Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, October 20, 1900, Page 6, Image 6

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THTC MOILING . ORE&OKI AK SATuPnAY., OCTOBER ,20, 1900;
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- J
TODAY'S "WEATHER. Occasional rain, with
brisk to high westerly winds.
PaHTLAAD, SATURDAY-, OCT. SO.
"COERCION" OP VOTERS.
' There is no employer of labor s0 fool
"ish, as to attempt by dictation, or coer
cion to control the votes of men "whom
3ic employs. Every man of sense knows
Jit is Impossible; and he knows, more
lover, that the effect or result of such
' attempt would be precisely opposite to
ids desire. Even if he were so nar
row and unjust as to think of such
coercion, he could not suppose for a
moment unless he were a hopeless fool
that it would be effective.
Hence the call of Chairman Jones, of
the democratic committee, for report
or information in all :ases where em
ployers of labor may endeavor to coerce
their employes into voting against
Bryan, is not merely a piece of imper
tinence. It is also an exhibit of stupid
ity. It assumes, in the first place, that
employers arc so unjust as to claim
the right to dictate in politics to their
employes, or 3Uch fools as to suppose
their effort could be successful; and in
the next place, that men who may be
working for others are so great simple
tons as not to know how to protect their
right to vote as they please, without
calling on Mr. Jones for help.
There is no doubt that four-fifths of i
the employers of labor throughout the
country desire the defeat of Bryan.
The business interests of the country
are nearly a unit against him, because
they fear his election would upset busi
ness, or at least create serious difficul
ties. Business and Industry are now in
good shape, and have been during the
past three years. Men of business and
owners of property, men whose capital
Is embarked in commercial or indus
trial undertakings, are, by vast major
ity, opposed to Bryan, because they
h'ave serious apprehensions of interrup
tion of the course of industry and busi
ness, as a consequence of his success.
The agricultural producers of the coun
try, the stock men and the mining men,
very generally have the same appre
hension. It is reasonable. "The manu
facturers of the country and the great
mercantile class very generally share it.
Bryan's chief appeal is to the wage
workers of the country. He tells them
that their interests and those of their
employers are antagonistic Assuming
this, he asks the wage-men to cast their
votes in the way they may think will
Injure their employers. Such appeal is
no compliment to the workingmen. It
starts on the assumption that they do
not know what their own. interests are,
but must look to the professional poli
tician for instruction. It Is right, of
course, for the workingman to choose
the policy which he may think best lor
the generaJJerests of labor, and, as
far as pdBSaction can go, to pursue
It through politics. But the subjects
that pertain to industry and business
are mostly economic, and are controlled
chiefly by economic laws. Government
can do little but maintain peace and
order, stability of money and condi
tions favorable to credit and regular
course of affairs. Right here is where
Bryan is distrusted. Men who carry
the responsibilities of business fear
Bryan and his party. Bryan knows It,
recognizes lt. Hence his appeal to the
wageworker against the employer.
But we think the good sense of the
wageworkers- -of-, the country, which
has not d:rted then! hitherto, will
not desert them now. The coming elec
tion is very much in their hands. No
upset or stagnation of business can be
-useful to them. In general, for three
years past, there has been steady em
ployment, of labor, at good wages; and
no one can doubt that employers and
employes are drawing nearer together
in feellngcand interest, not further
apart. Bryan's assumption of n grow
ing antagonism Is groundless. It is a
desperate political expedient. His re
peated assertion that employers, are
trying to coerce, the votes of their em
ployes is part f the same policy of
mischief. No employer of labor is such
a fool. It could anot be done if men
tried. Croker Is the only great boss of
voters in the United States. Tammany
controls, in ways direct and indirect,
not less than 100,000 votes in the City of
New York, and Croker is absolute mas
ter of Tammany. Political employes
can be forced, but industrial employes
nex'er.
Plowing will begin in good earnest
throughout the Willamette Valley next
wetk. Farmers generally are "fore
handed" with their work this year, the
season having been an exceedingly fa
vorable one for taking care of crops.
Hence most of them have be"en waiting
eomewhat impatiently for the overdue
Fall rains in order that they might
begin to plow. They -do not seem to be
at all dismayed by the ravages of the
army worm and other vermin last sea-
son, but nrc preparing to seed a very
large area to wheat this Pall in order
to even things up through the crop
yield of: 1901,
POREIGST MARKETS A NECESSITY.
It Is a familiar fact that Increased
Industrial capacity and production lie
at the economic basis of European ex
pansion Into Asiatic and African pos
sessions. The conqueror of the olden
time took possession, of a country that
he might slay or make prisoners of its
Inhabitants, and carry off its treasures
to enrich his court. The' spread of
modern empire carries with it no such
consequences, if we except the crude
object-lessons prepared at Pekin for
Chinese comprehension. Russia in
Manchuria, France in Madagascar,
Holland In the East Indies, Germany in
Africa, England In India and Egypt,
are In reality exerting themselves to
lift those dependent populations up to
a plane where they can provide both
markets for Europe's products afid'sup
plles of ether sorts that Europe needs
to consume. This economic basis of ex
pansion applies with peculiar force to
the United States, because the increase
in our productive power proceeds at a
greater ratio than that of any Euro
pean nation.
In fifty years the population of the
United States has increased three-fold,
but eur manufactures have increased
eighteen-fold. This result Is reached
through the inventive talent Of our
! labor and the readiness of our capital
to throw,, away old machinery and in
stall new. In Iron, new appliances en
able twoAmerican workmen to put
through forty-eight tons of ore a day,
whereas previously six men cOuld put
through only eighteen tons. At Home
stead, about the same number Of work
men produced in 1898 four times the
output that was produced in 1892. The
coal that took sixty men to handle In a
day, eight years ago, onfe man can han
dle now with the new electric crane.
Here In Portland harbor Captain John
Brown's electric grain conveyor enables
a man to do as much work as slxor
eight men could do in the old way.
In East Liverpool, O., a potter invented
a machine that dispenses with two as
sistants and enables the workman' to
turn out 200 dozen cups a day Instead of
50 dozen. The pneumatic atomizer en
ables one Unskilled laborer to paint
more freight-'cars than can fifteen
skilled hand-workers, "With the eight
pound pneumatic hammer the workman
drives more hails, rivets more boilers,
calks more seams and cuts more stone
than twenty men can with the old ap
pliances. In making shoes, one man
now does the work formerly done by
sixty.
The tendency disclosed by these facts
Ib too obvious for argument. "We are
confronting the time, evidently, when
we shall have difficulty to sell the goods
we make unless we Can find new cus
tomers for them somewhere. To in
crease our native-born or American
reared population would only add to
the difficulty, for each new workman
would make more than he could use
and thus increase the surplus. Here is
the economic explanation of the en
trance of European nations upon the
vast undeveloped areas and among the
vast undeveloped populations of the
globe. "We also can go after these mar
kets, or wo can stay at home, accumu
late our overproduction, stagnate and
starve to death. We must act in two
ways. "We must take and hold posses
sions that fall to our hands, as haye
our new accessions in tho tropics, and
we must be ready to maintain commer
cial privileges secured by treaty, when
ever they Are attacked by oUr Euro
pean rivals. Every great nation of Eu
rope has its military, naval and com
mercial base or bases In Asia, "We
.have the Philippines, and If we are
blind to our future necessities we can
let them go. Then we must not com
plain if Europe forces us to buy our
tropical products from possessions she
has tHe forethought to secure. Then
we must not complain if Russia, Great
Britain, Germany and France divide
China up Into "spheres of influence0
and leve us on "the cold outside."
The only, answer to this plain com
mercial necessity Is the appeal to senti
ment, that we must respect the rights
of the people of China. It is a false
and foolish plea. The rights of the
people of China are the rights of liberty
and order, education and trade. The
crumbling dynasties and age-long in
iquities of rapacious officialism are
the only things menaced by the
civilization and Christlanizatlon of
the Orient "Wherever the methods
of working and the standards of living
in China, India and Africa are raised
to American levels, the lot of their in
habitants will be brightened, their
minds improved, their morals elevated.
The missionary work that philanthropy
has failed in, the commercial instinct
will do. Our need of Asia is no greater
than Asia's need Of Us.
STATEJrENT AXD QUESTfOX.
When the Spanish War broke oUt, in
April, 1898, nobody thought of taking
the Philippine Islands. Dewey, how
ever, sailed Into Manila "Bay and de
stroyed the Spanish fleet We' had not
gone there for conquest, and had 'not
thought of wanting the country. But
the situation has greatly changed since
then. Dewy called for troops to help
him, and there was instant response.
Manila was reduced, Spain was beaten!
and sued for peace. While the treaty
of peace was pending, Aguinaldo's
Tagals attacked our troops, and while
this war was raging Spain ceded the
islands to the United States.
The acquisition of the islands was
not a party question. The treaty with
Spain through which we adqulred them
was supported by Democratic as well
as by Republican Senators. Mr. Bryan
hurried off to Washington to urge rati
fication of the treaty. Senator Hoar,
who opposed it, says It could not have
been ratified without Bryan.. Seventeen
Democratic Senators, following Mr.
Bryan's advice, voted for the treaty,
and we received the Philippine Islands.
What avails it now to iterate that
at first The Oregonian, or others, said
we didn't want the islands and hadn't
gone there for conquest? After we had
sent large forces there, among whom
our own Oregon Regiment bore so hon
orable a part; after .the Tagals had
attacked and tried to destroy or expel
our troops; after the treaty had been
ratified and the sovereignty of the
Islands transferred to lis, the state of
the case was altogether different.
A number of petty partisans of the
Democratic press affect to find fault
with The Oregonian for Its alleged "in
consistency" in this matter. But in
fact the whole course of things was
changed by the progress ot events, We
had to send large forces to the islands;
and befora w hud xfai tboucH with
the Spaniards- the Tagate attacked us.
Then Spain bj treaty ceded the fslands
to us. It was not a party matter in
the United States. Bryan Alm.s'elf Btood'j
for the treaty, and a large proportion $f
his party with him. Now, for a parti
san, purpose at home, they insist on
abandonment o the islands, acquired
through their advlfce and assistance..
Our good friends needn't bother about
anybddy else's "Inconsistency in thife
business. Their own is giving them
sufficient trouble: with the country.
It was once a question whether we
Wanted the Philippine Islands whether,
we should take and hold them. That
question was long since settled. "We
have them. Through conqtiest arid pur
chase, arma, blood and money, through
treaty, law of nations and usage qt H1b
tory, they are ours. Why do Demo
crats wish to repudiafe the share borne
bv their own party and their own
leader, in this transaction? Who dot!s
not see that we'bave here & shameless
partisan expedient and tergiversation
THEIR THOROUGH JOB.
Democratic complaint of impecuni
ousness is becoming" general. Bryan's
appeal to Democratic dlubs for contri
butions has hardly ceased to Vibrate on
the air, and now the Maryland Ddrnp
cratio state central committee is out
in a column advertisement 'in the Bal
timore Sun, calling frantically Upon
Democrats to come Up with the sinews
of war or the Republicans will win.
The general Brynnite alarm is accu
rately reflected In thi paragraph of
-Vo T j-inletrnia rniiT-lor TnlltHin.1!
What the Democrat! need Is money enough-
to meet the Republicans on their own ground
With this there woulft be no doubtful contests
the Democrats would swpep the country. Th6
Republicans know this to be triie. II in tho
one thlnx they te-r. Tct. take It whichever
way one will. It 1 none the less appalling.
The Democrats have no money. To that extent,
thoy hae no organization, li the pope do
n6t rNe in their mlcht and Interpose betwWh
tho shrewd manipulators who havo tho money
to buy that they cannot get for nothing and
the Very Inexpert and Impecunious gentlemen
who are In chatice po8eiloh of tha Demo
,eratlc shoo and trademark, AlcIClnloy will tJ
re-elected.
It will doubtless be Conceded by
every true Bryancrat that contribu
tions to the Democratic fund are in aid
of true patriotism, but contributions to
the Republican fund are sUbyersive of
our liberties. The mere mention of
such names as those Of Croker, Clark,
Tillman and Beckham are sufficient
guarantee that all the Democrats want
is a free ballot and a fair count. The
purity of the Bryanlte pUrpdse may he
admitted, therefore, without argument
Why, then, this impeounloslty? How
is it every man with a dollar in his
pocket turns a deaf ear to the Demo
crats prayer for aid? fThe country is
prosperous, the dinner-pail is full,
everybody is making money and daf
rylng a bank account. Business Is
humming, banks are full of deposits
froiU all classes of people, the Treas
ury is strong, the trade balances are
heavy. Isn't'there any business or in
vestment or enterprise iii the country
which the Democratic party has missed
in its assault ow capital and Industry?
JONES OX THE STRIKE.
It has been a little hard to under
stand just what is meant by the word
"trust," as used in the -Bryanlte vocabr
ulary, qnd upon this obscUre problem
Ghalrman Jones now throws, perhrips
unconsciously, a flood of Jlght. - The set
tlement of the anthracite strike, he
says, shows that the trusts are,begin
ing to hear from, the countrjh ' It IS
Safe to assume that he has reference
neither to the Ice trust nor to 'the round
cotton-bale trust. He means, It is fair
to conclude, that a trust has yielded in
the strike.
Who has acceded to the demands of
the striking miners? Chiefly the great
railroad companies that run through
Pennsj'lvanla. These rival railroads
are not in a trust. There have been
agreements made also with representa
tives of Independent American and Eu
ropean capital, like J. Piefpont Morgan.
Then there "are mining districts con
trolled by a single -man, iike the col
lieries of Markle.
Jones means, therefore, not a trust In
any correct sense, but .accumulations of
capital that Is, property. And the
Democratic hostility to property' id
maintained regardless of the fact that
the bonds and stocks of the railroad
companies interested are largely in the
hands of small investors and owned by1
estates held in trust for widows, or
phans and educational and charitable
institutions.
The campaign against the gold-l
standard failed, the bugaboo .of "Im
perialism" failed, and the Bryan cause
has come down to rest its ease on a
war against property. The Indications
from all over the country are that
property sees the point and will govern
Itself accordingly
Mr. Bryan's cause addresses itself
with great force and persuasiveness to
the man, and the man only, who has
notihing -to lose.
POOR OLD "PARAMOUNT."
Schenectady His speech was a brief review
of tho sroneral political situation, covering the
trusts and tho Increase of the standing Army.
Herkimer Mr. Brjan deioted himself en
tirely to the Interests' of the farmer.
Frankfort Mr. Bryan again, gave his atten
tion almost exclusively to tho trusts.
Syracuse Referring to the trusts, he said:
Canasfota Mr. Brjan spoke to the railroad
men of tho full dlnncr-?all.
Oswego As he had done In previous speeches
of today, Mr. Bryan again gae tho principal
placo In his talk to tho trust Question.
PoughWepsIe Mr. Brjan warned his hear
ers against nll-prlvato monopolies.
The survival of the fittest asserts its
rule everywhere, even in politics. As
fast as one paramount Issue is thfrust
into the hurly burly" of the campaign
by the Bryancrats, it wears out and
has to be replaced by another. When
silver was subordinated to "imperial
ism" at Kansas City, the rafters of
Convention Hall rang-with glad shouts
of deliverance from the free-coinage
abomination. Nobody knew how "ln
perialism" would stand the racket, but
everybody was sure nothing could be
worse than sllverism. Now "imperial
ism" has worn out, and we shall try
"the trusts" from now on. .
Whatever issue the Bryan outfit
places itself Upon, It wishes It had
taken something else. Fortunately the
election will soon be here, and there is
hardly time to make another change In
the plan of campaign. In crossing the
stream of 1900, Bryan has apparently
changed horses 'often enough for all
practical purposes.
Tear by year we are getting farther
and farther away from "butter as oUr
mothers made it"; old-fashioned butter
made from cream separated from milk
by the "gravity process" they, unso
phisticated souls, called It "letting the
cream rise" allowing it to "sour'.' and
comppjlinsr It to Ylrtd un JM feimr f&tifltW pflndjtlqu hld fJpVn (a tjit tfce
by Vi&drous- beating in the- chnrns Now
we nave tne separator, wmcn drains
the; new. milk pf its bitter properties
promptly, and further processes by
which biitterfresh,'from the coiv, swefit
as a nut and beautifully golden, is
turned out while, w6 waiti This is prdg
ress along lines df labor-saving and
excellence ih the" product that com-
imenda itself to. alL meii, and more es
pecially to the" "hard-worked larnifef
women, to whom of yore churning day
meant several "hours of -hard Work,
shadowed by disappointment, since no
one ever knew to ao'feftalnty that the
"butter" Would come" without a series
of experiments In the temperature of
tho cream that Was mors likely than
not to spoil the butter" for market, and
make it only tolerable for home' con
sumiitloh because of the Vigorous appe
tites that the children and hired men
brbught to table. Of course, there was
the other possibility ! the butter might
ibft s.weet, firm and golden, but there
was no end of wjorry and labdr about
it. Now the milking must be done, to
be sure, but the gravity procdsS of se
curing the cream la passing; ,t Soon the
separator' will be in evidence at eVery
farm where a bunch of. dairy cows are
kept, and-hard-worked farmers' wives'
will have one more chahCo to get the
rest neede'd to keep 'them from becom
ing jirematuely aged or landing In the
insane" asylum. . Hail the creamery, the
dream separator, the fruitdrlerf Not
only in the Interest .of .the consumer,
Who gets, through, them, infinitely bet
ter products in exchange for his money,
but in the interest of men .who have
found in them means of making the
farm pay, wheat or no wheat, andl
nibst of all, In the interest "of the
Women, to whom the old processes of
bUtter-making and fruitdrying meant
a monotonous round of toll, at once Un
profitable and wearisome.
Tho Oregonian is now devoted almost entirely
to politics, having from four to six pages dally
ot vltupcratlvo and abusivo campaign matter.
Rqseburg Reilewi
The''' Oregonian published as much
Democratic campaign matter as Repub
lican. It publishes the speeches of
Bryan and the bulletins of Jones daily;
it 'receives by telegraph and prints the
srjeedheSof all the leadihg "antls'some
of Which no doubt are vituperative and
abusive. But lt'1 a newspaper. It
gives as full accounts of Democratic
meetings bb ot Republican meetings,
whereof many-Republldans complain.
BUt The Oregonian Is in the newspa
per bu&iriess, and expects to continue in
it The reason why It devotes so much
space to politics just now Is the simple
reason that just now politics is the
foremost subject. Biit The Oregonian
is .very tired of it, and is glad the cam
paign is so nearly ended. While It
giVes the news of the campaign impar
tially, it utters its own opinions, in ac
cord with its right; and it opposes
Bryan, not because it likes or approves
Mcltinley, but because it believes the
election Of Bryan would be 'extremely
adverse 'to the general welfare. In this
opinion, moreover, it is not singular.
The same view is taken by nearly the
Whole business interests Of the country.
Products of the woolen mills of Ore
gon are piling up, because the cus
tomers who hitherto have taken the
gdods deollne to make further orders
till after the election. The mills at Sa
lem' aficf' Dallas have adoumulatiner
-stocks," arid -the latte r has shut down
for tqe present. The manager of. the
Salem establishment believes that- if
"Bryan shall be defeated the-demand for
goods will be reheWed within a week
thereafter. Ft om all parts of the coun
try the report comes that orders are
withheld till ft be seen what the result
of the election Will be; 'for there1 is a
general opinion and belief that the
course and policy of the Government
will have much effect in determining
financial and industrial conditions. It
has" been so heretofore; and some of the
lessons are too recent and too severe to
be so soon forgotten.
If It is going to ruin the dountry and
destroy our Republican Institutions to
hold the islands Ve have lately re
ceived from Spain, as William J. Bryan
says It Will, he ought td take time to
explain why he advocated ratification
of the treaty through which we re
ceived the islands. But he will be as
far from doing this as from making
any definite statement at this time on
the money question.
Bryan's trip to New York has done
his candidacy incalculable harm. Why?
Because the entire East sees that he is
the same Bryant master agitator, aroli
demagogue, chief high apostle of the
discontented, the dlssatlsried and the
thriftless. The Nation may not be sure
that it is satisfied with MdKinley. It
knows that it does not want and must
not have Bryan.
As a consequence of retention of the
Philippine Islands, we shall have no
lar'ger Arfny in the United States than
we have had hitherto. And after de
feat of Bryanat this end of the line
the Insurgent warfare, at the other end
will cease, artd it will be possible to re
duce the" military force in the Philip
pines. .
The stock and bond markets have
both visibly improved in New York I
since Bryan's visit. The great financial
operators of the country are certain
that he will not be elected. If they
feared, otherwise, stocks would be worth
nothing, and bonds unsalable.
Levi P. Morton will be a good select
tlon for the International Boafrl of Ar
bitration. He fs oid enough to desire
peace for himself, the Nation and the
world at large.
Will' you, Mr. Bryan, pay the Gov
ernment obligations in gold or silver?
asks the country. Still silence; and In
this Instance silence Is confession.
Arkansas Jones speaks for Bryan and
says he will not attack the Supreme
Court. But who will speak for Jones?
Explanation of Many Oinlnnlonn.
Chicago Tribune.
Comments on the choice of names thus
far made for the Hnll ofi Fame of tne
University of New York show a cood deal
of dissatisfaction over certain omissions.
One fpaper complains of the absence of
such . names as Alexander Hamilton
tmOng the statesmen, Whittier and Ban
croft among the authors, and General
Sherman among the roldisrs. Another ex
press surprise that Lowell and Farkman
are not on the list, These orltlcs appar
ently, do not understand the conditions
governing the choice of .names for V e
purpose in question. Only persons Ion
in the United States are eligible, Th.s
bars out men Ilko Hamilton, who wbs
born in the West Indies,' or Albert Galla
tin, who was a mitlve of SvribiUmd An.
J person must haya bea dead at least 11
years. In 'order thr his! hftinfe ehoult-be
eirSlblrior tie Hnll of Fame. Th s ex
cludes Whitter, Bancroft, Lsjwellj inrk
maiu Holmes and other. Who stand hl-jlh
on the roll of distinguished American's.
The conditions named are wise ones,
though they necessarily lead to tome nr
bitf&ry results. If the names affi to b
altogether American the line must Vt
drawn at the place of birth, eVtih though
it happens to exclude one .oftlie. greatest
and mofct genuinely Amerldah statesmen
the Nation hag had. If the proper anl
Dttfe perspective of greatness is to te rfe
filfred, k margin of 10 years after the
death Of A man is none too great to allow
for that purpose, though It hatqrally ex"
eludes a number of men, whose fame and
genius are unquestioned. The judges mu't
not be blamed for playing tfie 'game ac-1
cording to the rules.
'"1 "0
Ktt-fta Hstt'a Latest Edlfet.
Baltimore American.
SAID tho Emperor of China: "I've attempted
to outline a plan to punish ail tho
leaders of the recent massacres. For
my heart Is mil Of sorrow, and will
fuller" be lofriorf6W. as each dno Will
" se who to my chain of edicts' thfirt.
refers. ,
" TIS my most sincere intention to give Bat-tle-ar
ntteiiti6n 16 the men who art
1 responsible for China's sorry plight,
and I'll itall my best detectives, and
unload my worst Invectives, on tho
ones "who made it possible to get us
Id h. nght.
"NOV, investigations mental, such as mark
, the Oriental, aro the sort llmt sack
to reason by somo moat uncommon
way. Hence it Is that i'te decided
that tho ones to be elided are. the
men behind tho mferi behind tho men
who led. tho Way.
"THUS you see that evidently, alio hence and
consequentlyi we must chase our
mental processes somo distance In
the paslj and there wilt be nothln'
doln' whon it comes to Tfncle Tuan
his ancestors xvcro the reason for hi
being- In tho cast.
"HENCE, I think I state It plainly, 'twould
bo lopptnc; oft heads vainly, if We
chop the chin connections of our
Chlntfs and Changs and ChOngs; for
theif Efdat-great-great-grandfathers
caused tho turmoils and the bathers
. so you ee that on their heads all
tho Ignominy belongs.
"SO I say that we will try them, just a soon
as we come nish them, atid we'll
make them wish that they had never
raised thrlr families. At their next
reincarnations we will give them
all ovationsi which will introduco
their vertebrae to shining snicker
snees. "NOW, let's strike a peaceful level with each
warlike forelrn dell, for our out-of-tralnlng
Emperor Is weary of the
sprint, and he yearns to rest tho
callous On his feet, within the pal
ace, for he's running very short of
plaster, arnica and lint.
''JUST as quickly as you're able, hustlo out
and send a cable to the Lo's and Li's
and Lu's Who try to settle our dis
putes, and tell them that our in
struction is to promise dire destruc
tion to the men behind the men be
hind the men Who shot the shoots."
Bryan's Monopoly.
St. Paul Pioneer Press.
One of Bryan's favorite poses Is pictured
in the following extract from a recent
speech of his at Nashville, Mich.:
Do you know of any good monopoly in pri
vate hands ? Do' you know of any man good
enough to stand at tho head of any monopoly
and determine the price of that which others
are to Use ?
Yes, We know of a man named William
J. Bryan who stands at the head of just
such a monopoly. He is the author and
publisher of a certain book entitled "The
First Battle," which is an article of mer
chandise and an absolute monopoly ln-.hls
hands. He sells it at a high price; and
is enabled, to do so, by reason ot a copy
right, notice of which !ftiven on the re-'
Verse side of tho title page in the f Allow
ing words :
Entered according to act of Congress ih the
year i&ty,
By William J. Bryan.
In tho office of tho Librarian ot Congress at
"Washington, D. C.
All riShta reserved.
On the next page is a warning by the
publishers against all fraudulent imita
tions. This is ah absolute monopoly, pro-1
tected by law, out of which ih four
years tho monopolist, TV. J. Bryan, has
reaped a rich harvest not of the depre
ciated silver dollars Which the book ad
vocates, but of the gold dollars which
have become so abundant since McKIn
ley was elected. If it Were not for Sir.
Bryan's monopoly of this book It could
be obtained by those Who deslro to read
the trash at from ortevthlrd to a quarter
of what they hpxe to pay for It. Mr.
Bryan has a perfect right to his book
and to all the money he cart make out
of It. It has always been the policy of
this as ot all other civilized or progresslvo
countries to protect authors In "the ex
clusive right" to their wotks, or in 'other
words, to a monopoly of the market for
them. But isn't it a little queer that a
man enjoying this special protection
should deny the same right to others,
and would apparently destroy all patents,
which are the strongest incentives to in
ventive genius.
Impcrinliftm in 1S04.
Chicago Inter Ocean.
To voters of the younger generation Mr.
Bryan's cry of "Imperialism" seems a
novelty. It Is one of the oldest falsehoods
in American political history. It Was
raised against George Washington,
against Andrew Jackson, and particularly
against Abraham Lincoln. Men who re
member the campaign of 1864 do not need
to be told that Bryan's "Imperialism" cry
is as false now as "Vallandlgham's 'was
then. But yoUnger men will sae from the
following parallel that Mr. Bryan and his
adherents are but repeating tho lie of
1S&:
Cincinnati Enquirer,
Sept. 23. 18G4: There
arc many Indications
that a conspiracy Is
on foot to make this
the last election of
President and convert
our Government Into
an Imperial monarchy.
Cincinnati Enquirer,
Sept. 20, 1000: Perse
verance In the present
policy means the ulti
mate destruction of the
Republic. It means a
tremendous standing
Army; It means sub
jects Instead of citi
zens; It means discrim
ination In tho applica
tion of the principles
of the Declaration of
Independence and the
Const tuition of tho
United States.
The wholo course of
Lincoln's government
has been In that direc
tion. Ho has entirely
Get aside the Constitu
tion, and governs by
his own will and ca
price.
Observe the identity of thought and
even the similarity of language In the
two extracts. In each case the writer
professed to fear the destruction of the
Republic and the setting up of a mon
archy. The writer Of ISM declared that
Lincoln had subverted the Constitution.
The writer, of 1900 pretends to believe that
McKInley will subvert the Constitution.
In each ease the same bogy Is exhibited
by the Same newspaper fdr the same pur
pose of frightening the people into elect
ing a Democratic President.
The voters of 1864 were not frightened
by this Democratic pumpkin on a stick.
They went to the polls and re-elected
Abraham Lincoln And the Republlo still
endures, firmer upon its' foundations, freer
and stronger than ever before. The "Im
perialism" scarecrow is as ridiculous In
1900 as it was in 1KS4. Theory that could n0t
frighten the American people In 1864 can
not frighten them now. The trick 13 too
old and silly.
The Jnillelnry ami Politic.
The Democratic nominees for Supreme
Court Judges in Wisconsin have declined
the nominations, and have in so doing ex
pressed, the opinion that the state judi
ciary should be kept out of politics. They
probably did not sacrifice much in taking
this course, but the example Is none th9
less a good one. They commend the pres
ent Bepubllcan Incumbents of these
offices, ahd tho St. Paul Globe, a Demo
cratic newspaper, advises its party sup
porters to vote for the candidates nomi
na.tpfl bv th BrtnUblloirt onnvahUao.
A TRUST- DEFENDER FOR BRYAX.
Bourkc Cockran now a Leading Demo
cratic Orator, t
At the Chicago trust conference in Sep
tember, 1SS&, the principal opponent of the
Views 6f Mr. Bryatt was W. Bqurke
Cockran, now supporting him for Presi
dents Mr. Bryan's trust remedy was state
legislation, supplemented by Federal leg-'
Islatiortt He was not sure his' sUgsektlon
for a corporation license was constitu
tional, but he wanted to try a Federal
law, 'anyway. Then, If It were held In
valid, a constitutional, amendment should
be adopted. The suggestion of Mr. Bryan
was not adopted by his party, which
afterwards defeated a proposal In Con
gress for a constitutional amendment.
The Democratic party does not want to
act; it simply agitates,
Mr. Bryan refused to enter into joint
debate with Mr. Cocktan at Chi
cago, and they spoke on different
days. But after the candidate's
address, the New Yorker look the plat
foim and "likened Mr Bryan to a monop
oly, and claimed he was a bigger mon
opoly as leader of the Democratic party
than any financial corporation in the
world.' Mr. Cockran then Said:
"If there be a monopoly that oppresses.
I believe there Is no constitutional limi
tation, there is no provision of govern
ment, thoro is no power on earth against
peop'e reilresisng a wrong when It be
comes a wrong. The question to which
I think the attention of this conference
should bo directed is Whether this one
exists, and where it Is. Now, who Is
hurt and where? Where has this octopus
got possession of somebodyf On whom is
it acting? Where is its lair? I am free
to confess that when yoU call an aggre
gation at caplial, a combination, a hydra-headed
monster, an octopus. It don't
cast any. light upon It that illumines my
pathway. Lean understand how th use
of tHcse phrases can have some effect, as
nothing frightens people so much as ln
comprehenslve names. Let a noise be
heard now that none of us understand.
and wo will all be going out of the win
dow.
"Now, men can be put to Intellectual
and physical flight by 'the terrirying
noises of sound; what Is It that wc hear?
Are we doing pretty well? Well, we have
had here representatives of labor organi
zations, who have been telling us that
wages are higher today than they ever
have been. Certainly they do not seem
to suffer. We are told that It is not the
dollar that we want i but we want the
man. Well, what is the purpose of ths
dollar, if not to Improve the condition of
the man? (Laughter) If you want com
petition, may not somebody succeed In
It? Will you suppress the man because
he excels and so far that he constitutes
a monopoly? Are you going to place lim
its upon excellency? We seem to have
drifted into an atmosphere of bigness
concerning what is called the evil of
monopolies. Now, thero has not been an
evil that has been attributed to mon
opoly here, which, it if existed, I would
not be entitled to suppress. If It be an
evil thing if you can show evil upon It
I do not hesitate to adopt Mr. Bryan's
remedy. If you point out to me, as Mr.
Bryan did this morning, the fact that we
have not seen the evils ot this monopoly
yet, why, then, I say you are simply
creating a fanciful picture; your excessive
affection for your fellows has conjured
a grade Of evils that exist only" in your
own brain. If we realize for the mo
ment that this Is. an ago of Improve
ment; that thef conditions' "of meA are
growing better and better, we ought to
hesitate a while before we change and
take the side, may be, of one of fanciful
experiments."
i
BRYAN AND THE SUPREME COURT
Senator Jones, chairman of the Demo
cratic National Committee, on the lath
lnSt. issued a statement denying the Re
publican charge that Bryan seeks to
repeal the Federal judicial system, as
now constituted, and to substitute an
elective judiciary, holding office for lim
ited terms, and chosen by the popular
vote. 'J. he facts support the Republican
indictment of Bryan's purpose, and show
that he has committed himself without
qualification to the doctrine that the
Federal judiciary, Including the Judge-
of the Supreme Court, should be elected
by the people and subject at stated in
tervals to reversal by the popular vote.
In June, 1898, Just before his own nom
ination, but after the Supreme Court's
decision that the Cleveland-Wilson Income
tax law was unconstitutional, and after tne
Federal Courts had enforced the law dur
ing tho great Chicago railroad riot of ISiM,
Mr. Bryan contributed to the Nebraska
Literary Magazine an article beginning
with these words:
It is the, duty of every good citizen to en
dravor to make the Government as perfect as
possible, both in its machinery and In Its ad
ministration. I beg to suggest a few changes
which, In my 'Judgment, might be mado wtlh
advantage to the people.
Mr. Bryan further said in the same
article:
The present method of selecting Federal
Judges Is wrong. Nearly all the states elect
the Judges ivho preside over state courts, and
find no difficulty In securing competent ofll
clals. When a Judge Is elected for a limited
term he can be re-elected if his conduct Is
such as to merit it; but a Judgo appointed for
life can'only with great difficulty be deposed,
no matter how unsatisfactory he may proe.
A President, who generally appoints upon the
recommendation of a few members of the dom
inant party, cannot choose as Intelligently as
the peoplo themselves, and the power to de
pose by a refusal to re-elect Is an essential
restraint, een upon a Judge. All human
beings, to a greater or less extent, acquire a
certain bias from association and environ
ment, and on the great questions which divide
society that bias unconsciously Influences the
mind ot tho Judge. Life positions are apt to
bleed Indifference In the public servant, no
matter in what position ho Is placed.
These words of Mr. Bryan show clearly
that he would Ilka to destroy life tenure
in the Federal Courts, and throw the
judiciary Into National politics.
Do Women Want to Vote?
Chicago Times-'Herald.
Tuesday's registration answers the ques
tion, "Do women want to vote?" with
an emphatic negative at least, that is the
answer for Chicagd. In 1S34 a partial
franchise, was extended to tho women ot
Illinois, and the following brief table
shows how they availed themselves of it
In Chicago:
1804 20,815
iho ..,, s.une
1808 1,4SS
1000 Not enough to enumerate
Six years ago they registered by thou
sands and a few voted for the novelty of
the thing. This year they have disdained
to go near the registration booths.
Tht Endless Chain Prayer Scheme.
Louisville Courier-Journal.
Notwithstanding the success clalmecLby
the originators of the endless chain
prayer scheme to beat McKInley, It would
not be safe for the Democrats to depend
wholly on this and neglect to get together
a few dollars to defray necessary ex
penses. And there Is, of course, .all the
more reason not to put too much faith
In the prayer chain, now that England
ha lolned in It. '
Nors Am COMMENr.
4i- 1
Wo can how get under oUr umbreltat
and feel at home once more.
The Electoral College might a3 well
adopt the McKInley yell, so as to be h
condition when the season be'glns. '
The change In the weather pnbabty
dropped from the silver that line. tha
clouds.
Webster Davis seems to feel that a
protracted silence at this time Is Just
about what ha needs. ;
Bryan Continues to side-step1 When ques
tions are aimed at him. but he never?
needs to spar for wind. , '
Sir Thomas Llpton has cornered Amer
lean pork, and thete li trembling hi Bdfl- "
ton lest he begin to corral the bean. Out'
put.
It Is hard work for Bryan to say "Get
thee behind me, 16 to 1." but he reaKe
that it Is necessary fdr a few fcevaif
more. (
Having disposed of the shirt-waist mant
Colonel Jack Frost will confer'a favor op
the Democrats if he does away with th
Ice trust. J
James Hamilton Lewis may never at
a seat in the Hall of Fam-. but he has t?a
satisfaction of believing that he is-
titled to one. I
Bryan IS afraid that the Democrsrao
election judges will sell out to the opJ(
sltioh. You Cah hever makfe a PopuiJet
"? O T"o-Mrnrt"i f ifAH irtnf t
The efforts the local Democmts
making to elect a Republican 'to te Li
lsiaiure mignt maKe a good many voea
for Bryan, if directed that way.
A Missouri man has sworn not tt .Irnlc
any liquor till Bryan IS elected". If vn:y
one Would take this oath Woollojl wuyd
find there Was no work for him to do. I
Tho Sultan of Sulu will Visit tho.Unittkl
States in the near future,. In orjler t$
learn how the American husbnnd man
ages, it. He will not plunge Into 'imefl
can mysteries all at once, but will go M.
it gradually by putting up with President
Snow in Utah. ,
We are impelled irrestlstlbly by Byants
logic to tho conviction that If hf gets
to be President all Of Us will be dile to
visit Europe se-veral times a year jist aa
Croker does. If Democracy has dqie so'
much for Croker, reasonably It cm do
just as much for every American citixn.
A Populist orator in a Kansas tuw wa
about to begin his speech, when the sumt
Of a drum was heard approndllng.
"What's that?" asked the orator, and
when informed that It was the SalvmoA
Army he made a break for the bud ot
the stage, ahd was about to Jump ,on
when the chairman said: "Hold oil.
What's the matter with you?" "I dtn'fc
want to speak to those fellows," said tt
orator; "I have no speech to suit them'"
"Why," said the thairman, "the Salva
tion Army will harm no man." "Salva
tion Army?" shouted the orator.
thought you said Grand Army!"
A friend of Gilbert's, an actor, was)
playing for the first time a difficult role,
and his success or failure In it WS3
matter of vital importance to his future!
reputation. After the second act Gilbert;
went 'behind tho scenes, fully realizing:
that in a kindly word or sympathetic
criticism Jie .brought .hope or despair b
fhe actor. He -gouTa nbt Irefltt "Hs-tfwn.v
cleverness, and. seeing that his iriett&V
Was In a profuse perspiration, merely re
marked, "How well your skin actsl" and
passed on without further comment. By1
morning the whole of London had heara
the jest, and smiled no broadly over It
that it was some time before sufficient
gravity could be found to recognize tftet
artist's masetrpleee.
A New York paper says that whem
Francis Wilson wat preparing his pro-'
ductlon of "The Little Corporal," hh
friend, Tom Nast, the cartoonist, drew
him a small sketch, which so tickled hl3
fancy that he had It elaborated Into a.
16-sheet stand. Mr. Nat, tipon see
ing his work utilized for advertising pur
poses and displayed conspicuously upon
billboards, indutgvd in a. brief reverie
and sent in a bill for $75. The comedian-.,
felt deeply pained at this mercenary pro
ceeding, and lndulfjed In some lurid andl
picturesque phrases, and mailed a checit..
In due time the reeMpt came back. Mr
Nast, in a facetious spirit had drawn,
upon the margin a Urtle picture of him
self, hat in hand, bowing thanks to Mr.
Wilson. The latter surveyed It gloomily
and promptly returned it to Mr. Nnsr,.
With the terse request: "Please send re
ceipt without sketch, unless same Is free.'
He was. not taking any further chances.
I'tEASAJJTIUBS OF rAttAGBAPHERS
By Cultivation. He Do you think you could
learn to love met She t might. I learned to
like olives. Philadelphia. Evening Bulletin.
Squire' Daughter Do you think It Is quite,
healthy to keep your plgn so close to tho cot
tage? Hodge I dunno, miss. Noan of the.
pigs ain't ever bin Hit Punch.
In the Darkest South. Eut there wa3 no
evidence against the man who was lynched,"
protested the strajiger. "No evidence?-" said
tho cltlsten. "Why. he hm ai black as tha
aco of spades t" Puck.
"Cook," said Mrr. Hostess, solemnly, at tho
eleventh hour, "wo have forsonen all about
the entrees." And the cook,. In her exlcte
ment. responded with, 'Lor, mum. so wo haiet
If wo alnt' a couple of blunder-headed Idiots,
may I never!" Tlt-Btts.
Tho Main Thing. Woman-I've been assigned
to discuss "Ideals" at tho next meeting of the.'
Mothers' Club. Other Woman Have ou
thought what you are going to wear' Woman,
Oh, yes, and In a. general Way what I am
going to say. Detroit Journal.
Loslca!. Willie Mamma, t dreamed last
night that papa gave me a bicycle for rar
birthday, and you gave trie a watch. Maitirai
But. Willie, you know dreams go by con
traries. Willie Then you will give me tho
bicycle and papa the watch ? Brooklyn Llf
Tale of Two Cities. Kansas City, Magistrate)
(to vagrant) Do you mean to tell mo yotT
walked from St. Louis to this town In six
days? VacraRt That's right, y'r honor, ft
seems like purty fat travelln', but I waa
anxious, natch'ly. to git away f m St. Loula.
Chicago Tribune. ,
"Let Bill Go In Again.
Twas noon, hour In tho workshop i.
The emptied palls were closed.
And. thero a toller smoked his plpo.
And here a toller dozed. m
Thus spake the workshop scholar
Unto his comrades: "Men.
We've had cood times since Bill's been tai '.,
Let Bill go in again.
"This Bryan Is a scholar
And heavy Is hl3 jaw,
And ev'ry word ho lets us hear
Is Just as clear as low;
But. though he has our sympathy,
We'll run no chances, menj , '
We've had rood times since Bill's bceat lajV ,
Let Bit! go In again. . ,:
"We've 'taters In our cellar, .
And In our e box meat;
Pour years ago wo scarcely had
Enough of bread to oat.
We're working now and growing fat.
Have laser now and then;
We've had good times nlnco Bill's been Infr
Let Bill go la 053.'
-ler yorSc Sua.