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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 16, 1900)
5 THE MOBKIffG- OBEGONIAN, THURSDAY, AUGUST 10, 1900. to regomcm, Catered at the PostoSlce ci Porf.lflr.fl. Oresoa. aecond-clasi matter. TELEPHONES. Editorial Kooms 300 i Eosincs Oace-..6S7 REVISED SCBSCREWION KATES. By Mai. (rootage prepaid), la Advance Day, wJthSonday. per month. .....$0 85 Ir. Sunday excepted, per yar. .-- "0 Ja. y, with Sunday, per year........ JJJ Sunday, per year ...............--..--- 2 00 The WecKly, per year.... .............. 1 5 Tiie Weekly. S aaontha... . . ...... &0 To C3ty Subscriber DnIIy. per week, delivered. Sunday excepted.130 Da-y. per week, delivered. Sundays included.SOc POSTAGE HATES. TJr.:t-d States. Canada and Mexico: 10 to T5-page paper ...................... -l0 26 to 32-page paper ....................... .-20 Foreign rates double. News or discussion Intended for publication In Tie Oregonten should be addressed Invariably "'Editor The Orecpnlen," not to the name of cry Individual, letters relating to advertising. eubseripUoEe or to any business matter should le addressed simply "The Orcgonlan." The Oregonian does not buy poeroa or atoriea from Irdlvldualc, and cannot undertake to re turn any manuscripts jsont to It without eollclta tloa. No stamps should be inclosed for this purpose. Puget Sound Bureau Captain A. Thompson, oS9ce at 1111 Pacific avenue. Tacorna. Box 933. Tacoma poatoffloe. Eastern Business Office Tho Tribune build ing. New Tori: City: "The Rookery." Chicago; the S. C Beckwith special agency. New York. Por eale In San Francisco by J. K. Cooper. 740 Market street, near the Palace hotel, and M Goldsmith Bros.. 230 Butter street. For sale In Chicago by the P. O. News Co. 2I7Deerbom street. TODAY'S "WEATHER. aoudy and threat er'ng, with showers probable; winds becoming xi"yrtliir eel. PORTLAND, TUTttSDAY, AUGUST 10. MAX AT 3IOXCY. "Man, the handiwork of God, comes rst; money, the handiwork of man, is of inferior importance. Man is the master; money the servant, but upon all important questions of today Re publican legislation tends to make money the master and man the serv tmt,' Of course, the foregoing1 is from Can didate Bryan. Nobody else who .com r:ands any attention talks in this way. Ilre, as the Salt L-ake Tribune says of this passage, -'it is absolute claptrap, t-nd if put to the test the author of it could not tell in a lucid manner what lie means by it, to save his life." He quotes from Mr. Uncoln, and his posi tion is perfectly characterized by the Brooklyn Eagle when it describes the man who "knows just enough of the fathers to parrot their phrases and ig nores the application of them." Vndoubtedly man is the master and m "rney is the servant There is no per b nfo shallow as not to know it. Money Is nowhere exalted above the man. Money is merely one of man's tools in one way the most efficient one, hecause it commands most other tools; yet it is merely a tool, as plows and carts and railroads are tools. It Is a representa tive of value, too; and so are plows and carts and railroads. It is just as sensible, and just as foolish, to rail against value in one form as in another. All wealth isn't in money; only a very small part of it. There are lands and farms and build ings, implements, machinery and ships, vhose value exceeds by one hundred times all the money In the world. These, one and all, command money quite as much as money commands them. Ships here now command money to twice the extent thoy did five years tgo. These things all are part of an interchangeable whole. All alike are the tools of man. He is their master; th-y his servants. But the notion that the man who lacks resources, the man Avho possesses nothing, should be able Id command these things equally with the man of property, business and credit and this is what Bryan means If he means anything Is fatuous and T-bsurd, to the last degree. The complaint of this political moun tebank is simply this, that the poor nre not rich. But is there any wealth or prospect of wealth for them in this complaint? AH men desire property. The desire of accumulation is the basis sof human progress. Men are contin ually exchanging money for that which is mre desirable to them; for money In Itself is the least desirable form of property. Men are continually putting It into lands and buildings and ships and railroads, and a thousand other things Is it wrong? Bryan would tavo the thoughtless, thriftless and un enterprising think it is. To feed this discontent he tells the man, "You are belter than all this wealth." Nobody questions it That is not debatable. Tut it is nothing to the purpose. UYuOugh man is better than wealth and greater than wealth, nevertheless wealth is a good thing for aaa; and in any society above the savage state it is absolutely indispensable. Of course, as It Is regulated by law, so It must be protected by law. Nobody except extreme socialists or anarchists tMnks otherwise. But what Is Bryan's object? Appar ently to tell those, who are willing to listen to him that. Inasmuch as man, the handiwork of God, comes first is of more importance than property, therefore the man who may be in need or may think himself in need, should l:a-ve a right to help himself or to .be Julped by the state to the property of ethers. They who can be moved by such appeal, though they cannot find his actual meaning, which he could not 6flne himself, hope he means plunder. Bryan's own ultimate object is to win the votes of those whom he expects lis sophistry to mislead. In no civilised state docs human so ciety ever set wealth, property, money, above man. No man. is strong enough in wealth to ooramlt with impunity an outrage upon the personal rights of the humblest But property must have .protection property in its larger masses as .well as in Its smaller pro portions. Protection to the larger is necessary for protection to the smaller, forming a barrier to their defense, in all the various gradations. The first duty of .government after protection of the life and reputation of the citizen, is protection of property, and the right to own and: control property has in all iges been regarded as equal, and often superior, to the right to defend one's life. This has been so recognized in the written and unwritten laws of all na tions and tribes, whether civilized or savage from the beginning of the -world. Shakespeare strikes the key note when he makes Shylock say. "You take my life "when you do take .the means "whereby I live.' It is infinitely shallow ot pick out "money as a form of property for de nunciatory political apiwal. Money Is merely a, necessary tooL Men do not Iteep It hut convert it into other forms of property, or create other property with it The rich man seldom has snucH money. Of course, he has that "which! witl command money; and Bry an's declamation, then, is against prop-jerty.-ia general. But more property. greater wealth. Is a need of every pro gressive state. Here in these North west states we -want more wealth, as we want more people. "We need great fortunes, too, for the things to be done for the good of the state can only be done with money In great sums. No community will ever set money above man, but all know how little can be done in these times of great under taking without large resources in money, or in those things that will command it Yet wealth, property, money, never can be the master. It has no power in itself, and is good for nothirtj only as man can use It But it Is a tool without which man can make no progress, and to rail against those who gather It and use it is as much as to assert that men should cease from the efforts to which the hu man race owes Its elevation from sava gery. Bryanism, however, doesn't mean seriously what It ays. Bryan himself is a practical student of thrift and while denouncing political opponents for setting money above man, he is himself amassing all the money he can. This last Is what he should do; but he has no right to preach false and mis chievous doctrines with it, as he does, as a means of vote-getting. Bryan asserts that we put money above man. because we want; to make good money for man. We do not tol erate the cheat of base money In our legislation; therefore we legislate for money against man. Therefore, Re publican legislation tends ro make money the master and man the servant This Is the same rubbish we had four years ago. OUR FARMERS' TRUST. "We observe with feelings of mingled pride and apprehension that a farmers' pool or trust in Marioni County has ef fected a sale of 8000 bushels of wheat at 5G cents a bushel, at a time when the Valley buyers were paying but 45 cents. Few well-informed persons will accept the story In full until it is sup ported with fuller evidence, but for the moment let us take Its truth for grant ed and see what becomes of It "We have In this wheat pool all the essential elements of a trust The con spiring farmers put their holdings Into a common stock. They destroyed com petition among themselves, they ab sorbed the working capital of their ontlre number, they economized admin istration by eliminating the usual com mittee as well as the noxious middle man, and through combination they jumped- up the price. It is to be hoped none of these co-laborers In restraint of trade are Populists, for otherwise they would feel embarrassed in the presence of the Indianapolis declaration of Bryan that there are no good trusts, only bad. "With this illustration directly under their eyes, the farmers of the "Willam ette Valley cught to be able to take at an accurate valuation the profession of certain trust magnates that the nat ural result of trusts is to reduce prices. How far would this Marlon County ag gregation have to extend its operations, how many farmers take in and how many million bushels of wheat control, before we should find its efforts di rected toward reduction in the price of wheat? Imagination's utmost stretch in wonder dies away. They ought also to estimate understandingly the Bry anlte theory that all trusts, including the Tammany ice institution, are di rect and calculated products of Repub lican legislation. "We might, to be sure, reduce the tariff on wheat, which Is as Inoperative as the duty on iron ore; but such a proposal would send our farmers lobbying to Washington with the same disinterested zeal now mani fested by the sugar refineries or the Iron, and steel trust Suppose the farmers should get to gether nationally upon the Marlon County plan. Such a scheme was launched at Topeka a week or so ago with a capital stock of $20,000,000. "What would be the result? The price of wheat we must suppose, would be jacked up and kept up. The farmer would be on Easy street, but how about the rest of us? "Where would his extra 10 or 20 cents a bushel come from? "Why, out of the pockets of everybody that eats bread. Then we should find the farmer in the unfamiliar role of oppressor, while his victims would number the toiling masses, the horny handed son of toll, the man with the tin dinner-pail, the man with the blis tered hand, the common people, the dear people, the people who are so plain their face hurts them. Fortunately, however, the prospect of a successful farmers' trust Is re mote. The farmer is too numerous and not enough disposed to organize, and then there is the great product of the outside world to reckon with. The real lesson of the farmers' trust is this that a man will form his views of trusts, as he does of other phenomena in the industrial -world, from the cir cumstance of its effect on his own pocketbook. "We shall not address a highly moral argument to any mem ber of the Marlon County pool in whose pocket jingles his allotted portion of the earnings - of the wheat trust We re alize, moreover, that numbers of vot ers all over the country will feel kindly toward the trusts and more Indulgent toward the accursed gold standard be cause they have steady employment and good pay. These are not the high est considerations, nor are they always satisfactory. The gold standard would have been just aa right and free coin age just as wrong if we had had a panic In October, 1S96, and wheat had gone down to 10 cents a bushel. CONSEXT" IX CIIIXA. If it is true that official China Is in imical to the advance of the allies, and that the Emperor himself has sanc tioned measures conceived for recap ture of Tien Tsln and the Taku forts. It Is evident that the powers, including Japan and the United States, will now have to reckon with the formidable In tellectual forces of Irving Wlnslow and Louis Ehrich. The attention of these oulssant statesmen maj- not have been called to the matter, but they cannot long remain in Ignorance that the pow ers contemplate setting up in Pekln an administration of jiffairs to which the native authorities are not only not con senting, but in active opposition. What sort of a government does China want? She wants a government, unless we are misinformed, in which Americans and Europeans can be robbed, outraged, tortured and mur dered at will. Oom Paul's oligarchy would be a Street Carnival of abandon compared with the ideal set up by the Empress and her party. But with the details of that form, if the antis are correct we have, obviously, nothing to do. Nobody must be, governed without his consent and there is no higher law than one's own sweet will. Consent right or wrong. Is tho desideratum. "Self-government is better than rood government" So long as proceedings at Pekln suit China, It is none of our affair. It Is a parallel to the situation In Iuzon. Justice and order are about to Impose themselves through physical force upon rapine and bloodshed. The resident aspirants to control will be suppressed, yet over their determined resistance. The governed will not con sent any more than the condemned criminal consents to be hanged. The pertinence of the governed's consent or protest consists something in the mer its of his position, and something in his ability to maintain it If China con sents to be good, she may get along very comfortably. XO SIEGE OP PEICIX PROBABLE. The army of the allies may have had to fight another battle before reaching Pekln. but-it Is not probable. In 1850 the allies had their last fight with' the Chinese September 21, at Pa Li Kao, twelve miles from the eastern gate of Pekln. At Tung Chau, twelve mlle3 east of Pekln. is the great arsenal of Pekln. Here the River Pel Ho ceases to be navigable, but transportation will not be difficult pver the paved stone causeway that leads from this point to the city. When Pekin is reached, the allied forces will 4ind themselves be fore a walled city. The walls ?.re de scribed as fifty feet thick, but General J. H, Wilson says of them: "Like all the Chinese fortifications that I have seen in my visita to China, the defenses of Pekin can easily be turned." In any event .the defense of Pekin will be short, for by this time the siege guns sent more than ten aayBao by Gen eral MacArthur from Manila must have reached Tien Tain, and with the rail way repaired to Yang Tsun they can soon be brought to Pekin. It is wholly unlikely, however, that the Chinese will wait until our siege guns bombard their city. They will commence to negotiate for terms before they will have the weakness of the ob solete defenses of Pekln searched by powerful modern artillery. If Pekin were defended by powerful earthworks, it would be stronger than it is today, for the damages to earthworks can be repaired In a single night, but the thick brick walls of Pekln cannot be re paired when breached. The Chinese will not wait until the .fiction of the impregnability of the walls of Pekin has been exposed by our siege guns; they will ask for our ultimatum and grant it There, will be no prolonged siege of Pekln. The Pekln Government cannot afford to have the sacred city taken by force of arms. The whole conduct of Jhe campaign of the allies proves that they have never expected any prolonged resist ance In their march on Pekln, or any obstinate resistance after their arrival, for everything has been sacrificed to speed and safety of communications. The allies may have to fight another battle for the possession of the Pekln arsenal and the great causeway at Tung Chau, but it Is doubtful if any serious opposition is met even at this point, for General Wilson says that when the Chinese are once beaten In battle, rallies are out of the question, for "his fatalism adds wing3 to his feet when he feels the gods are against him." Since Pelt Sang, where the Chi nese put up a fairly stiff fight, they have shown no fighting capacity, for we forced them out of the very impor tant position of Yang Tsun the next day without difficulty, and since then there has been no appreciable opposi tion to our forward march. Behind the walls of Pekln the Chinese soldiery may recover their spirits; but there is small probability that the Pekln authorities win expose their city to the necessity of a siege, which could have only one end as soon as the allies assembled a train of powerful heavy artillery about It To "play a bluff" In diplomacy to the last moment Is the characteristic of Chinese statesmen, but the time has come when we "call their hand" by the mouth of cannon; and the chances are that they will suffer us to "take the pot" rather than risk any further loss playing a dangerous game with a hand of doubtful strength. The Pekln Gov ernment will never suffer the tradition of the impregnability of, the sacred city to be rudely dispelled by an army of "foreign devils," and for this reason a siege of Pekin is not to be expected in the future. We shall get a settle ment on our own terms without a siege. FORCED INDEPENDENCE FOR HA WAII. A demand for Independence for Ha waii is logical in the extreme, but somewhat awkward. This is part o the programme agreed on by the antis at Indianapolis. The position is more defensible from the standpoint of con sistency than the Bryanite solicitude for the Filipinos, coupled with disregard of the Porto Ricans and Hawallans. As a matter of fact, if the Constitution keeps us out of Luzon, it keeps us out of Hawaii and the acquisition of the Sandwich group becomes void. So, too, if conquest and treaty establish no title to the Philippines, neither do they es tablish title to Porto Rico. Any man who advocates Independence for the Philippines as a necessary outgrowth of the Constitution, is perforce estopped f rom objecting to j;he dismissal of Porto Rico and Hawaii. Unfortunately, however, the Ha waiian case is complicated by the de sire of its inhabitants for United States sovereignty. They have petitioned, im plored and insisted. They have fairly thrust themselves within our guar dianship. All that Mr. Cleveland and his party could do to force them back into monarchy and then to compel them to be Independent has been done, with true Democratic tenderness for consent o the governed, but done in vain. Un accountably, they sought and welcomed the American flag. Unaccountably, they thought well of American Institu tions. They were unable to recognize in our National genius the embodiment of despotism so clearly discernible to the limpid mind of the anti. and though for two years the despot's heel has been on their necks, they are ob tuse enough not ,to feel it or craven enough to like It Of course, the antli-is not the man to be dismayed by a little difficulty of that kind. Independence must be put upon Hawaii.' with or without its con sent If it comes to that, perhaps we can organize a rebellion in the Islands, and In all conceivable ways encourage It to resist our efforts to suppress It Atkinsonlan pamphlets and Bryanite platform, promises might stimulate there considerable slaughter of Ameri can garrisons and Increase by a few hundred thousands our annual budget The Hawallans are peaceful and con tented. But they should not be. The anti who falls to arouse them to strike for deliverance from the oppressor fall3 short of his full duty. There Is no place, say the antis, but for citizens, under the American flag. Not quite true, for there are many un der the flag who are not citizens. The antis refer, however, to the Flllplno3, But the Filipinos will become citizens after a while. It will not follow, how over, that they will all become voters. They will be treated no doubt much as the negroes are treated in the Caro linas, Mississippi and Louisiana. Abouht 17,000 foreigners are resident in China. The foreign population and tho number of -foreign firms doing busi ness there hanre nearly doubled since 1898. Of these 17,000 foreign residents, 5562 are British, 2335 American and 2240 Japanese. The remainder Is represent ed chiefly by Russians, 1621; Germans, 1134; French, 1183, and Portuguese, 1423. In the Cty of Shanghai there ar,e nearly 7000 foreigners, about 2700 of whom are British, 978 Portuguese, 562 American, 7S6 Japanese and 525 Ger man. Of the British adults in 1900, 1182 were men, 721 were women, and 788 children. There were 231 American men, 183 women and i48 children; 295 German men, 115 women and 105 chil dren. Under these circumstances, it is not remarkable that the British Gov ernment should insist upon landing iPOO soldiers with the approval of the Pre fect of tho city. These resident English have a right to expect that their gov ernment will guard them against a possible if not probable antl-forelgn outbreak. Russia and the other pow ers will, of course, grumble, but with out just cause, and to no purpose, for Great Britain knows that with Japan as an ally she can afford to defy the opposition of Russia. France and; even Germany, on the Pacific Coast of Apia. It is a' far cry to St Petersburg, to Paris and to Berlin, but it is not a far cry to the capital of Japan, and at Calcutta and Durban Great Britain is nearer the seat of possible warfare than is any of the hostile powers of Europe. The military memoirs of the ldte Gen eral J. D. Cox are now in course of publication by the Scrlbners. They will doubtless prove a most valuable contribution to the history of the Civil War. for General Cox served in the West Virginia campaign of 1861, under McClellan and Rosecrans; In the An tletam campaign of 1862; in the Knox vllje campaign of 1863; Jn the Atlanta and Nashville campaigns of 1864, and in the North Carolina campaign of 18S5. General Cox is by far the best military historian of the great campaigns of the Civil War. As a literary artist of superior excellence, none of our great military commanders on either side equals him, save only General Sher man, and General Sherman's personal egotism made it Impossible for him to tell the story of his great campaigns in the spirit of judicial candor. Gen eral Schofield's matter is exceedingly valuable. He Is an able and sound mil itary critic. He is accurate and fair minded, but his memoirs In pure lit erary excellence are not equal, to those of Sherman, Grant, Joe Johnston or Beauregard. General Cox's "Memoirs" are sure to be an admirably written book, and his estimate of Sherman, Thomaa and Schofleld, under whom, he served as a corps and division com mander, will be accepted as just There is confession of judgment against the Goebel election law in Ken tucky, by call of a special session of the legislature to modify or repeal it The real cause of this action, however, is the fear that If Kentucky should vote In November under this law, the elec toral vote would be thrown out; and as it Is hoped to carry the state for Bryan, the purpose is to guard against the con tingency. Bryan has neglected to weed- out of his antl-imperiallsm garden one of its original anomas. The Filipinos are too good and noble to be enslaved under the flag, yet so helpless and de graded that they cannot become citi zens without endangering our civiliza tion. Evidently Jixey are a very mobile sort of controversial material. The surest guarantee of work for Waldersee is given in these extensive Chinese preparations at Tien Tsln, Shanghai and Canton. The Chinese Government can arouse the provinces, but it will have difficulty In quieting them. There will be more work for the allies. The answer to Mr. Bourke Cockran's speech of last night Is Mr. Bourke Cock ran's speech of just four years ago. A portion of It Id printed in another col umn on this page. AND IT'S THE SAME TODAY. Prom Bonrkc Cochran's Speech at Madlnon Sqnare Anffnst IS, 1S00. On this platform Mr. Bryan defended the most revolutionary planks of the Chicago convention in a speech less' ve hement, but not less earnest, than that in which he supported their adoption. On this platform he defended the Popullstio programme of overthrowing the Integ rity of the Supreme Court If there bo any fruit which has grown for tho bene fit of all mankind out of tho establish ment of our Republic, it has been the demonstration that it i3 possible, by the organization of an Independent tribunal, to safeguard the rights of every citizen, and protect those natural privileges against any invasion from whatever source and however powerful might bo the antagonizing elements. The very existence of that power presupposes the existence of an Independent tribunal. Yet wo have this Populists' convention, be cause a Populist measure was condemned aa unconstitutional, proposing, not to amend the Constitution in the ordinary way prescribed by that instrument itself, but proposing to pack the court to re organize It (be used the language of the platform itself) so that It will pronounce those laws to be Constitutional which tho Constitution itself condemns; a pro posal to make the courts of law in struments of lawlessness; to violate that sacred pact between the states on which the security of this Nation rests; to pro fane the temple erected for Its protec tion by the hands of false priests, who, though sworn to defend it, will bo ap pointed to destroy It I am glad this issue has arisen. Tho time has come when the people of this country will show their capacity for self government They will prove that the men who have led the world In the path way of progress will be the Jealous guar dians of liberty and order. They are not to be seduced by appeals to their cupidity or moved by threats of injury. They will forever jealously guard and trim the lamp of enlightenment of prog ress. They will ever relentlessly press and crush under their heels the flamlns torch of Populist discontent Populist agitation and Populist destruction. When this tldo ofagltatlon shall havo receded, this tide of Populist agitation, this as sault upon common honesty and upon industry shall have abated forever, the foundations, of this Republic will remain undisturbed. This Government will still shelter a people indlssolubly wedded to liberty ancL order, Jealously forbidding any distinctions of birth or of privilege, conserving property, maintaining moral ity, resting forever upon the broad basis of American patriotism and American intelligence. THE CASE OF BUTTER. Iffortn Carolina Consent of tlic Gov erned Hit Him Hard. Washington Star. In the dispatches from Chicago, printed in this morning's newspapers, appears this paragraph: "The Populist National Executive Com mittee held two sessions here today, but, contrary to expectations. Senator Marion Butler, of North Carolina, the chairman of the National Committee, was not pres ent, and no one seemed to know whether he would come to Chicago for the meet ing." Mr. Butler was absent, and thereby hangs an imperialistic tale. The Senator from North Carolina was a conspicuous figure in the recent campaign In that state, and opposed an amendment to the state constitution nullifying an amendment to the National Constitution. Ho was serving a selfish end, it Is true. His peat In the Senate was threatened, and his first object was to try to save that He had little solicitude for the negro vote except as it was a factor in his own campaign. As an advocate of the lection of Mr. Bryan he was certain at a later day to be found working In har mony with the Democrats of South Caro lina, Mississippi, and Louisiana, where the negro vote has been disposed of after tha fashion so repulsive to Mr. Butlor when proposed in North Carolina. Nevertheless, Mr. Butler was. acting within his rights both as a candidate for office and as a citizen. But he ran coun ter to public sentiment as expressed through armed bodies of mounted men, and 'he, lost his fight. Blnce then he ha3 been a beleagured man In his own com monwealth. His llfo has been threatened, and he has found It necessary In moving about to call an armed guard to his side. He has been burnt in effigy, and one planter, employing some SO hands, whom he described as "yellow fellows," offered them one by one as antagonists of Mr. Butler on the so-called field of honor. In every way, Indeed, since the election, haye the Bryanltes of the old North State heaped Indignities on .one of their own Senators in Congress for exercising the right of free speech. When the Populist National Committee met In Chicago, therefore and Mr. Butler failed to respond to roll call, the first step should have been the organizing of a res cue party for tho Invasion of North Caro lina andthe deliverance of its chairman. The facts were known. Mr. Butler's plight has been fully described, and sure ly there Is no Populist anywhere, however he may feel on the subject of employing force in the Philippines, who is not man enough to employ force as against force in defense of freedom in the "United States. If wo are to have free sliver, freo trade and free riot, let it not be at the expense of free speech, a free press, and the right to go and come without armed protec tion. Hard Hits nt Bryan. Chicago Times-Herald. Mr. Bryan is peculiarly unfortunate In have two weekly papers such as J. Ster ling Morton's Conservative and Sarah B. Harris's Courier in his home state, the one att Nebraska City and the other at Lincoln. Mr. Morton's saying that "Bry an's mint Is his mouth" has made such a hit that it would take a six months' campaign of silence on Mr. Bryan's part to counteract Its effect Now comes Miss Harris in tho Courier, which Is the organ of the Nebraska State Federation of Women's Clubs, and punc tures Mr. Bryan's tiresome reiteration about the consent of the governed with the truism that "this Government exists by the consent of less than one-fifth of the governed." And then Miss Harris proceeds to shake 'the idiocy out of Mr. Bryan's "imperialism" bugaboo with this pregnant paragraph: If Admiral Dewey had sailed out of Mantis Bay after destroying the Spanish ships he would have done what the anti-imperialists now 6ay this Government should have ordered him to do. Then there would have' been aj Oriental slaughter of Spanish residents, com batants and ncmcombatants, and the United States would have been the mock of history. "When one Government is destroyed either an archy or another government will take its placo. Had Admiral Dewey left the peaceful residents of Luzon to the Oriental cruelty of Agulnaldo and his followers, Mr. Bryan might have brought an unanswerable Indictment against President McKlnley's Administration. This is the unanswerable reasoning of every well-poised American mind. Tho United States could not shirk the respon. sibility forced upon it by tho destruction of Spanish authority in the Philippines. The Issue as joined by Mr. Bryan's epeech and tho Republican platform Is: Shall we have responsibility for the Philippines without authority or with au thority? Mr, Bryan's policy of a protectorate is a conception and confession of childish impotence. A Religions View. The Outlook. Wo ask those thoughtful citizens who honestly fear imperialistic tendencies in this country, and who are thinking of voting for Mr. Bryan In order to check those tendencies, to consider carefully the question whether a vote for Mr. Bryan will not strengthen them. It would not be fair to say that Mr. Bryan has been nominated by the revolutionists, but they havo accepted him as their candidate and they were present In considerable force In the nominating convention. He Is the representative of Croker in the East, Till man In the South, Altgeld in the West Doubtless he represents other and much better men; but tho classes whom theso men represent are an important element In Mr. Bryan's constituency; and no chief executive in a republic is or can be inde pendent of his constituency. The ques tion for the voter is not merely does he wish Mr. Bryan to be President. It is also, it is ever more, does he wish the elements in America which are represent ed by such men as Croker, Tillman and Altgeld to be, we will not say dominant factors, but even important factors in tho government of the Nati&n. The danger of imperialism would be far greater from passing the control of the Government Into the hands of these men than from leaving it in the hands of McKlnley, Hay, Root, Gage and Long. A Democratic reader may ask. Why not say Hanna? "Very well. The danger of Imperialism from Mr. Hanna at his worst would bo nothing comparable to the danger of- im perialism from Mr. Croker at his best Tho lesson of history Is perfectly plain that tho danger to a democracy Is always from excessive and uncontrolled Individ ualism; the lesson of our times seems to us equally plain, that excessive and uncontrolled individualism in America has as Its chosen representative Mr. William J. Bryan. Waldersee a Good Selection. New York Commercial Advertiser. From a military polnti of view, the choice of Count Waldersee as Command er of the International forces In China leaves nothing to be desired. For ob vious reasons, a British or a Japanese Commander would noc be acceptable. Count Waldersee is probably the first professional soldier on the Continent where no soldier of this generation has had the training of high command In war both as the favorite pupil of Von Moltke and as the active head of the best military machine in the world. The sta tion he is named for Is political, however, as well as military, and there may be some qualification of conditions and lim itations of his power of command in the assent of the other powers. There will be time enough to discuss these, as he cannot reach China before October. It is certain that our Government will not assent to his unconditional disposal ot our troops. Our purposes in China have definite limit and when they are accom plished there will be nothing more for our troops to do. We are not likely to put them, under command of the ser vant of a power whose objects are un known to us and may 'be mofe extensive. Of course, this objection would be re moved were all the powers to adopt our declaration of objects sought In China as a basis of Joint Instructions to, mili tary force. Beforo Count "Wolderse reaches China this question may be brought up sharply by the collapse of Chinese resistance and the occupation ot Pekin. The Evasive 3Ir. Bryan. New York Sun. Tho reply ot a perfectly straightforward and brave man would have been respon sive. ' He would have said: "I am ready to resume the fight for free-silver coinage at the ratio of 16 to 1, for an income tax. for the overthrow of the Supreme Court as at present constituted, for flat money, for repudiation, for a 46-, 47- or 4S-cent dollar, for the protection of rioters and anarchists against Federal interference, for the repeal ot the present tariff; in short for another general attack all along the line upon the conditions whereon rest the Nation's prosperity and the stability of our institutions. Incidentally and for rhetorical purposes, I am against some thing which I shall style, imperialism,' and strongly In favor of withdrawal from the Philippines. Follow me, ye Demo crats; I will lead you again to the polls." Instead of doing that manly thing. Mr. Bryan suppressed every article In his plainly written commission save the one article which charges him to haul down. If lie can. our flaer In. the hUlpplnes; and. Ignoring but not repudiating all the de structive purposes which are in his party's platform and at the bottom of his own personal heart he rattled off a long dissertation on "imperialism" which Pettlgrew or Ervlng Wlnslow might have written, barring the tropes. From a Bryan Sympathizer. Philadelphia North American. Mr. Bryan's coy avoidance of 16 to 1, which, as every good Republican knows, is the paramount issue in this campaign, recalls the story of the Highlander who stole sheep in tho good old days when tne laird had power of life and death over the clansmen. Donald knew what awaited him and barricaded himself In his hut He refused to open when Lord McKlnley clattered up, with his retinue and rope, and beat upon the door with his sword hilt "Donald," pleaded the wife, as the uproar outside grew, more insistent, "Donald." she said, laying her hand persuasively upon his shoulder while he sat brooding over the peat fire, "gang oot like a gude man an' be hang't, an" dlnna anger t' laird." But Donald Bryan stirred not. Southern Indignation at Slavery. New York Tribune. Colonel Bryan has shown from time to time an eager desire to model his politi cal career on that of Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln's speeches are the arsenal from which he Is always keenest to draw his weapons. But of Lincoln's infinite sense of humor there seems to be scarcely a trace In tho Colonel's make-up. For who could Imagine a statesman with Lincoln's sense of the Inept and the ridiculous ac cepting a nomination from a political party the controlling element In which believed slavery to be the very keystone of the Union, and then making a speech to demonstrate that the Nation could no longer exist half slave and half free? MEN AND WOMEN. Conan Doyle declares that the best critics of stories of adventure are boys, and by such verdicts as they give he 13 willing to be Judged. A London authority estimates that tho Baroness Burdett-Coutts -trlthin her lifetime has given to charity at least 1,000,000. Amelia E. Barr, tho novelist, has. besides writing 32 books, had tlmo to perfect herself as a housekeeper, and Is the mother of 14 children. M. de Bllgnleres, whose ueath is announced, was Joint controller with Sir Evelyn Baring (now Lord Cromer) of tthe Egyptian debt in the time of the condominium. The 19-year-old daughter of Eleonora Duse la not Intended to follow In her mother's foot steps. Instead she will become a school teacher, and Is now studying to that end in Munich. Sir Donald Currle. head of the Castle Lino of steamers, was discharged frum the service of the Cunard Lino In his younger and humbler day3 because ho refused to work on Sunday. Permission has been obtained from the Czar Nicholas to establish a sort oi Young Men's Christian Association among railroad employes In Russia. It is to be called "committee for tho improvement of young men." According to Leslie Stephen in the "National Dictionary of Biography," Wordsworth as poet laureate wore the same coat to levees that Samuel Rogers had worn, and tho coat passed subsequently to Tennyson -when he became poet laureate. The massive gold cop presented to the City of Dublin by Queen Victoria in commemora tion of her recent visit 13 of gold throughout, weighs 160 ounces, and stands two feet three inches in height. Tha pedestal Is ot black marble, inlaid with gold. The depth of tha cup Itself is 18 inches, and tho circumference of tha rim three feet. A Bewildered Man and Brother, Denver Post. Ise glttln' temporary abrogation of de mln', My compis mentis wabblln- ut ob placet My ea's dey glttin deafened an my eyes dey goin blin'. An my 'llgtousnoss am tfltdln oft Its base! No mattah how I ca3" my vote. Ise boun" to wreck do Ian'. Dey's got my moral suasion In a stow! Ise holdln' ob do safety ob de country in my nan. Now what's a tremblin' nlggah gwlno to do? Do "Publicans an sinnehs say dey's sot da nlggnh freo, Dey struck do chains on bondage from de race. An' ef I vote fo Bryan de Lawd a gwine to be Unme'clful when 'siderin' my case! Do Democrats dey ask me t I want to 'lect a King To plunge ma back In slabery's da"k slough. An say dat Boss, McKlnley gwine to do dat very thing. Now what's a tremblin nlggah gwine to do? 01' Mahstah BUI McKlnley got a islan in de sea Wha' he gwino to sen de-nlggahs by an byt Gwine lock dem in do wilde'ness an' frow away do key. An' de slabery clouds 'It hide do freedom sky! P I vote fo JInklns Bryan trouble gwine to sweep de Ion'. "We'll feel de pain ob ha'd times' plnchln shoe! Be no mo' les ob chicken In do culled pua " son's ban. Now what's a tremblin nlggah gwine to do? Oh! Mahstah up In Zion, guide da culled hosts aright Froo de beasts ob prey dat's hidln In do path. Lead de poo' bewildered votehs from do da'k ness to de light. An' protect dem from de thundcrin's ob wrath! . Dey's full ob tribulation, fo' no mattah. how dey vote, Dey gwlno to hide do shlnln' sun from view! Dey's on de stormy ocean an' dey's suah to sink de boatl Jfow what's a tremblin' nlggah gwlno to do? In the Orchard. Pall 3TaU Gazette. Down in the orchard, where tho leaves Play hide and seek all day, I crossed the web tho shadow weaves And came where Doris lay. Her arms were crossed above her hair, Her eyes were curtained close. And on her lips her dreams bloomed fair As on her chek the rose. The little rosy apples leaned Between the leaves to see; The blackbird by the pear bough screened Exchanged a glance with me; The sunshine strove to part the boughs And kiss the sleeping eyes; But I turned back toward the house, For i, for once, was wise NOTE Am COMMENT. The shlrt-waist-mon question for cen turies will be: "What did-ho have on?" The wireless telegraphy so -prominent In. China of kite is not an infringement ot Marconi's patent There is a suspicion at Pekin that tho key to the open door In the Orient la hidden in one of the Empress Dowager's numerous pockets. Chinese artistic talent runs to depic tion of Americans as hogs. About two yeara ago a former great nation of Eu rope had the same fault, but Manila and Santiago taught it better. Labor-saving machines have at last an unqualified objection registered against them. The phonograph ha3 made Bryan ubiquitous, the lack of which beforowas a suffering public's consolation. American cities cannot be charged witTa falling behind the times. Philadelphia has had an earthquake, and in Chicago they aro hauling people into court for making false returns to the Assessor. Salem, III., Bryan's birthplace, has passed throxigh a terrible ordeal from prosperity in the past four years. Bryan will find It embarrassing to return to the ancestral home this year and preach about the discontent of the masses. The fifth centenary of the death oC Chaucer occurs on October 23, and an. attempt Is being made in London to in duce the Court of Common Council to erect a atatuo to mo poet m mo Guiia Hall. Chaucer was born In London, but no suitable memorial has ever been erected there. Colonel Bryan said In 1SS6: "Until tho money question la fully and finally set tled, tho American people will not con sent to the consideration of any other Important question." Since then the im perialistic scarecrow has been rigged up. Any old specialty will do for the Dem ocratic trick mule. A little over a month ago a farmer In Clay County, la., who had a bin contain ing about S00 bushels of wheat, decided to market the grain, but on going to tho bin, he discovered that a hen had established her nest on the wheat, was setting there, and that to remove tho grain would "break her up." He decided not to disturb her. but to wait until she, came oft with the chicks. In the mean time, the price of wheat advanced until tho farmer discovered he hnd gained over $100 by allowing the hen to set it out Sir William Bailey, the head of tho Al bion works, at Snlford, told this story tho other day: A certain Manchester mer chant saw a mummy In Egypt and brought away a portion of the mummy cloth. This was handed to a buyer of a largo Manchester warehouse, who wa3 asked If he could tell where it was woven After examining It carefully with his glass, he said he thought he could put hla finger on the mill where It was produced If he could borrow the piece for a few days. Afterward he reported tliat It was made where he had thought, near Old ham, and was called by the manufacturer his "No. 85." The sale of the Harpers' building In Pearl and Cliff streets. New York, ono of the landmarks of the city, is merely an echo of the financial trouble through which the Harpers passed a few months ago, the outcome of which was a plan, for the entire reorganization of the nf falrs of the company. The sale of tho building, plant and name ot the firm for $1,100,000 was one of the steps taken by the reorganization committee with a view of re-establishing tho firm on Its feet. It involves no change In the manage ment or conduct of the Harper periodi cals or of the Harper book-publishing firm, and this is well, says the Indian apolis News, for In the American pub lishing world no name stands out mora prominently or with greater credit than that of Harper & Bros. The service oC this firm to American literature has been. Immense; it has, throughout its history, stood for high ideals, and It has become In a measure, a great public institution, tho loss of which would be a calamity. PLEASANTRIES OF PARAGItAPHERS He Had Heard So. First Chinaman Thesa Christiana favor such wlffory different doc trines. Second Chinaman So I believe. Soma favor the open door and others spheres of in fluence. Puck. That Summer Feeling: He Are you aura that you wilt never love ar.y ono elio? Stie You wouldn't want mo to be like that! "Why not?" "Why. It's the feeling that I might fall In love with another man at any tlmo that makes me love you all the more." Life. Its Reason for Being. "But why." asked tho Amateur Anarchist, for tho twentieth time, "why do we need any law at all?" "Law," said the flippant person. "Is necessary for tho conservation of our own property and other people's morals." Indianapolis, Pre. Bulk for Bulk. "But. your majesty." feebly protested one of his. confidential advisers, "wilt not that be a large province to seize in re taliation for tho murder ot ono missionary? "Not at all," sternly ans-vered the Emperor William. "He was an unusually large-sized missionary." Chicago Tribune. The persistent correspondent was worming a biography out of the reluctant statesman. "I suppose it Is true. Senator, aa everybody un derstands," ho said, "that you began llfo aa a poor ploughboyr "No, sir." growled tha statesman. "I began life as a red-faced, flat- nosed, squalling baby." Chicago Tribune. The Real Thing. With the aid of a powerful microscope, we regarded the ptomaine in tha ice cream steadfastly. "You are extremely ugly!" we observed. "Of course!" replied tha ptomaine. "Did you ever see a genuine lady killer that wasn't more o .ess ugly?" To ba perfectly candid but why speak of thU? De troit Journal. The Boy Told Him. After a recent supper in the rural district a clerlcal-Iooklnj Individ ual rose to respond to a toast. "What am I here for tonight?" was the question he opened with. "To eat!" shouted a hungry small boy near the door. "You've dune drinked six cup of coffee an' swallered the last biscuit on tho plate!" Atlanta Constitution. i Vacation Time. Baltimore American. Vacation timet Vacation tlmo! Away up In tho hills. A-flghtlng bold mosqultos And consuming liver pills, A-swlnglng In the hammock Till It drops me on tho loam. And then I think with weary- heart Of Home, Sweet Home. Vacation time! Vacation time! I flsh from morn till night I troll among the ripples. But tha flsh will never blto. Get up before the sun is out And o'er the country roam. And think, while muscles twinge and acM Of Home, Sweet Home. Vacation time! Starvation time! There's nothing here to eat. There's sand In all the dishes. And It's bard to get a seat. Tho other boarders take my books Somebody stole my comb. With tangled hair I sit and muse On Home, Sweet Home. Vacation time! A weary time! I came here to have fun. I wish, with heartfelt earnestness. Vacation time was done. Tha chlggers and the centipedes Around my neck they rooni. I would the train were taking mo To Home, Sweet Home.