Morning Oregonian., September 21, 1900, Page 6, Image 6

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tPORTLAXD, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 21
SIMILITUDE, BUT JL DIFFERENCE.
Gold Democrats in numbers are re
turning to the party that they left In
1896. This does not apply to Democratic
business men, for "there is absolutely
too reason "why a business man should
Vote for Bryan this year. But it does
apply to professional men, like lawyers
and teachers. It applies with peculiar
RCorce to Democrats in the professions
'who have political talent and aspira
tions. These Democrats like public life,
tend look forward with more or less defl
tnlteness to the time when they will be-t-come
United States Judges, Prosecut
ing Attorneys, etc. Even If they have
Sno precise designs on office, they love
political Influence and power. Politics
"with, them may not be a vocation, but
sit Is at least an avocation. They like
fto belong to central committees, they
3ike to make campaign speeches, they
Gike to sit on the stage at political gath
erings. This desire for political activ
ity is not to be reprehended or dis
couraged. The better men we can get
in politics, the higher will be our stand
ards of public life.
.Now the tyranny of party organiza
tion is such, that these men have found
Httle or no place for them in the Re
publican machine. Republican wheel
horses are not disposed to make way
for them. The surroundings of the Re
publican dwelling-place are distasteful
to them. They have to He down with
people who talk protection and worship
McKLiriley. Human nature is weak, and
they decide at length to swallow silver
for the sake of party regularity. They
shut their eyes to present Incongruities
and look forward in hope and trust to
the better day of 1904, when a reorgan
ized Democracy, with themselves in the
front rank, may perhaps march to vic
tory on reasonable and tolerable decla
rations "of principles. Then they will
have a party. Then they will hold the
Pederal offices and control the party
organization.
Now, it so happens that this is a polit
ical phenomenon with two opposing as
pects. Gold Democrats are going for
Bryan, but they may as well remember
that Silver Republicans are going for
McKinlev. For every Gold Democrat
that votes lor Bryan this year
there will be a Silver Republi
can to vote for McKinley. Olney
is for Bryan, but Stewart is for
McKinley. Olney cannot carry Mas
sachusetts for Bryan, but Stewart
may carry Nevada for McKinley. The
Democratiq return to Bryan in Repub
lican states is insignificant compared
with the Republican return to McKinley
in Brvan states. For every man who
-voted for McKinley in 1890 and will
vote for Bryan in lf00 becanftc of
"Imperialism," there Is a Western
znan -nho voted for Bryan In 189G
and will -vote for expansion in JLOOO.
These considerations are pertinent to
the Democratic argument drawn from
the fact that in Maine the Democratic
vote of 34,000 in 1896 has risen to 40,000
in 1900. Grant that 6000 Gold Democrats
of Maine have returned to their party.
If you turn to the Oregon election, of
June, you will see how the Silver Re
publicans are returning to their party.
In 1896 McKInley's plurality over Bryan
was 2600; in 1900 the Republican plural
.ity on the state ticket was 10,000. In
189C Representative Tongue's plurality
in the First Oregon District was C3; this
year it was 3000. In 1896 the Republi
can plurality in the Second Oregon Dis
trict was 2000, this year it was 8000.
Gold Democrats in numbers returned
to their party, but Silver .Republicans,
apparently in far greater number, re
turned to theirs.
The Oregonlan wishes to "be fair, es
pecially to the Gold Democrats jof Ore
gon who carried the state for the gold
standard in 1896, and many of whom
will help to carry it for the gold stand
ard in 1900. But it will undertake to
say there is a vital difference between
the action of Gold Democrats who are
returning to Bryan and the action of
Silver Republicans who are returning
to McKinley. That -difference is this:
Gold Democrats who ne -the "anti
imperialiHm" lsxrte to return to their
narty do not believe In it, lnt nse it
as an excuse. Sliver Republicans
Who vote for McKinley on the ex
pansion issue believe in expansion.
Probably the invitation to antis to an
swer Judge Pipes' letter on "consent of
the governed" did not carry with It an
obligation to print any reply that might
be devised, and the letter on the sub
ject from Mr. H. B. Nicholas, printed
elsewhere, ought, perhaps, to have been
denied publication. "We cannot recom
mend it either for its literary or intel
lectual properties, and we undertake Its
publication with the more misgiving in
asmuch as the liberal exploitation of
Mr. Nicholas last year through his anti
imperialist letters and frequent editori
als did so little for him that he was
ignominlously defeated for chairman of i
the Democratic county convention. For
busy readers we will state that Mr.
Nicholas contends we did not acquire
the Philippines through the treaty of
Paris because Spain lost whatever title
she had to them by the destruction of
Montojo's fleet. He says, also, that the
Filipinos had secured control of the J
islands, -when the fact Is that the insur
rection of 1896 had come to an end,
Aguinaldo had gone away, and the In
surgent army was not recruited till long
after. Another contention made by Mr.
Nicholas is that the Tagalog claim for
Independence is justified on the same
ground held against King George by
the colonists. He says that the abuses
of which the Declaration complains are
not only duplicated by the American
rule in the Philippines, but actually
surpassed. These samples of his asser
tions and argument will sufficiently ap
prise the busy reader that Mr. Nicholas'
letter is a waste of Bpace, and the only
apology for Its Insertion to the exclu
sion of real reading matter is a desire
for fairness.
ORGANIZED LABOR.
The dramatic episode at the Markle
collieries at Jeddo, Pa., brings before
the country In clear and painful light
the fundamental antagonism that underlies-nearly
all conflicts between or
ganized labor and organized capital.
The address of the owner, Mr. Markle,
was certainly Impressive. He was will
ing to arbitrate. Archbishop Ryan had
been suggested as an arbitrator. Well,
that would suit him. He would accept
arbitrators, he would submit to them
all questions, and he would abide by
their decision.
.Apparently this was fair enough, but
it didn't satisfy the men. There was
one thing lacking. There is just one
little technicality at which Mr. Markle
draws the line, and upon which the
miners insist He will treat with the
men, but he won't treat with the United
Mlneworkers' officials. That is just ex
actly what the men don't want If
Markle wants to treat with them, he
can treat with their representatives. He
delegates authority to his superintend
ents and foremen, they will delegate
authority to the officers of their asso
ciations. It seems a small matter, but
It is the ineradicable bone of conten
tion. Nobody can estimate the millions
lost to capital and the misery under
gone by labor over their unhappy dis
agreement on this little point of busi
ness etiquette.
It has been a matter of principle with
countless employers, for which they
have almost suffered martyrdom, that
no union and no labor agitator should
dictate to them how they should run
their business. And it has been a mat
ter of principle with labor organiza
tions, for which they have quite suf
fered martyrdom, that capital shall rec
ognize their unions or It shall die iniits
tracks. In pursuit of this determina
tion labor has committed most deplora
ble crimes against property it did not
own and against the life and persons of
innocent men. But It Is also true that
in pursuit of its determination capital
has shown an obstinate callousness to
human suffering and a recklessness of
consequences that bodes little good to
society and reveals a business policy
that, if we may judge by Its results, is
far from satisfactory.
It is a fact that ought at least to have
permeated a portion of the world of em
ployers, that there are very few fixed
principles that can be pursued In prac
tice without deviation. A man thinks
he should be able to run his business In
his own way. And so he should. But
he may not always be able to run his
business in his own way without doing
himself and everybody concerned more
harm than good. If he brings up
against a stone wall, he will perhaps
pocket his pride and his devotion to a
straight line for the moment, and go
-around it He may find it to his inter
est in the. long run to modify his ideas
of how his business should be con
ducted. In order to satisfy some one
else's ideas of how they should co-operate
with him in that business.
It is obvious that the recognition of
unions by employers Is determinable
by the persistence and cohesion of or
ganized labor in demanding It A man
may feel convinced that unionism is
wrong and that he makes a mistake to
treat with union officials. But if he
finds out that laboring men as a whole
think that unionism is right and make
it a practical necessity for him to treat
with their officials, It becomes a debat
able question how long business pru
dence will commend him in holding out
You can't run business out of a book
any more than you can build banking
systems to order or make tariff laws
out of Ideal theories. Many employers
recognize the unions of their men and
get along prosperously without strikes
or armed Pinkertons.
Theoretically, the purpose of the
trades-union Is highly objectionable. In
reality it seeks nothing short of a mo
nopoly in Its line of business. It hopes
to see the day when the employer, look
ing for printers or cigar-makers, can go
nowhere else for laborers but to Itself.
This is nothing short of monopoly, un
adulterated and unblushing. And this
is -why recognition of union officials Is
so strenuously insisted upon. The fear
is that if individual employes complain'
they will some day be discharged. The
fear Is that If employers treat with In
dividuals or with separate bodies of
workmen, they will, through this di
vision of the labor forces, prevent the
monopoly of the labor market con
trived at This much, against organ
ized labor, Is true. But it is well enough
to. remember, that counterbalancing
charges, against organized capital, are
also true. The blacklist system is the
oretically as objectionable as the boy
cott The company store is as much
robbery as the union's demand for pay
for work that is not done. The unjust
system of weights and measures and
the arbitrary withholding of wages
when earned are morally as indefensi
ble as coercion of non-union men. and
even the overt acts of 'hot-headed strik
ers. It begins to look as if the-, acts of
organized labor and the acts of, organ
ized capital will have to be judged by
the nature of the acts, and not the mere
fact of organization. Det lis see what
the trust or the union does, before we
condemn it If an employer can't get
work out of his men except by shooting
them down, let's reform the employer.
If a labor "union can't secure its ends
except by killing non-union men and
burning property, let's reform the union.
If a union's demands are unjust, let
them be condemned. If an employer's
methods are unjust, let them be con
demned. Let us not have one rule for
the rights of capital and another for the
rights of labor. "We must have some
such public opinion, as this, or else our
Industries have a rocky road before
them. It is, unfortunately, vain to look
to the combatants for concessions. Be
fore capital will give up It will see its
profits stop. Its property Tot away, its
principal be wiped out of existence.
Before labor will .give up, it will take
the torch and the dynamite, it will for
feit the sympathy of the public, it will
see its little ones starve to death before
its eyes. Trie remedy seems to He in a
public sentiment that can require jus
tice from each contestant, from labor
obedience to law, and from capital
business prudence. l
THE "BORN-SHORT."
Dr. G. M. Griffin, Instructor of mathe
matics In the Chicago Normal School,
has been doing some work incidental to
his vacation spent in the Rocky Moun
tains, among the teachers of that sec
tion. His last address before leaving
for his home in the Middle West was
delivered before the Teachers' Institute,
at Helena, a few evenings ago, the
subject being "The Unruly Element,"
which he designates further as "The
Dull, the Slow, and the Born-Short."
He took the ground that the control
and development of children coming un
der the complex but similar conditions
thus" designated, is a problem as seri
ous as any now confronting the intelli
gence of mankind for solution. Begin
ning at what is to the educator the be
ginning of the matter, this being the
utmost limit of his domain in one direc
tion, Dr. Griffin censured parents heav
ily for the misconduct of their offspring
in that they fall to study their children,
to take note of their weaknesses with
a view to strengthen them, and of their
faults with a view to correct them, be
fore they are turned loose in the world
to become undesirable members of so
ciety. The noblest philanthropy is that
which has taken up the cause of chil
dren of this class, and by patient en
deavor has led them tenderly but firmly
up to higher levels of consciousness and
right and made possible to them the
fruits of endeavor. There is no state in
our great commonwealth so poor In this
type of philanthropy as not to have
made provision for the care and devel
opment according to the largest possi
bilities of their condition of children
Who are born short in the sense of phys
ical deprivation, and few that have not
made provision for those much more
unfortunate who are born short In men
tal equipment. These are classes that
the state, by experience based upon the
broadest economic and philanthropic
principles, has learned how to deal with
mercifully and practically. It is still
perplexed, however, for an answer
when confronted by the problem of
dealing with the "unruly element"
among children.
Take, for example, the case of the
youthful parricide now in jail at Pen
dleton. Here Is a boy of but 13 years,
innocent in appearance, of frank, open
countenance and ordinary intelligence,
yet utterly unable to comprehend the
enormity of the act of 'creeping upon
and' killing his sleeping father in retali
ation for a severe punishment that the
latter had Inflicted upon him for a
trifling offense. Not without reasoning
powers, since he was able to estimate
the injustice of the punishment which
he had suffered, yet so utterly unbal
anced as to conclude that the father's
act deserved death at his childish
hands. What to do with him is a seri
ous question. The gallows is in his case
scarcely to be thought of; the Peniten
tiary for life Is equally repugnant to
humane thought, that estimates fully
what such a sentence means; the Re
form School can at best shelter the boy
but a few years, and, the power of Its
discipline or Influence to "make him
over'' Is at least doubtful. It would re
quire more than ordinary coUrage to
take him into a private home and de
pend upon moral suasion to control and
make a responsible being out of him,
while physical restraint -and discipline
therein would not, with his deadly rec
ord for retaliation, be thought of. What,
then, can be done with this boy and the
class which, in varying degrees of crim
inality, he represents. . The task is one
of the most difficult that confronts the,
state, and practical philanthropy has
few suggestions to offer for Its solution.
The "dull and the slow" In this clas
sification of the "born-short" are dis
tinctly In the realm and under the jur
isdiction of the public schools and teach
ers. Dr. Grlflln made the strongest
point in his lecture when he contended
that teachers who, through inability to
sympathize properly with such children,
ignorance of means whereby their confi
dence may be secured, or lack of dis
position to meet the conditions Involved
In drawing them out, should never be
allowed inside of a schoolroom. The
teacher who holds the dull pupil up to
ridicule before his class; who assures
him emphatically that he will "never
get through his grade" (and teachers of
this type have been known to secure
and hold places year after year In the
public schools of other cities, of
course), is herself or himself so mani
festly "born-short" In some of the
higher virtues of humanity that his or
her efforts to teach might justly be
likened to the spectacle of "the blind
leaders of the blind."
GRANT AND M'CIiERNAND.
The death of the venerable Major
General John A. McClernand In his 89th
year recalls the fact that as commander
of the Thirteenth Army Corps on
Grant's "Vlcksburg campaign General
McClernand went out of his way to
cross General Grant and make himself
antagonistic to him at every opportu
nity. McClernand and John A. Logan
had distinguished themselves in Con
gress as War Democrats who followed
the example of their great leader, Ste
phen A. Douglas, In standing by Presi
dent Xiincoln after the firing on Sumter.
McClernand had distinguished himself
by his courage and energy under Grant
at Fort Donelson and at Shiloh, but his
rapid promotion to Major-General of
Volunteers had turned his head, and he
began to scheme to supplant Grant in
command of the Army of the Tennessee.
Grant had one tilt with him after Ar
kansas Post, in January, 1863, when Mc
Clernand assumed to be independent of
"Grant's authority, and on Grant's ap
peal to Washington, Grant was sus
tained. ' Nevertheless, Grant took the first le
gitimate opportunity offered to get lid
of McClernand. At the battle of Cham
pion's Hill, on the Vlcksburg campaign,
General McClernand's Inexcusable slow
ness robbed Grant of the best fruits of
his victory, when his prompt advance
would have placed' his corps astride of
Pemberton's only road of retreat. Grant
was a just man, however, and made
no complaint, because nature had not
made McClernand as acute and daring
a soldier as Logan, or Crocker, or Fraok
Blair. But In the second assault on
Vlcksburg General McClernand made
representations concerning the success
of his attack which were not warranted
by the facts, but which persuaded'Grant
to order a renewal of the assault, which
cost a useless sacrifice of life in the
corps of ifccPhergon and Sherman.
Still Grant said nothing until General
Sherman, sent him a .slip cut from an
Illinois newspaper purporting to be
General McClernand's official report, of
the operations of the Thirteenth Army
Corps before Vlcksburg. This report
severely criticised" Generals Sherman
andr McPheraon as responsible for the
failure of the second asstfult on VIcTcs
burgs May 20, 1863. Grant at once asked
McClernand if he was responsible foi
this report, and on obtaining an affirm
ative reply, at once relieved him from
command, and that ended the military
career of General John A. McClernand.
McClernand could not complain of
Grant's action. He was bound to sub
mit his report to Grant, his military
commander, for approval. He did pot
submit it because he knew that Grant
would never approve his unjust accusa
tion of Senerals Sherman and McPher
son, but would, on i-the application cf
these officers, order a court of Inquiry,
which would be fatal to McClernand.
For political purposes, McClernand pub
lished In a newspaper his official report
that he dared not submit to his military
commander, and Grant at once cut off
his head, just as he did the heads of all
other Insubordinate or incompetent
corps commanders when he had a le
gitimate opportunity. Grant quietly
disposed of McClernand, just as he af
terwards did of Rosecrans, Butler,
Burnsl'de, William F. Smith, and au
thorized Sheridan to dispose of Warren.
The dispatches from Pekln to our
Government Indicate that, whether Pe
kln be evacuated or not by Russia, the
troops of the allies expect to winter
In China. Russia has not yet with
drawn from Pekln, and Is not likely to
withdraw from its present occupation of
the railway from Taku to TJen Tsln, in
favor of anybody but China. Russia
will' probably modify her policy In re
sponse to pressure from Germany,
backed by Great Britain. 'Germany is
justified in her apprehension that the
Pekln Government would turn over its
enemies among the Mandarins nitfbn a
false accusation of guilty responsibil
ity In the matter of the Pekln outbreak.
In China-a wealthy man who is under
death sentence, is allowed to furnish a
substitute, who, on payment of a stipu
lated sum to the substitute's heirs, subi
mits to suffer death for his principal.
Of course, In such a country It would7
not be difficult for the guilty members
of the Pekln Government to obtain sub
stitutes' by purchase or by force, 'and
turn them over on false accusation to
the allies as principals'.
Governor Roosevelt's presentment of
the difference In wages received by
worklngjnen of various grades In Idaho
four years agoand at the present time
could scarcely fall to set this earnest,
aggressive, Intelligent class of voters to
thinking. An appeal to this class to use
their vote's wisely, so that they may not
injure their own interests more than
they injure the trusts by striking blind
ly for a change in an Administration
that has increased their wage-earning
power, is timely, and was forcibly made
to the sturdy miners, train-workers and
mechanics of the Rocky Mountain
States. "The man of the trust will be
hurt a good deal less than you by any
great commercial disaster,' Is a state
ment that Is readily understood by the
wage-earner who Is governed by intel
ligent self-interest. -
John Wilson, borne to his grave a few
days ago, full of years, and leaving a
legacy of uprightness of oharacter to
the community of which he was long an
energetic, honorable factor, has added
to his .legacy a bequest that will leave
an impress for the highest good upon
future generations. A book-lover In
the best sense, he collected books about
him as his friends, made studious uBe
them, enjoyed 'them, loved them. 'Dy
ing, he bequeathed them under condi
tions that Insures their protection as
property and their permanency as a
legacy to the Portland Library for the
use, as works of reference, to any who
care to consult them. The life-work of
such a man does not cease with his
breath, but goes on and on through the
ages.
Conditions at Cape Nome are steadily
improving. The large surplus of men
Is being sloughed off, smallpox has
practically disappeared, typhoid feyer
has yielded to a plentiful and pure
water supply, and things generally are
assuming the normal conditions of a
fairly prosperous mining camp, capable
of supporting from 6000 to 8000 people.
The outlook Is favorable for a quiet, or
derly though isolated Winter, and a
prosperous season for 1901. The mad
rush of-the Spring of 1900, nevef justi
fied by facts, Is a thing of the past,
leaving the wreckage of human hopes
and human life in its wake, and Nome
as a mining camp will hereafter stand
upon Its simple merits as a great but
not phenomenal gold-producing section.
The list of storm victims In Texas
grows and grows. The world was
shocked on the day after the disaster
was wrought by the wind and waves
to learn that the dead would number
1000, and took refuge In the hope that
the report was' exaggerated by horror.
Yet the estimate has grown from day
to day, until now it reaches 12,000, with
every probability that the loss of life
is In excess of those figures. This ex
ceeds by nearly 3000 the number lost by
the British in battle during ten months
of most bitter and exacting war in
South Africa.
Russian diplomacy Is doing very well.
It has broken the International concert
In two pieces already, and seems about
to' secure a third disruption In the in
dependent action of the United States.
The campaign may be apathetic, but
It Is not taciturn. All the papers are
full of politics.
i Bryanlsm and Crokcvlsm,
Baltimore American.
Ex-Controller James H. Eckels, who,
played a good part in the campaign for
sound money four years ago, finds in the
present campaign no reason to change
his opinion, no excuse for giving his sup
port to Bryan on the plea of party fealty.
Nor does the bugaboo of Imperialism
scare him in the least. He Is too intelli
gent a man to be frlghtend by campaign
scarecrows or by the wild talk of men
who are so thoroughly un-American as to
aid in the defeat of soldiers who are- serv
ing their country in lands that are far
away. Predictions that the policy of this
Administration, if continued, will turn
this Republic into an empire, do not give
Mr. Eckels a moment's worry. No more
should they give any voter a single anx
ious thought, for a more ridiculous cam
paign roorback was never put before the
American people In any election contest,
"As far as I am concerned," says Mr.
Eckels, "I am going to maintain my
Democracy by voting and speaking
against Mr. Bryan and those 'who have
debauched the party and placed it in the
attitude of a defender of all the isms that
disturb the country; I do not; believe In
Bryanism" in the "West or Crokerlsm In. the
East If a continuation of Bryanlsm and
Crokerlsm constitutes Democracy, sound
political wisdom and administrative abil
ity, I do not Wish to be of it. But I do
not believe, ifdoes, and I have faith in
there being enough Democrats, who are
Democrats from principle,' to defeat Mr.
Bryan so emphatically as to make Impos
sible the things. We have witnessed in
past years in Democratic "Conventions. I
really would , like . to know what a
thoughtful Democrat thinks of reforms
wrought In domestic and foreign affairs
through the combined wisdom and expe
rience of William J. Bryan and Richard
Croker,"
Here are the views of a Democrat who
recognizes the danger of suporting a can
didate like Bryan, no matter how or by
whom he was nominated. Bryanlsm
means National dishonor and discredit;
Crokerlsm the utter debauchery of Amer
ican politics.
BRYAN REJECTED IN,NEW YORK.
Silver Ignored nnd nn Expansionist
JPnt Up for Governor.
Chicago Evening Post
The platform of the New York Demo
crats, silent on the financial question and
containing no reference to the reaf
firmed silver plank of 1S8C, "recognizes"
the troth of the Kansas City declaration
that the "burning issue of imperialism in
volves the very existence of our Republic
and "the destruction of our free Institu
tions." From this some might infer that
the platform, expressly or by necessary
Implication, approved Mr. Bryan's Phil
ippine programme withdrawal of Ameri
cans from the islands, with Independence
for them. This would be a complete mis
conception of its meaning.
In point of fact the platform does not
advocate the surrender of the Philippines.
It merely affirms tho doctrine of the auto
matic extension of the Constitution, and
rdemands that "every part of our posses
sions shall . be governed' according to
American precedents and American prin
ciples." This implies that the New York
Democrats, or those of them who have
taken the trouble to study the platform,
would not object to the retention of tho
"Philippines, provided the islands were as
sured the benefits and guaranties of the
United States 'Constitution.
Now 'this Is radically different from
Bryan's Philippine policy. Is the diver
gence accidental? Nor apparently It is
conscious and due to the fact that John
B. Stanchfield, tho nominee for Gov
ernor, is -an avowed annexationist or "im
perialist" !.'A New York paper recalls the
emphatic words Mr. Stanchfield uttered
in February, 1809, at a dinner of the Am
herst College Alumni Association. They
were hi part "as follows:
I am Just enough of fi Republican, let me
eay, to, advocate In the strongest terms that
we-uphold' the Administration until all the
fruits of Its efforts are tied to us with a bond
ot' the stronirest iron. "We are now at a criti
cal stasre. Everyone knows, the -whole world
knows, that we entered upon tho Spanish war
with tlfe best of purposes and motives, and,
who can rightly forbid our taking the fruits?
The question is nbt one of territorial expan
sion, of aggrandizement. That was settled Tor
all eternity when Admiral Dewey planted tfie
. flag on the Philippine Islands. .The question
Is not of expansion, but decldlne what we
shall do with these islands and their people.
Mr. Stanchfield has not modified his
view. It is asserted by men friendly to
him that he has repeated the sentiments
just quoted many times. He doe3 not
admit that the auestion of annexation 1.
open, and his doubt relates solely to the
form of government, the political status,
to be accorded to the Islanders. Perhaps
he new accepts the doctrine that the Con
stitution follows the flag, as the platform
he stands on declares It does. Perhaps he
is still In doubt. At any rate, the Consti
tutional question is not a party of politi
cal question, but one for the independent,
judicial department.
The Important thing to note 13 that, as
suming the Constitution to be for the
United States alone, and not for annexed
territory, Mr. Stanchfield Is not in favor
of our withdrawing from the Philippines,
Tho question of expansion, he says, "was
settled for all eternity" by Dewey's plant
ing of the flag! How about the poor par
amount Issue? The New York. Demo
crats have really repudiated it while pro
fessing to indorse tho Bryan platform!
, ,, o
Bryan n Party to Imperialism.
Indianapolis News.
If there is Imperialism in the Philippine
policy of the Government, Mr. Bryan is
very clearly a party to It, for he has ad
mitted that the treaty was imperialistic,
and yet he urged the ratification of the
treaty. In his speeeh at Indianapolis, he
said:
When the war was over and the Republican
leaders began to suggest the propriety of a
colonial policy, opposition at once manifested
Itself. When the President finally laid before
the Senato a treaty which recornlzed the in
dependence of Cuba, but provided for tho
cession of tho Philippine Islands t6 the United
States, tho menace of Imperialism became so
apparent that many preferred to reject the
treaty and risk tho Ills that might follow
rather, than take the chance of correcting the
errors of the treaty by the independent action
of this country.
' Here Mr. Bryan clearly admits that-the
treaty was Imperialistic a "menace of
Imperialism." Yet he advocated Its rati
fication. After explaining and justifying
his action in this regard, he thus speaks
of the result of the ratifications
I believe that we are now In . better posi
tion to wae a successful contest against im
perialism than we would have been. had the
treaty been rejected." With the tsaty ratlSed,
a clean-cut issue Is presented between a gov
ernment by consent and a government by
force, and the Imperialists must bear the re
sponsibility for all that happens until the
question is settled.
Is it too much to infer from this lan
guage that Mr. Bryan favored the troity
in order that he might havo- an issue?
Before ratification he saw a "menace of
Imperialism" in the treaty; and after rat
ification he says that" the treaty makes
the imperialist Issue sharp and "clean
cut." Not only is so-called Imperialism
in part the creation of Mr, Bryan, but It
was brought on the country with his co
operation, a co-operation rendered with
the full consciousness, as he now a&nlts,
that It was Imperialism. He has his issue.
On, his own showing, he deliberately
helped to manufacture It.
The "Lesson of the Lufcon War.
The following correspondence has been
given out by the War Department in
Washington:
"Atlanta, Ga,, Aug. 28. '
"General H. C. Cofbln, Adjutant-General,
Washington, D. C:
"My beloved son", Captain Prank P.
Crenshaw, reached Atlanta on the 23d
instant, and having been operated on on
the 26th, dred this, morning, from the ef
fects of wounds received In battle In
Batangas Province, Philippine Islands,
on June 5 last. Ho leaves a young wife
and four little children. .
"We pray for th6 sake of all who have
fallen there in defense of our country's
honor that' the flag under which they
sacrificed their lives may never bo pulled
down. We shall forever cherish the tes
timonials of his gallantry, of record In
your office.
"Please cable Colonel Birkhelmer.
"THOMAS C. CRENSHAW.".
In reply to Mr. Crenshaw's telegram,
Secretary Root sent the following mes
sage: "I beg you to believe In my defcp tsym
pathy with you for the death of your
gallant son from wounds received in ac
tion. I remember what a noble young
American he seemed when I saw him
with his regiment at Camp Meade, just
before they sailed for 'the Philippine
Islands.
"The flag under which he sacrificed his
life in defense of his country's rightful
sovereignty will remain the emblem ana
guarantee of peace and Justice through
out that land, and your boy's sacrifice,
hard as It Is, will not have been in vain.
"ELIHU ROOT,
"Secretary of War."
Captain Crenshaw entered tho scrvico
as a Second Lieutenant In the Third
United States Volunteer Infantry on
Juno 17, 1S9S, and was promoted to be
First Lieutenant on September 23, 1S9S.
He served with his regiment until May
9, 3R19, when ho was honorably dis
charged. He was appointed a Captain In
the Twenty-eighth United States Volun
teers and went with. his regiment to the
Philippine Islands, where he served with
great credit. He was wounded in the
battle at Batangas and returned to the
United States on sick leave.
OREGON'S VOTE IN JCNE
For general information The Oregonlan
herewith prints the official figures for Su
preme Judge and Congressmen in tho
Oregon June elections, 1903:
Supreme Judge.
Wolverton. Greene. Bright
Count! a Rgtv
Dem.
Pro.
123
93
164
32S
69
339
23
25
320
3S
77
31
164
Baker 1,53'
Benton , S06
Clackamas 2,063
Clatsop 1,142
Columbia w. 805
Coos . 3,096
Crofck 471
Curry 288
Douglas 1,828
Gilliam 3S3
Grant TO
Harney Z&i
Jackron ,... 1,513
Josephine 909
Klamath S98
Lake 429
Lane 2,329
1,495
762
1.641
(33
40i
836
444
1S8
1.C62
374
550
421
1,416
724
S4S
299
1,919
SOI
2,m
410
1,957
431
5.115
1,011
305
311
1,548
1,546
538
860
1.25S
241
1,328"
33.388
97
20
20
214
31
238
46
239
74
761
335
178
85
296
1
345
211
37
224
4,537
Lincoln 470
Linn 3,034
Malheur 427
Marion
3,023
Morrow 612
v
Multnomah 8.904
Polk 1,252
Sherman 404
Tillamook 05
Umatilla 1,932
UnlDn 1,563
Wallowa 651
Wasco 1,262
Washington 1,567
Wheeler 425
Yamhill 1.517
Totals 44,023
Plurality 10.637
ConjjreHsman, First
Tongue. Daly.
Rep. Fus.
Benton 84S 817
Clackamas . 2.063 3,556
Coos 1,057 S07
Curry 203 171
Douglas 1,736 1.659
Jackson .... 1,420 1,403
Josephine ..909 697
Klamath .... 359 343
Liko 364 390
Lane 2,271 1.822
Lincoln 432 331
Linn .'. 1.S75 2.1S4
Marlon 2,087 2.23S
Polk L13C 3.022
Tillamook .. 597 327
Washington 1.646 1.133
Yamhill .... 1,475 1.314
District.
Elmore. Sears.
Pro. Pop.
84
.21
140
70
9
85
91
68
11
5
368
15
271
223
129
67
143
191
180
170
f
103
216
7
217
30
92
193
115
IS
141
74
Total 21,212 18.1SQ 3,776 1.6S1
Plurality ... 3,019
Congressman, Second District.
Moody. Smith. Sim'ons. Butler.
Rev. Fus. Soc. Lab. Pro.
Baker ,. 1,438
Clatsop 3,207
Columbia ... 798
Crook 502
Gilliam ...... 366
Grant S29
(Harney 365
Malheur .... -4C0
Morrow .... 615
Multnomah 9,325
Sherman .. 439
Umatilla ... 3,865
Union 3.429
Wallowa ... 630
Wasco 1,601
Wheeler .... 479
1.450
511
365
298
2S0
49S
326
344
363
4,000
243
1,803
1,492
476
4DS
203
Total 22.068 32.709 3.S84 1.599
Plurality ... 9.379
Calls Bryan a Frenlc.
Cincinnati Commercial Tribune.
Every utterance of Mr. Bryan since his
nomination proves his conspicuous unfit
ness for the National Chief Magistracy.
A man who cannot ascend a platform
without contradicting his own record, be
lying his past, befooling his own party
follower and slandering American states
men and soldiers, is not a statesman,
but a demagogue, and a demagogue of
the low order, to be classed among
freaks. Take this one utterance of Mr.
Bryan, at Auburn. Neb.:
"The flag had been hauled down In
Mexico, and the Mexican people were
better off with their own government
than they would be with an American
carpet-bag government in tnat country."
To strive to establish an analogy Jbe
tween the cases of Mexico and the Phil
ippines marks a display of dense Ig
norance of history and a dire impotency
of reasoning: There is Imperialism and
repression under Mr. Bryan's own eyes
In Kentucky. But it is imperialism and
repression for his political benefit. In
stead of looking to Kentucky, where the
judiciary has been dlsnlaced. Juries
packed, the most sacred rights of citizen
ship trampled under foot by the Demo
cratic machine, Mr. Bryan looks away off,
to the Philippines.
Is Politics Behind ItT
v Washington Star.
Tho responsibility for this Condition
rests primarily upon the agitators who
have fomented the strike sentiment and
exaggerated the wrongs of the miners.
Who has, in turn, suggested to these agi
tators that this course be pursued at this
particular season can- only be surmised.
Yet the people cannot overlook the coin
cidence between this strike In 1900 and the
Homestead strike in 1892, each occurring
on the eve of a Presidential election.
There is no possible connection between
the Administration and Its record on the
one side and the struggle between coal
miners and operators on, the other. Yet,
In the language of demagogy, a strike
represents a depressed state of labor, and
this, In turn, is an indication of generat
distress. It is the Popocratic cry just at
present that there Is no real prosperity,
and the strike is likely to be utilized In
the campaign as exemplification of thl?
dictum. "
MEN AND WOMEN.
The widowed Duchess of Saxo-Coburg Gotha
has an income of $30,000 a year from the Brit
ish Treasury, beside a Jointure from the Co
burg Duchy estates. Her total Income, Includ
ing the proceeds from her Russian lands,
amounts to $200,000 a year.
Governor Llnd, of Minnesota, speaking re
cently at a meeting in St. Paul in celebration
of the landing of tho first German pioneers In
America, said that "under ordinary circum
stances" he did not approve of tho observanco
of foreign national holidays by American citi
zens of foreign extraction.
The Earl of MInto. Viceroy of Canada, and
Lady Minto are now in tho Klondike. On
their way West Lady MInto distinguished her
self by ridlnc on the cowcatcher when the
train was passing through tho Rockies, In or
der to take snapshots of tho scenery. As a
result, she has a splendid collection of photo
graphs of the Canadian mountain fastnesses.
Miss Lonefellow, dauchter of the poet, has
been formally adopted Into the tribe of OJIb
way Indians, who occupy an island In Lake
Huron, near Saut Ste. Marie. The members
of tho tribe aro the descendants of the In
dians who had the traditions from which the
story of Hiawatha is drawn. They are giving
open-air dramatic representations of "Hia
watha." Dr. F. B. Bolton has reslsned his position
as professor of psychology and education in
the State Normal School In Milwaukee to be
come professor of pedagogy In the State Uni
versity of Iowa. He is a graduate of the Uni
versity of "Wisconsin, and has taken graduato
work in three universities In this country and
in Europe. In IfiOS Clark University conferred
on him the degree of doctor of philosophy.
m '
The Farmer,
"Washlnrton Star.
I'm -the happy farmer,
I'm In my highest glee;
Every man who makes a speech
Is talking straight to me;
Hopes rm making money
I'm a regular pet.
Politicians all seem scared
For fear I'll get In debt.
I'm not wearing broadcloth,
I've no horseless rig.
t Jnst tho same, at present,
, I am feeling mighty big.
lt.klnd o'puts a person
In a satisfying mood
To And that he's tho objeet
Of so tmxcb solicltudo. '.
202 104
117 89
64 59
147 29
82 33
177 48
92 31
101 3S
98 57
1,133 C33
83 106
299 279
259 126
90 54
3SS 3S7
52 23
- -XOrE.AND COMMENT j
Kwang Hsu will go down to history as
the Chinese Charley Rous,
We have only tne calendar's -word to
convince us that this Isn't April.
Bryan is making the campaign withxhis
mouth, and the campaign never closes.
Census Director Merriam has t aban
doned his Intended trip to Chicago awl
Omaha.
If bad news from the Democrats Is all
the Filipinos are waiting for, fhey'wilK.
not have to wait long.
It Is time some one said to the rising:
generation of newspaper humorists: "JL.efc
the dead past bury its jokes."
Sir Thomas Lipton has sent $1000 for tho
Galveston sufferers. Sir Thoma3 ia the
kind of an American that we need.
The dtdn't-know-lt-was-loaded man 1st
now saving the fool-killer's time by mte
taktng toadstools for mushrooms.
King Menelik, df Abyssinia, Is thinking:
of going to war with England. He wlir
be wise If he takes It out In thinking.
It 13 fortunate for Galveston that its
calamity came In a Republican Adminis
tration, when people had money to spare.
The Mayor of Atlanta has been sober
for nearly a week, and the City CounclS
is thinking seriously of Impeaching him-
Perhaps Teddy owes a great deal to thai
fact that he used to be a crack baseball
player. He seems to be able to make a.
hit wherever ha goes.
Frauleln Raffentss, of Vienna, who re
cently arrived at Paris on the way to
Calais, Intends to swim across the chan
nel to Dover as soon as there mar bo
favorable weather. She Is not to be fol
lowed across by any boat, and says that
she must reach the English Coast or
drown. If successful, she will go to Con
stantinople and duplicate Lord Byron's,
famous swimming feat, and next to New
York, where she Intends to swim from,
tho Battery around Staten Island and
back.
An Illinois paper contains the following
comprehensive "ad": "I take great pleas
ure In announcing to the people of Wel
lington and the surrounding country that
I have purchased the J. N. Barritt stock:
of furniture and will not only enlarge the
stock but will put in a full line of under
takers' goods. I am a licensed embalmer
and will attend calls night and day. Will
furnish a funeral car when desired. I alo
do all kinds of repairing and make,
screens. I am also an attorney and no
tary public and will give legal advlco and!
draw legal papers of all kinds. Farm,
loans a rpecialty. I solicit a share of your
patronage and Invite you to call and get
acquainted. Robert Mell. Wellington.
111."
Among recent deaths Is that of Colonel
Innls N. Palmer, retired, one of the few
surviving officers who served In the Mexi
can War. He was graduated from West
Point in 1S4G, and was appointed a brevet
Second Lieutenant in the Mounted Rifles.
He was commended for gallant and meri
torious services at Contreras and Cheru
busco, and given the rank by brevet of
First Lieutenant for his services in those
battles, as well as the brevet of Captalrt
for gallantry at Chapultepec. He com
manded a brigade at the battle of Fair
Oaks, Va., May 31. 1862, when Joe John
ston pounded to a pulp Casey and Couch's
divisions of Key's corps of tho Army of
the Potomac.
The Filipinos are only waitlngntlll elec
tion. Press dispatch.
Only waiting: till election
Brings the Democrats success.
But It's mighty weary busmera.
We must candidly confess.
Only waltlns till Novembr,
With Us devastating frost.
Shall deicei.d on Mack and Teddy,
And their cause Is good nnd lost.
Only waltlnsr for BUI Bryan,
J. P. Altgold and that "push,
To rrocun uh ammunition
To shoot soldier in the bush?
Only waiting- for the nappy
And the lonfir-expected tlmo f
When to Jail a Filipino '
Shall bo made by law a crime.
Then we'll sally forth In thousands,.
Make the towns our signal Arcs,
And we'll hoqt Americano,
Till the last drmed foe expires.
But it's weary, weary waiting.
And tho thing- Just now appears
That they'll keep us only -nattlns
For some fifty thousand ears.
Wbr.Do They Hope?
The Charlotte (N. C.) Observer (Dem.).
which refuses to support Bryan and Ste
venson, although the latter Is a personal
friend of the editor, puts' a poser to thoso
Democrats who are hoping and expectlns
ex-President Cleveland to declare In favor
of the Democratic Presidential ticket. It
says:
If old man Cleveland 13 all that they havo
said ho was. why are Mr. Bryan's supporters
breathlessly hoping that he wllPannounce hlmw
self for the Nebraskan? If he was a traitor;
to his party one time, how can he bo trustcdk
inside the breastworks now? There Is no- evi
dence that he has reformed, except that ho fc
expected to vote for the Democratic nominee.
PLEASANTHIES OF PAEAGRAPHBRS
"Here, waiter, you have charged for thro a
soups Instead of two." "Yes. sir; there- la the,
ono I skilled on madamo's dress." Journal
Amnsant.
He Well, there's ono thlngr you never hear
of a man -wHhlne he was a woman. She OC
course not. -It might bo hl3 fate to marry
some horrid man. Boston Tran.-ript.
Artistic Research. "Annie Nlbblna Is the
meanest kind of gossip." "What variety J
thatT" "She's the kind that doesn't tell any
thing herself, but gets you to tell all yoir
know." Chicago Record.
Stubb Tou say ho is very sensitive about
being called awkward? Penn Yes; when ho
accidentally eashed himself vlth a razor ha
tried to make people, bellfvo he had attempted
suicide. Philadelphia Record.
A Now Trick. Old Fogy Proprietor Why
did you treat that shabbily drcsed woman so
coolly? Sharp Clerk You notl"ed I sold to
her, didn't you? "Yes." "And tha article,
didn't really suit her." "I noticed that.'
"She bought it because she thought I thought
sho couldn't afford to." New York Weekly.
What a Directory They Could Have '"And,
you say." remarked Satan, "that you really
hi ihn ntneet I suppose you look at tha
smoke and imagine you aro in Chicago." "Oh.
I no." replied the late arrival from Chicago; "I
haven't noticed the smoke, it's tho population
that you havo hero that inspires me." Brook
lyn Life.
Queenly Kindness. "I think." said Httle
France. who had been studying her history
lesson, "that It would be very kind of Queen
Victoria U. sho would die thl3 year. "That
Is a singular remark," said Frances mother.
"What do you mean?" "It would be such an
easy data for future history classes to .remem
ber." Pittsburg Chronicle-Telegraph.
' '
Sense of Responsibility.
Washington Star.
I am feeling all a-tremble!
Though I'm trying to dissemble,
I'm convinced that all my efforts aro in vain.
My brain Is growing torrid;
There dre wrinkles on my forehead.
As I sit and think and think with might and
main.
I'm a factor in this Nation
That is leading all creation.
And I feel a lump that rises in my .throat.
When 1 shudder and remember
That onco more It is September. '
And that pretty soon I'vo got to go and vota.