, but their desire takes the form of demand for "common-point tariffs, which have already been grant ed on Fuget Sound. It mlgnt be notGfl, parenthetically, that this " "commpn polnt" concession has evidently failed to meet the case, for the complaint oi Puget Sound is as loud as the com plaint here where we haven't the "com mon point." The essential thing in each case, , however, seems to be tha' the demands are vain. President Mel len says the Northern Pacific is haul ing too many empty cars westward aE it is, and the "common point" for Wil lamette Valley and Oregon Coast mills seems likely to have to await the time when conditions here parallel those on Puget Sound that is, until the North ern Pacific or the O. R. & N. owns the Southern Pacific lines in Oregon and the Astoria Railroad, just as the Northern Pacific owns the correspond ing lines in Western Washington. No railroad is likely to join hands with Its rival to build up the rival's territory. Well, what then? Why, then th lumbermen must turn their faces west ward. This excess of manufactures over the home demand Is matched lr every line of American Industry, In ventive genius, skilled mechanics anc enterprising capital increase our out put faster than the increase in popula tion and' the" home demand. If the Ore gon and Washington lumbermen should succeed In their purpose of crowding the yellow pine of the South and the white pine of Michigan out of .Kansas, Nebraska, Wyoming, Colorado and South Dakota, they would only fore the yellow pine and white pine mer to find other markets elsewhere. For eign markets are the only hope of the American manufacturer, and to get these markets we must hold the Phll iplnes and maintain a vigorous foreign policy in Asia. Every vote for "Bryan In Oregon and Washington is a vote to close our lum ber mills. THE NEW WOMAN. Mrs. Helen Watterson Moody classi fies mankind in three divisions man, woman and the unquiet sex. By the unquiet sex Mrs. Moody means the new woman as distinguished from the old type, that was not only content, but proud to be nothing but the guardian angel of the house and the home. Mrs. Moody thinks that the new woman, as a collegian, is devoted to'soclal reforms, post-graduate knowledge and Is the self assertive and self-conscious evangelist of her pet "earnest convictions," as If they were original discoveries, both new and important. "Her learning Is dis tinctly an acquirement, and not a part of herself, and not unfrequently fits her badly, like a suit of ready-made clothes.'" Mrs. Moody thinks the re sults of the higher education of the "new woman" need cause men no un aslneess regarding the retention of their supremacy; that, granting her ed ucation Has dons Jier kqosL '4t" Trill ?p her, much more good .when she" Is' ablet to forget it.'' Mrs. Moody Insists that the chief sphere J!or which nature in tended woman Is " that of a home maker, and as a warning quotes Low ell's saying: "Whoever, wittingly of unwittingly, quarrels with the nature of things, will get the worst of It." Mrs. Moody thinks woman ought to .be edu cated most thoroughly jfor her place in the home, and that 'knowledge of household economies and domestic sci ence will be of greater advantage to her than running counter to the .ordained division of labor fay educating men andi. women In parallel lines. Concerning women's clubs, Mrs. Moody holds that "the unquiet sex" needs "strength more than stimulus, and capacity rather than opportunity. " A chance for rest of mind and hody Would do ftie ''new woman" a.powef of good. As a reformer, the new woman Is a butt for the arrows of Mrs. Moody's sharpest satire. She sees no reason for believing that the average woman, un der like temptation, would do very dif ferently frpm the average man, for they are compounded - of the same average morality, with different manifestations due chiefly to circumstances and oppor tunity. Among other ' things, MrB. Moody says: "Possibly women were intended by their Creator to stand for. the reformatory- interests of life, but there is not as yet sufficient evidence theretb, either in the nature of things or of women, to warrant any special abrogation ot certain distinct and more familiar duties in favor of Interests mainly moral." ' ABLE POLITICIANS RATHER THAN STATESMEN. The great State of Ohio' has been ex ceedingly prolific in men of conspicuous talent and taste for public life, but It Is a notable fact that the eminent men of Ohio, while they Include a very large number of men of brilliant political talents, do not Include a single man who was a great statesman as distin guished from an astute politician. Not only is it true of the late John Sher man that he was not a statesman measured by the public disinterested ness which was the peculiar glory,, o Franklin, Washington, John Marshall and Lincoln, but lt.ls.true of the ablest, purest,and greatest man that Ohio has given to the Nation, viz., Salmon P. Chase. Before the war, Chase had al waj's been a more radical anti-slavery man than Lincoln, but when war came Lincoln alone of his Cabinet was In stinct with courage and aggressive pa triotism. As late as April 20, 1861, Mr Chase wrote a letter advising the rec ognition of the Montgomery govern ment "as an accomplished revolution accomplished through the complicity o the late Administration,", and advising that "the Confederacy be allowed to try Its experiment." This' was the same thought expressed. by Horace Greeley, and by General Scott when he said "Wayward sisters, depart In peace." Lincoln, on the other hand, shrewdly waited for the secessionists to assume the full responsibility for beginning the clash of arms, and when that came" he felt no embarrassment, as did Mr. Chase, over the question of forcibly suppressing a revolution organized by several states. This was the. difference between Lincoln and Chase before the firing on Sumpter, and It was a differ ence so great that the American people today have reasori'Jto "be .glad that Lin coln, not Chas'e, was nominated for President by the Republican party in 1860. Mr. Chase, as a' member of Lin coln's Cabinet, depreciated the abllitieE and statesmanship of Lincoln, and wai hostile to Lincoln's candidacy for a sec ond term, openly seeking to become his successor-untll his own state prqmptly declared for the renominatlon of the President. As a financier, Mr. Chase is quite as open to the charge of having been ar opportunist rather than a statesman as some of the Republican leaders who subsequently played the part of finan- clal opportunists in the long battle OS the standards. Mr. Chase, originally as Secretary, had been adverse to mak ing Treasury notes a legal tender, but In the face of danger of destruction tc the public credit he was persuaded that the legal tender was the most promis ing measure for relief in his straits for money to carry on the war, and it was passed with his approval, H,e admitted that the exigency of a great war wai the only excuse for It, and as a states man he believed that after peace had been officially declared Congress shoul have made provision at once for the resumption of specie payments. Bui Congress made no such provision, and the current wafi steadily running in the direction of flat money. Chief Justice Chase was then convinced that he had erred In thinking the legal7tender law a necessity during the war. He be lieved that it had. been of no benefit In upholding the credit of the country and had failed In the prevention 'ol the depreciation of the Treasury notes as currency. In other words, Chase sitting as a Judge, rose to the level of a sound financial statesman, while a Secretary of the Treasury he was only a financial opportunist, whose policy cost the country some eight hundred millions of dollars besides saddling, us with the greenback to this day and let ting loose the fuzzing bee of fiat money In every fool's bonnet In the country. Mr. Chase, as a Judge, reasoned anc talked like a statesman, but Mr. Chase as Secretary of the Treasury reasonec and talked as a financial opportunist who approved an act of Injustice and spoliation as justifiable by the supposed Invincible necessities of war. On "the bench, Mr. Chase had no temptation not to be a statesman; as Secretary of the Treasury,- he had great temptation to be an opportunist, and he yielded to It. He was tempted to be jealous of Lincoln, and he yielded to that unpatriotic Impulse. He was tempted to be jealous of Grant In 1868 and was ready to accept the Demo cratic nomination for Presldent'agalnst Grant that year, and only lost it by the refusal of the Pendleton, Vallandig ham, Voorhees and Ewlng copperheadr and greenbackers to accept his candi dacy. If Chase, the greatest son oi Ohio, falls to stand the test of states manship, It is not worth while to con sider the claims of the lesser lights like Garfield, Thurman, Hayes, Stanley Matthews, Pendleton, Wade, Foster. In the famous debate over the Bland Allison silver bill in February, 1878, the only Democrat who spoke like a states man was Senator Bayard, of Delaware, who was for the gold standard without qualification, while Senator Thurman, of Ohio, not only voted for free silver, but believed In the Ohio greenback the ory of making the whole paper cur rency of the country consjst of green hacks. Blaine of Maine was he stlff- SSt fP.cmy.ot tree glider aext to Biard4 hut all the" rest otXtxh- Republican lead ers were either supporter's of the lim ited coinage, of silver authorized by the Bland-Allison act'Ot were International bimetallsts. ' Stiff gold-standard men, like Bayard, were almost unknown in public life. This fact Illustrates that the average man of talent In politics is always an opportunist, not a states Dr. J. Austen Kelly, of Brooklyn, has organlze'd a society for the purpose of establishing colonies for consumptives Irt Northern New York. Twenty thou sand deaths from this malady In its various forms took place In that state in 1899, and the State Board of Health Is authority for the statement that It is Increasing to, an alarming extent. Something like 5000 acres of land have been purchased by this society in the foothills of the Adirondack, the pur pose being to lay the tract out in small farms, eo.cn having its own house, truck patch or vineyard. Patients will be given light work out of doors When the weather1 permits, , and every effort will be made to "ward off depression of spirits, so conducive to the progress df this , disease, , Given the crisp, bracing air of the mountainous region, the seg regation of the afflicted, the comfort of separate homes, suitable employment for the large leisure of the semi-invalid, -and th$ inspiration of Hope, which Is wholly lacking In a condition of idlfe wasting and waiting, it Is be lieved that a very large j?er cent of persons In the first, and even In the second, stages of consumption can and will be restored to health." Since, how ever, the chief aim is to. protect those who have nbt contracted the disease front infection through contact In the crdwded ..districts of the cities, provis ion will be made for the care and treat ment of vthose f who are In the later stages. The Legislature of New York at its last session appropriated $60,000 for establishing a hospital for consump tives In 'the Adirondacks, and to this, when completed, such patients will be sent. 'Philanthropy, joined to Intelli gence, and dominated, by sanitary sci ence,' has undertaken a great work here, not only 'In behalf of the pale and wasting host already suffering from the inroads of consumption, but of the greater number who are con-' stantly exposed to infection through their heroic efforts " to take care of, without proper appliances, and often without ordinary means, of ventilation, the afflicted ones of their own families. The society of which Dr. Kelly 4s pres ident hopes to start Its first colony next month on the western Bhore of Schroon Lake. It Is hoped that twenty farms with colonlesrupon them will be in'op eratlon by 1904. Boss broker's son 'has just enterec the law school at Cornell University, under conditions thus described by that able and Impartial Democratic organ, the New York World: The course of study at Cornell's Law School coers thr(e years. During that time youny Crplter will reside at Forest Home, a flna old country, estate about a mile from the uni versity. Ho has taken steps to make this es tablishment a. ,model worthy of Imitation by .Cornell law students generally. A large menag erie has already been Installed there, Including his favorite road, horse, fpur Dnjllsh bull does valued at $10,000, a tandem team of Horse's, an elegant rerf-gear road carriage and a complete kitchen outfit for the dogs, which aro to be regularly fed en 'sirloin steaks specially cooked for their nourishment. We, are told also that young Croker takes to the sce'heof ftis studies a valet and forty, suits of clothes. And yet Cro ker, Sr., grieves that rich men and tht trusts are so far engrossing all lines of industry and business that young men have no chance tp get a start in life. Hence cfoker is"for Bryan. The Populism preached by Bryan Is very old stuffj for In the play's of Aris tophanes, which diverted Athens in time of Socrates, the poor man com plains of the rich, but it is not wealth he covets so much as power. He Is happy enough on three obols a day, if only he can. show his contempt for the rich. To have the great man at an advantage, to make him cringe and beg this, Arls.tophanes represents as mar row to the poor discontents of ancient Athens. The decision of Germany and Great Britain to support each other in the de termination to acquire no Chinese ter ritory, and to keep the ports of China under their cohtrol open to the trade of all nations, Ib .nothing more than ar assent to the declaration already made by our Government. Russia has sub stantially agreed with, our Government so far as the maintenance of the terri torial Integrity of China Is concerned and the policy of "the open door." It may be remembered or ought to be, if it isn't-r-that two or three months ago Brother Pennoyer intimated in a letter printed by The Oregonian that Mri Bryan was too fond of the dulcet tbn'os of his own voice, or words to that effect, and was likely to be defeated by talking too much. 'Twas a sound'judg ment. No man Is hurt much by what others say about him. It Is what he says for himself that has effect. No one Interested In foreign trave' should miss the letters of Mr. Bert Farrell, the first of which appeared In Tho Oregonian of last Sunday. Mr Farrell is a "Portland boy, and Is "do ing" Great Britain on his bicycle. Af terward he Is going elsewhere on a long trip. His letters are interesting, graphic and trustworthy, . Bryan has, accepted nomination for the Presidency by three parties, each and every one of which has put in its platform a demand for free coinage o. silver at 16 to J. Yet there are those who" say ' that the election of Bryan would not reopen the silver question. ' j ' Faying: Bryan's Way. New York Press. , Does Mr. Bryan know the company he keeps? Is he awnre who is paying hjs way? Is he cognizant of the methods by which the vast sums have been col lected necessary tp make his visit, with Its enormous demonstration of bands, "banners and red flrV, with its trained hosts of marching mercenaries, the lav ish plimax of the most costly campaign that the City of New York has ever be held? Does he know that the price or his barbarlcally .magnificent welcome is wrung out of the poverty and extorted from the vice of New York? Does ho know that this pageantry 'which greets him Is an item n the expense of an extra municipal government which, in absorbed attention to its primary function of working for my own- pocket every tlms, is choking the hospitals with loathsome disease, tho prisons with criminal youth, the, potter's field, with, an ever-growing train of nameless and dishonored dead? Does Mr. Bryan, In brief, .realize that he is getting a .part of the proceeds of the "Cost of Tamoiany Hall ,Jn Flesh and Blood"? John Sherman is dead, in his 79th year. He began his public career at "Washing ton December 3855, when he took his seat In the Hall of' Representatives as a member of Congress from Ohio, and from that time until April 26, 189S, when he retired from "public life, he' was a man or prominence In National affairs. He was out 32 years', old when he .entered Con gress; he had been a delegate to two National conventions and from the first was recognized as a very forcible de bater in the great anti-slavery struggle that was at it3 height In 1855-60. Four years aftor he hecarne Representative Mr. Sherman was the candidate of the Republicans for Speaker of the House and was conceded to be the foremost man In that body. He came within thre votes of election, but his refusal to (de clare that he was not hostile to slavery lost him the votes of the Southern Whigs and brought him defeat. As chairman of the ways and means committee, he pro vided for the edict of the Treasury by the issue of Treasury notes in 1SW. Oh March 4, lSfil, 'Mr, Sherman took his seat as Senator from Ohio. Through his ef forts the notes of 1862, Issued after the suspension of specie payments, were made legal tender. This was our fundamental monetary error, the source of all diffi culties since that day. Sherman's was the only voice at first raised In the Senate in favor Jf the National bank bill and chiefly through his Influence and that of Secretary Chase it became a law. He was appointed Secretary of the Treas ury by President Hayes In March, 1877. Under the law, sjieclo payment was to be resumed on January 1, 1879. Before this time Mr. Sherman had accumulated $140, 000,000 In gold in the Treasury. In the Republican convention of 1S80 Sherman was nominated for President by James A. Garfield, who finally secured the nomi nation. Had Ohio and Garfield been as true to Sherman as New York and Conk llng were to Grant, Sherman would proba bly have been, nominated. In 1SS1 Mr. Sherman returned to the United States Senate, and served there continuously until the beginning of the present Ad ministration, when he entered President McKInley's Cabinet as Secretary of State. Twice during that time he was a candi date for his party's nomination for the Presidency, and he was elected President pro tern of the Senate on the death of Vice-President "Hendricks. In his later career Sherman served as chairman of the committee on foreign' relations and supported "the enactment of the so-called "Sherman" silver bill of 1890, which was repealed In November, 1803, by Congress In the extra session called by President Cleveland for August of that year. It is but just to Mr. Sher man to say that he never pretended to Justify the silver bill of 1890, except on the ground, that the House had already passed a free silver bill which the Senate was ready to pass; that he accepted the silver bill of 1890 only as a breakwater against the Impending fioodtlde of un limited silver at 16 to 1. The country, under the compromise of limited pur chase of silver bullion, could for a time put off the panic that would be sure to follow at once the enactment of unlimited free silver coinage at 16 to 1. Mr. Sher man In the extra session of 1893 vigo rously advocated the repeal of the silver purchase act of 1890, and, with the ex ception of President Hayes, was the ablest advocate of sound money that Ohio has produced. If he was not always true to his best lights On the question of cur rency, he did not remain a blmetallst as long as either Speaker Reed, of Maine, or Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, or "William McKinley. His resignation from President McKInley's Cabinet was due, doubtless, to his falling memory, his dis taste for the duties ot the State Depart ment, his want of sympathy with the attitude of the United States In the mat ter of war with Spain. Mr. Sherman was not a man of popular manner, and yet he had the gift of Intellect and leadership. He was a forceful speaker and he always held the attention of his audience, and every man who came in contact with him recognized him as a power In Na tional affairs, In which he wielded a re markable Influence during the entire pe riod of his legislative career. His weighty Intellectual influence Is Indicated by the fact that, although his name was never on the poll of a popular election since 1860, h.e had obtained without an effort whatever he wanted of his party In Ohio. His political enemies were fond of calling John Sherman the "Iceberg statesman," but the so-called "Iceberg statesmen" in our history include the majority of our ablest and most useful public men. About nine-tenths of the most useful public servants of every community are chilled with the iceberg of the social sea. Tho lust judge., the profound lawyer, the serious man ot large and varied business responsibilities, the busy physician, and the earnest, unselfish clergyman, belong to the class that generally suffer from the gibes of the turbulent, who stigma tize all men sweeplngly as cold, when they are only shy men, who simply want to be quiet. On tho whole, John Sherman reaches as near to the rank of an able and useful statesman as any Ohio born and bred poli tician who has become conspicuous in the history of the country, not even ex cepting Salmon P. Chase, whose ambition, made him unpatriotic in his jealousy of Lincoln and Grant. Tfo Chnnge Wanted. Cincinnati Commercial-Tribune. Everybody in 1896 wanted a change. There was, f,our years ago universal stag nation throughout the country, involving eyery class and condition of our people. Money was scarce, prices were low, em ployment was not to be had at any fig ure. A woful, widespread depression had settled over the whole hind. Democracy was In power. The people wanted a change. Tho country needed a change. It was overrun with calamity. Today -we seo prosperity on every side. The laborer and tho artisan are employed And enjoy ing the benefits of good wages.Our farm ers have, by means of returned good times paid off debts, beautified their homes and opened healthy bank accounts. Our busi ness men of every class are in the very best of spirits. The outlook is excel lent.' American trade was never so vol uminous as at this very moment, money never so cheap and plentiful. The Repub lican party Is In power. The people want no change. There is no occasion for change. The country Is prosperous. Brynn.nnd Croker. Chicago Tribune. There Is a weak spot In this contract between the Nebraska .demagogue and the Tammany boss. It Is that the latter cannot "deliver the goods." He cannot make in his city illegal majorities large enough to overcome the honest majori ty for McKinley in the reBt of the state. Furthermore, for every illegal vote Bryan gains In New York, where such votes will do him no good, he will lose many votes in. other states, some of which be might otherwise have carried. For no one act, of Mr. Bryan's ha3 harmed him more than this open alliance with the most disreputable fit American "public EOfm,'1 " v ANOTHER INDEPENDENT JUDGMENT The Boston Herald's Forecast of the Coming Election. No doubt any roan who knows about newspapers, if asked to name the two greatest in the. United States, would name the Herald ot New York, and the Herald of Boston. In. tho extent and range and variety of their news they are uftequaled; neither of them ever attaches itself to party, and both treat all subjects from the standpoint of com pletest possible Impartiality and inde pendence. On all great occasions they col lect news through their own resources, which no other papers are able so. fully to do. Yesterday we had by telegraph a summary of the New York Herald's forecast of the coming election. We give herewith extracts from an editorial re view of the same subjects, taken from the Boston Herald of Wednesday last: The present trend of affairs in the political world Is so unmistakable as leave little -doubt In any intelligent, mind as to the result of tht Presidential election of 1000. The excitement desired by those who move the campaign ma chinery has come as the day ot the decision Is neared. It did not readily get Into motion. If wo. may judKe by the .actual Inertia on the Democratic side, and the complaint of the Ke publlcan leaders that their votes were lethar gic. Thus Is something ot the activity that Is expected to characterlte the month Immedi ately preceding the final decision being reached now, but even this seems to us to have appeared In a modified form, and when the whole con test is considered in review, It must be regard ed as amonr the least stirring ones that the Nation has had In this generation. Our Impression Is that tho general feeling was that a great deal" was not needed In the way of campaign arguments. The Democrats sent out what was In effect a challenge that the elec tion should turn upon the merits of one man for the Presidency of the United States. Tho Republicans accepted this challenge, as they could well afford to do. A portion of the voters were Inclined to Issue a counter challenge, which should relate to the merits ot McKinley In the Presidency. It might havei been succes ful had not the matter of Bryan overshadow ed It. Nothing was more natural than the consid eration, when a second terra in the Presidency was asked for McKinley, that the election should turn upon the manner In which he had dlscharred the duties ot his first term in that office. If parties had been in their normal con dition. It Is difficult to see how this could have been prevented from being the paramount Issue. The Democrats would then have select ed their ablest and mo3t popular man as their candidate,, the one -ho, more than all others. Invited the confidence of the country. But the Democratic party was not In Its normal condi tion. It had. by an accident four years earlier, accepted William J. Bryan as its leader, and out of tho tumult from which he was taken had brousht him Into a prominence which eclipsed everything else in its politics. As the representative ot free silver, he had nominated that Dolitlcs then, and had led It Into defeat. It was fatuously Insisted that he could con tinue to do so now. This course was apparent in advance to bv absolutely suicidal to the Democratic prospects in this campaign. The abler leaders of the party saw -that It was so. and strove earnestly to prevent Its adoption. The leaders ot the other wing 'of the party were equally resolute. una more potent ,to compel the nomination of Bryan. This contest removed the last doubt as to tho predominance of Bryan personally over any and eery other issue on which the Demo crats were to appeal to the people In this elec tion canvass. It removed tho Issue of the Ad ministration of McKinley from tha natural im portance it would have had, and sent It Into a subsidiary place. The question thus became not firat of all In the minds of the people whether McKinley s had been, a wise Adminis tration, one that It was desirable should be continued on Us merits, but whether the Na tion could afford to accept Bryan, with his doctrine as regards free silver and Its concom itant heresies, in the Presidency. There are thousands upon thousands of voters who do not approve the Administration of McKinley; hun drds, if not thousands, ot them who are nat ural leaders of public opinion, and whoe nat ural tendency is to act with the Democratic party, as it was before tho days of Branlsm. are publicly saying so. and -yet these men are farced out of regarding this as the paramount Issue In the campaign, and ar compelled to substitute for It that of tho fitness of Bryan for tho Presidency and the safety of the Na tion undor such an administration as he would bring into tho Government. These men aro now, in the last month of tho campaign, declaring with substantial unanim ity foe McKinley. There was no other logical, no other patriotic course for them to take. Tho Herald saw this from the beginning, and an ticipated them in their action months ago. The predominant, the controlling, the absorbing is sue Is the fitness of Bryan for the Presidency, the safety of the Nation under such an admin istration as he would afford it. Kvcrything else yields to that. Intelligent observers ot public affairs saw that It must be so when the Democratic National Convention was held. The Democrats were waraci against nomi nating Bryan. They would have It so. They aro now reaping tho consequences of their ac tion. They find the result of the Presidential contest settled, so as to be apparent even to tho most obtuse observers, weeks and months before the election is held, and with the pros pect that if not only to elect McKinley. but to carry him Into ofllce again on a landslide of votes In his favor. The Cvnntry la Saved. Baltimore American. LET us breathe again in freedom, taking deep breaths, If we need 'em. for the Nation has been duly saved, we're very glad o state. Tes, the country's freed from .shackles, through tho Brycntstlc tackles, and the liberating process cost Just fifty plunks per plate. GENTLE reader, dost thou ask us: "Are thoe plunks coins of Damascus? Are they kin to the sesterces that were spent in an cient Rome?" Keep cdol underneath your collar, "Plunk" Is but a term for dollar for tho dollar of our daddies for the dol lar here at homo. 'TWAS a scene quite transcendental In the room so Oriental, whero the Moorish dec orations lent an ndded Joy to life; where the cracked-Ice smile ot Croker showed that he was but a 'Joker when he depre cated eating pie or pudding with a knife. OH! thoy fired a foolish garcon when he hummed a wicked war song (which will rhyme; oh! patient reader, if you'll give the French a twist). Ami 'twas Croker who most bravely, also gallantly and gravely, said he'd "pass the menu entry," and called for an "eating list." AT the start the noble Bryan, foreign influ ence defyln', would have nothing whatso ever that was known as "consomme": and he paralyzed a scullion who sugest ed he'd try "bouillon" which will rhyme, dear reader. If you think of it that way). THERE were entremets and pates, pomme de terre and potage that Is, there were dishes that were better, than their names would indicate. But trie country was In danger, so each zastronomlc ranger did his duty by tho Nation, all for fifty plUnks per plate. THUS the Liberty Apostle did. midst Jumble. Jerk and postle, do his best to save the- Nation, while the Sachem paid the tolls, and the other brate assistants ate along the entire distance, till they left a great hiatus 'tween the soup and finger bowls. INDIGESTION had no terrors they were there to right the errors of the people who had sought to place the land In luxury, and each busy epirlottls darod the fears that long have fraught us dared the fears and sought to drown them In a tide of Pom me ry. SO, with energy unceasing and simplicity most pleasing, did tho Common People's Patron snatch them from their awful fate, and he did it very neatly, wrecked the bill of fare completely wrecked the bill, but saved the country, all for fifty plunks per plate. , How Men Are Mistaken. Brovidenco Journal. Mr. Perry Belmont is expressing some singular Bryanite Ideas from the rear of carts In New York. It is not the first? time that the Belmonts have In dulged In unsound reasoning upon public questions. When August Belmont was working to defeat Lincoln In 18S-1 he said to one of his audiences: With you, under a benignant Providence. It rests to determine by your votes on the1 3th of November the death or life of the noblest 1 ResubUo exsr RiiaUisaetJ uns&JC0ik - yarB-'AND C0MiHESI Something seems 1o have Interfered with tho tush of missionaries to China. Bourko Cockran'3 .throat is sore, but not so much so as his audiences. McKinley was advance agent .of pros perity in 1S06, but he is now with tho show. Potatoes are now being dug by ma chinery. We shall soon seo the flnlsh ot the man with the hoe. There are fewer new popular songs this year., probably because most of tho new crop are not bad enough to be hits. Tho Democrats are still angling . for Grover Cleveland. but Grovor wilt allow the flsh to do the biting this year. KwangHsu is more fortunate than? Aguinaldo Jn one respect. He is not pin ning any faith to the great Democratlo party. Thero are yet a few doubtful states, but as Bryan is to speak in all of them, they will soon be safe In the Republican column. Adlai Stevenson thinks the Democrats will win. Judging by his speeches, that is all the thinking Adlai has done this campaign. Figures won't He, perhaps, but tbey givo a pretty good imitation of it when they get Into the hands of James X. Jones, of Arkansas. A man who can stir up a good Ibroly strike just about now ought to have no difficulty in getting tho promise of ang position In Bryan's gift. A French commercial traveler was ex pecting a large order from a country tradesman, but had the misfortune to arrive in the town on a fete day. Finding the shop closed, he inquired as to tho whereabouts of the proprietor, and ascer taining that he was attending the fete, about a mile out of tho town, set out after him. When he arrived there a bal loon was on the point of ascending, and he saw his man stepping Into the car. Plucking up courage, he stepped forward, paid his money and was allowed to take his seat with the other aeronauts. Away went the balloon, and it wis not until the little party was well above the tree tops that the "commercial" turned toward his customer with the first remark of, "And now, sir, what can I do for you in calicoes?" Among recent visitors to the cnpltol was an old man from a near-by provincial district who took a deep Interest In tha corn?9rts provided for the- people's oer vants. "I tell you what It Is.' he said to one of the doorkeepers, "Congressmen, have a mighty easy time of It. don't they?" "Yes," admitted the doorkeeper, "they do." "They are washed froe. shaved free, fed free, ain't they?" In quired the visitor. "Ye!, yes," answered the doorkeeper, "and they are lodged free, too Do you see that big building?" pointing to the Library of Congress. "That's where they sleep, and the beds are soft as down.' "That's all I want to know," announced the hayseed, jubilant ly. "I never did take much interest in politics, but I'll be gosh derned If I don't go straight homo and run for Congress," Instead of asking for a revision of tho "Westmlnater Confession, ' the Fresbytecjr of Steuben (N. Y.) overtures the General Assembly to formulate a new creed, to be "as short as Is compatible with, a state ment of the doctrine 'most surely be lieved among us'; more silent than tha "Westminster Confession on the deeper and darker mysteries of revelation; better suited to tho understanding of the aver age Inquirer; that It be eminently sim ple and Scriptural; that it be expressed In the thought forms and terminology oC our time as distinct from those of two and a half centuries ngo; and. most oC all. that it make suitable change of ac cent and fflve the right proportion be tween the sovereignty and fatherhood o God, thus more fully setting forth God'3 love for sinners, as expressed In the Gos pel. "We believe that fatherhood, and not sovereignty, as. now, should be made tho determining or regulative principle of tho new creed." PLEASANTRIES OF PARAGn.lPHERS Useful. "Say. that hunttns dog 13 no good: I wouldn't have him around." "Teir, you would; we keep him to lend." Chicazo Record. Burglar (suddenly confronted by a police man) Hello! hero's a cop. Policeman Don't let mo Interfere. I'm not on duty tonight Just dropped In to see the cook. Boston Transcript. Mature Relish. "Well, little Jim. did TJncla Jim seem to enjoy the carnival, too?" "Tea. ma; say ma. Lnc Jim took him an' mo int th' phonograph prizefight threo times. "Ia dlanapolis Journal. Unsatisfactory From the Start. "Well, what about the nw neighbors?" "Oh. Edsar. it was the meanet moving In I over saw. Every thing wai boxd and barred up so t couldn't see a thing they have." Dttrolt Free Press. The Flatterer. Mrs. B. But I can't go to tho reception. I have worn my bett dress to three parties already. Mr. B. Pshaw! Tha dress docan't make a bit of difference when you are In It to look at. dear. She went. Phil adelphia Evenlns Bulletin. "Great Joke on. Jarley." "What was that? "Went fishing and didn't catch anything. Or dered a halt-dozen bass to be sent to hla house, so that hli wife would think he caught 'em. When the basket waJ opened, they turned out to be bottled Basa." Tlt-Btts. He Understood His Business. First Beggar Why didn't you tackle that lady? She might have given you something. Second Beggar I let her go becauso I understand my business better than you. I never ask a woman for anything when she Is alone; but when two women are together, you can get money from both, because each one is afraid the other will think her stlnry if she refuses. This profes sion haa to be studied. Just like any other. If you expect to make a success of It. sect Harlem Life. Oft "With the Old Love. Denver Republican. Put away the caps and mittens That our baseball heroes wore. Fold tho sweaters and the stockings They're not nqeded any more. Take the cushions from the diamond. Put the balls and bats away; Strip the halos from tho heroes They are only common clay. Thny Who late with flashing; glances Set the grandstand hearts m throbs. Now, ununlformed. are roaming In the cold world, hunting Jobs. And the "Summer girl!" so fickle. Slights her old-time idol's shrine. Traces gridirons o'er the diamond. Writes "eleven" over "nine." Sho who lately smiled on shortstop. Wore his colors everywhere. Shakes him for the husky halfback. And his shock of moppy hair. All her talk is now of "tackles," "Touchdowns." "goals" and fulls and halves, And her time is spent In mixing Healing liniments and salves. Put away the caps and mittens. Shelve tho grand old National game; Loose the vloven with the pigskin. Bid them rush and maul and maim. We will patfent be till Sprlngtlmo Shall the waning nine restore, , When with fans we'll grow" fanatic And, jritb. rooters root onco moral