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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (May 23, 1900)
T THE HOBNING OREGOfflAy, WEDNESDAY, 3iIAY 23, 1S0Q. to rejsomon Cstered t the Postoffioe at Portland. Orecoa. m ocond-class mattes. TELEPHONES. Ceftorlal Room.., .168 I Buslnes Office... .687 EEVIBED SUBSCRIPTION RATES. Br Mail (postage prepaid). la Advance Dally. withSundny, per month ....$Q S3 Dally, Sunday excepted, per year ........ 7 50 Dally, with Sunday, per year 8 00 Sunday, per year ,... 2 00 The Weekly, per year .... ............ 1 CO The Weekly. 3 months,.. ....... ........... W To City Subscribers Dally, per week, delivered. Sunday excepted.lSe Uallr. Per week, delivered. Sundays lncludedSOa New cr dlscutsion Intended for publication !n The Oregonlan nbould be addnased Invariably "Editor The Oreconlan." not to the name or any individual. Letters relating to advertising. ubecrlpUoco or to any business matter should beddresaed simply "The Oregonlan." Tle Oregonlan doea not buy poems or stories from Individuals, and cannot undertake to re turn any manuscripts sent to it without slldta tlon. No stamps should be Inclosed tor this purpose. Puget Bound Bureau Captain A. Thompson. efnee at 1111 Pacific avenue. Tacoma. Box S53. Taooma postoffice. Eastern Busicem Ofilee The Tribune build ing. 5ew Tork city; "The Rookery." Chicago: thefi. C. Beckwith special agency. New Tork. Ppr sale In San EtmcIsco by J. K. Cooper. 46 Market street, near the Palace hotel, and at Goldsmith Brc.. 23G Sutter street. For sale m Chicago by the P. O. News Co., 17 Dearporn street. TODAT'S WEATHER.-Generally fair; west erly winds. PORTLAND, WED.VESDAY, MAY S3 Congress will be guilty of gross in justice if it adjourns without taking final action on the Alaska bill. For years that territory has been neglected and the residents deprived of their rights as citizens of the United States. Men ho have lived there a quarter of a century have been unable to acquire title to a foot of land, and stand today in the light of trespassers upon the soil of the United States. There can bo "no permanent basis of prosperity for that region without land titles. Mining claims alone will not give it. There are hundreds of thousands of acres of good arable and grazing land, and there are thousands of men who would like to possess and utilize them, but the neg lect of Congress prevents them. The lack of a proper government and courts has not been so serious in the past, though a great injustice to the citizens, but now it is a vital matter. The great rush of goldseekers to that region has changed conditions radically. There must be government and law and courts. Military rule must not be Im posed upon these thousands of citizens needlessly. Those who want to settle there and develop the country must be given the opportunity. It is not for the man -vho prefers to live In Illinois, or Kansas, or California, to say that the one who prefers to live In Alaska shall be deprived of the rights of Amer ican civil government. Congress has an urgent dury to perform in this mat te;, and has no right to adjourn until that duty is discharged. The San Francisco Bulletin says: Another reason why British ships do so much ol the American ocean-carrying trade Is found In the fact that American seamen's wages are established bj the rates paid on the coast wise trade. Competition in the coastwise trade being conllned to American ships, the coast wise sailor gets a share of the benefits of pro tection. As It has been found impossible to protect the ocean sen ice except by subsidies, the work is performed under free-trado prin ciples -Jthe Bulletin will examine the nrM- cles signed by the crews of A morion n British, German or French vessels sail ing out of the port of San Francisco, c?, for that matter, out of any other port in the United States, it will dis cover that there is no difference In the wages paid on any of these ships when they are on deep-water voyages. The ocean carrying trade is world wide in Its oope. and world wide and not local conditions govern it. The American ship secures her crew in Liverpool at the same rate as Is paid by the British ship, and the British ship In San Fran cisco pays the same rate as is paid in that port by the American ship. "American seaman's wages," when the seaman goes foreign and foreign trade is w hat Is causing all of this hubbub are net "established by the rates paid on the coastwise trade," but are estab lished by the rates paid the sailors on British, German. French and other ships. The coastwise sailor receives higher wages not because he is pro tected, but because he goes on shorter! voyages, has irregular worlc and harder wcrk. If the American seaman had the slightest protection in the coasting trade, four-fifths of the men before the mast on our coasters would not be for eigners. As is the case at the present time, tne protection profits go into the pockets of the shipowner; thither alsa will go the subsidies if they are granted. The Prohibitionists are going before the country on the issue of the canteen. They ask votes In support of their war on the President because he has acted like a man of sense regarding the sale of liqucr to our soldiers, and has re fused to act like a crank. Their theory that soldiers can be keDt sober hv de nying them beer at the post exchange is not only absurd in Itself, but Is gain said by all experience, which shows that the only effect of such prohibi ten is to drive them out to disrnmi. table saloons and deadly intoxicants. The facts have been admirably summed up in this reply of Secretary Root to an Inquiry of the House of Represent atives. Mr. Root says: In the fac of the testimony of the men who are In direct contact with the system and of expert Investigation, it is safe to presume that the r inhibition of the sal- of beer in the post exchange mean an Increase of whisky dring lng and drunkenness, and th- consequent neces sity for medical treatment, an Increase of the h rrors if delirium tremens and Insanity; an Increased numler of courts-martial and punish mert, and of desertion, to the scandal of the service, no less than a decrease of discipline, health and moral", and the consequent diminu tion of contentment, salf-esteera nd u.if.rii. once on the port of the enlisted men. to say nothing of Its effects upon surrounding mm. Lrnunltles. We have no objection to the Prohibi tionists voting their own ticket. But iney should not be guilty of proselyting under false pretenses. Their denuncia tion of the President comes palnfully riear being riotously intemperate. The devotion of the proceeds of the entertainment tonight at the Armory to the monument fund Is a gracious act on the part of our British fellow citizens. They feel deeply the Interest shown in their Jubilee celebration, and other movements they have under taken, and have long desired a fitting way of showing their appreciation. The opportunity Is now opened to them, and by aiding the buildinsr of a monument to Oregon's soldier dead they are ex pressing In a substantial and yet deli Irate way their good will to the people the state in which they ljye. No doubt the Armory will be thronged to night with sons and daughters of Al bion and Scotia. PUBLIC OFFICE ?fOT PROPERTY TS LAW. The decision of the United States Su premo Court dismissing the writ of error from the Kentucky Court of Ap peals in the case of the Kentucky Gov ernorship turns entirely on the question whether under the fourteenth amend ment to the Constitution of the United States a public office is "property." Chief Justice Fuller holds that the United States Supreme Court has no Jurisdiction because all contests for state officers must be settled by the political branch of the government; that is, by the Legislature. The Gen eral Assembly of Kentucky has acted and decided against Governor Taylor, whose only appeal is to the people. Justice Fuller holds that it was purely a state case, and under this view the United States Supreme Court could ex ercise no jurisdiction. The Constitution of Kentucky provides that contested elections for Governor and Lieutenant Governor shall be determined by the General Assembly according to such regulations as may be established by law. The highest court of Kentucky has declared that under the state Con stitution the power of the General As sembly to determine the result is exclu sive and not open- to Judicial review. Justice Fuller denies the contention that the action of the General Assem bly Is In violation of the fourteenth amendment to the Federal Constitu tion, which provides that "no state shall deprive any person of life, lib erty or property, without due process of law'," for he holds "that public offi ces are not property, but are mere agencies or trusts: nor are the salary and emoluments property"; that "the nature of the relation of a public officer to the public is." generally sDeakinir. in consistent with either a property or a contract right." Justice Harlan, who Is universally regarded as a Jurist of great ability, dissents entirely from the position of Chief Justice Fuller, and points out that if the Kentucky legislature had, in contempt of the statutes of the state and without appointing a board of con test, simply declared Goebel to be Gov erno?, and such, action had been held by the highest court of the state to be conclusive, the United States Supreme Court, under the decision of Justice Fuller, would be without Jurisdiction because the office in dispute is not "property" within the meaning of the fourteenth amendment. We may In quire whether a citizen's land or mules have been taken from him by the Leg islature, executive or judicial authori ties of his state, but we cannot inquire whether the Legislative or Judicial au thorities of a state have without due process of law robbed one lawfully elected of the office of Governor and replaced him with one not elected by the people. Justice Harlan takes the broad view that the purpose of the fourteenth amendment was to guard citizens against being deprived of any legal right "In violation of the funda mental guarantees that inhere In due process of law." The plea of Justice Harlan is that the fourteenth amendment was Intend ed to cover the whole field of viola tions and outrage of fundamental pub lic equity, and from this standpoint he will carry the Justice-loving public en tirely with him. when he refuses to ad mit that under the fourteenth -amendment the right of a citizen to exercise a state office to which he has been law fully elected by the people may be taken from-him by the arbitrary action of a state Legislature, "In utter dis regard of the principle that Anglo Saxon free men have for centuries deemed essential to the requirement of due process of law." Chief Justice Fuller has given a nar row and technical interpretation of the letter of the fourteenth amendment, while Justice Harlan has given a broad and equitable construction of Its obvi ous original spirit and purpose. Under Justice Fuller's interpretation, as Jus tlve Harlan points out, a great public outrage of fundamental rights may be committed by the government of a state, for which the citizen is without remedy because his office, of which he has been feloniously robbed. Is not "property" within the meaning of the fourteenth amendment. This narrow view of Justice Fuller cannot stand for ever without remedy; it may be law, but it is clearly not in the interest of public Justice. The country is to be congratulated on the peaceful solution of the Kentucky quarrel. It has been settled by the courts without civil war between two angry political factions, which at one time were ready to cut each other's throats. WAS IT POLITICAL INFAMY This sweeping statement appears in a letter from a recent correspondent: Equal suffrage was never repealed In "Wash ington. It was simply killed by political In famy, of which honorablo men today are ashamed. It is not tq be supposed that an accu sation so grave and surprising against many thousand voters in that state a majority could have been seriously meant. Probably the decision of Judge Turner rendering Invalid the territorial act granting female suffrage was alone referred to. There is no evidence what ever to support any charge, or give color to any suspicion, that the Judge was inspired by an improper motive in rendering his opinion. On the contrary, because of the state of feeling in Washington at that time, it required uncommon courage and a certain devo tion to his duty to construo the law as he saw it. The indignation of many women, and the enmity of many others, were things not lightly to be Invited nor safely scorned. The correspondent also declares that the majority of people in Washington are not opposed to equal suffrage, though they have twice voted it down, but that the "question has been weight ed down with so many other issues as to kill it before it is born." In 1SS9 it was submitted with the new Constitu tion to be voted on separately, along with prohibition and the location of the state capital. These were all debatable matters, and it was entirely proper that the public be given an opportunity to pass on them. Besides, it would have been inexpedient and unjust to Incorporate either of them in the orig inal document, for fear that the antag onisms thus aroused might have caused the Constitution as a whole to be re jected. Equal suffrage was defeated by about 10.003 votes. There is little merit to the claims of some persons that It was not a fair uxnression of the people's wilt That is what it was Intended to be, and that Is doubtless what It was. BuJ the suffragists were not satisfied. In 189S the question was once more .sub mitted. A very active organization of women carried on tho campaign throughout the state. Little was done on the opposite side, except by a female missionary Xrom a New York society opposed to extension of the suffrage. The newspapers let the subject pretty much alone. No obstacles were thrown In the women's way by any political party or by any organization, with the one exception noted. The voters re jected the amendment because they did not want it. We scarcely think the honorable men of Washington, of whom there are many, are yet ashamed of their action; nor do we think those vot ers who in this state in 1SS6 expressed their emphatic disapproval of this fan tastic and unnecessary enlargement of the suffrage are going to change their minds. The Oregonian has no defense to offer for the shortcomings of J he last Legis lature. It pointed them out at the time and will, upon occasion, point them out again. But certain records are extant which should be taken into considera tion in estimating the war the local Bryanite party is now waging against the Republican nominees. A recent Populist publication, rejoicing at the progress made by the initiative and referendum, and citing in support of the last Legislature the favorable view taken of that Populist principle by Re publican Senators and Representatives, offered documentary evidence in sup port of the theory that the Legislature as a whole had not been so bad after all. One exhibit was the matter of ap propriations, by sessions, thus: 18S7 S 784.C1S CO 18S0 1.010.21C 02 1891 1.303,764 05 1893 2.2-J1.C00 37 1605 I1.359.5C4 CO 1607 1.293,211 15 1S90 1.200,02$ J1 Among the measures of favorable promise enumerated were these: Tho Bingham registration law. Laws for tho election of road supervisors by the people. The schcolbook commission. City park commissions, with a referendum provision as to their moro important acts: The practical abolition of the useless And ex pensive grand Jury system. Reforming the clerk-hire abuse In futuro Leg islatures. Prohibiting tho maintenance of armed bodies of men by any private, person cr corporation. Reduction of Interest to 6 per cent on school fund. Placing district attorneys and clerk of su preme court on salaries. Codifying and simplifying the law of nego tiable instruments. Abolishing compulsory pilotage. Among the signatures to thjs docu ment were those of W, S. U'Ren, George M. Orton, W. D. Hare and W. H. Spaugh. No man who is In favor of the initiative and referendum should op pose the Republican members of the Legislature who are running for re electlon. FITLY ANSWERED. Secretary Hay has informed the Boer commissioners that the Government will not recede from its present atti tude of absolute neutrality between Great Britain and the South African Republics. The Boer commission could not have sanely expected any other an swer. In the authorized statement of the objects of their American mission they declared that their aim was "to appeal to the Government and people of the United States for their assist ance to try' to restore peace in South Africa," and spoke of applying "the principles of arbitration enunciated at the peace conference." But, assuming that The Hague treaty were in force and binding, this country has done all that could be done, for President Mc Kinley did offer mediation, which Lord Salisbury declined with thanks. Article 5 of The Hague treaty reads that "the duties of the mediator shall cease from the moment when it is offi cially declared by either party to the strife that the methods of conciliation proposed by him are not accepted." The American delegates to The Hague conference expressly said: "Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed as to require the United States of America to depart from its traditional policy of .not intruding upon, interfering with or entangling itself in the political questions or internal administration of any foreign state." It Is clear that under the principles of the peace conference this country can take no further official action. Of course, the Boers can have no sane ex pectation that we would go to war with England to stop her war against them. If the Boers came with credentials to our Government, they would not be permitted to organize public meetings and play the part that Citizen Genet at tempted under the Presidency of Washington. Of course, since they come as private citizens, they can speak and act as they will, as long as they keep within our laws. They will not. If they are prudent, make any attack upon the Administration or the party In power, for our people would re sent it; whatever may be the extent of the assumed sympathy of the American people with the Boers, nothing is left for us to do for their rescue except in tervention by force of arms, and no sane man expects us to co to wnr -aruy, England or would advise such a step in Denait oi tne lioers. President McKIn ley has done all that he could nrnnprir do In offering mediation; and In the judgment of a good many thoughtful Republicans he exceeded the houna caution and sound international policy in doing this. "CARRYING COALS TO NEWCASTLE." An order has recently been placed with a firm in this country for 60,000 tons of bituminous coal to be shipped immediately to Europe. The bulk of this large shipment, it is said, will go to Germany and Belgium. It is fur ther stated that the same firm will probably send abroad between 50,000 and CO.000 tons of coal monthly for the next six months. Not long ago Russia placed an order for 40.000 tons, the de livery to begin at once. This is in truth "carrying coals to Newcastle," and is substantial proof not only of the boom in American trade now on, but of the ability of Americans to compete in European markets with one of the most Important of the natural products of the continent. The avoidance of conflict between the capital which is required to enter into these contracts and the labor necessary to carry them out is a prime essential to the success of this new movement in coal. It is presumed that the cost of production and handling at a fair wage rate has entered Into the calculations of the contracting firms that take the advance in this practically new move ment In trade. The margin of profit per ton on the product moved must necessarily be very small, the onlv ts. slbllity of satisfactory gain being In the immense bulk to be marketed. Any attempt to Ipwer the cost of production and handling, however slight, would be promptly met by a strike that -would defeat the whoje project by delaying delivery. Capital and labor have an opportunity here each to serve Its own in serving the other's Interests by working together amicably, the first by upholding a living wage rate, inaugu rating it if it does not exist; the latter by becoming dependable workers un? def It. Expansion of trade, in whatever line or direction, means much to a grand army of toilers. Of this grand army, the coal miners and heavers of the country form a sturdy and effective battalion. Expansion in the coal mar ket by heavy shipments to the great coal-producing states of Europe has until now been one of the undreamed of movements of trade. It Js signifi cant of American enterprise, and its recognition abroad, and, it may be hoped, will proceed wjthout friction between the two elements, the harmony between which is necessary to Its suc cess. What new possibilities, It may be asked, in American Industrial progress lie in the early tomorrows of the Na tion, when "carrying coals to Newcas tle," so long a synonym of superfluity, has become a fact In American trade.? The commercial supremacy of Port land depends upon continued recogni tion by the transcontinental railroads of the rights which geographical loca tion and ocean competition give to Pa cific Coast terminal points. Graded rates, Ipwering of the differentials be tween carload and less than carload shipments of merchandise, and elimi nation of terminals would destroy the Jobbing trade of the Pacific Coast and divert to the Middle West practically all the jobbing business now controlled by Portland, San Francisco and other centers. At a recent hearing of the In terstate Commerce Commission in Portland, James E. Hunt, now a candi date on the hybrid Citizens ticket for State Senator, gave testimony which proved him to be an ally of the Middle West in its attack upon the commercial Interests of Portland, and at the same time an enemy of the city in which he does business. He does not deserve a, single vote from the business men of Portland. His election would be In dorsement of his treachery to the city, and invitation to the Middle West Job bers to come In and supplant mercan tile houses which employ millions of capital and give work to thousands of men and women. And the ticket upon which he is running should be beaten from top to bottom. Its Interest In the commercial future of Portland is shown by the kind of men it puts up for office. With both direct avenues from San Francisco vigilantly sentineled, it may De expected that Oregon will be pro tected from plague infection from the South. It is to be hoped, also, that it will not become necessary to extend the quarantine regulations so as to em brace all travelers. There appears no good reason, as yet, for Interrupting general Intercourse between San Fran cisco and Oregon. By careful Inspec tion and detention of Orientals from tho Bay City, every precaution de manded by the present situation is taken. It Is apparent that the authori ties are alert, which of itself will go a long way toward abating alarm. Intel ligent precaution will probably keep the plague out of Oregon. The injunction issued by the Judge of the Federal District Court of Kansas on the petition of the street railway company, whose men had struck. Is comprehensive enough to renew the outcry set up by the Debsites at the time of the Chicago riots, for this in junction restrains everybody from in terfering in any way with any employe in moving a car which may carry a mailcarrier or messenger, "or upon which a mailcarrier or messenger may wish to ride." No employe Is to be har assed, no picketing or patrolling is al lowed, no loitering about the tracks or making loud or boisterous noises in the vicinity thereof Is permitted." This Is precisely the way to go after lawbreak lng of this sort. Mrs. H. P. Gleason, whose death oc curred at Forest Grove a few days ago, was a daughter of Thomas G. Naylor, a pioneer, long since dead, of Washing ton County. She was born, brought up and lived her 54 years almost upon the very spot where she died. Such an event serves to recall the fact that the years of our yet young state are no longer few, and that soon the names of those who laid its foundations will be found only upon mpss-grown tablets la cemeteries, except as the Pioneer Asso ciation succeeds In enrolling them upon Its records. Cyclone Davis has been repudiated by the Populist organization of Texas. But the great oratorical wind-storm will not worry. There are forty-four other states. Hearst has made a yellow special prediction of Bryan's election. As usual, it is a scoop. No one else has It. Precedent for McKlnley. New York Timcss. A recorded body of traditional policy and some "preccdento very much In point will serve to aid the President in deter mining the manner of hfa treatment of the envoye. Nearly 50 yeans ago a Pres ident of the United States had a similar problem to solve. When that wily and tumultuous agitator Louis Kossuth came here In 1S51 to plead for the cause of struggling Hungary the people gave him a tremendous welcoming, and he went about the country stirring up a wild and not very reasonable enthusiasm. Congress went far out of the proper path to pass resolutions of greeting, and at length he was pre sented to President Fillmore. Mr. Fill more had by this time pretty well taken the measure of his man, and had prepared a speech of courtesy after an express un derstanding with Kossuth that the latter In his own speech was to make no allu sion to the subject of aid or interven tion on behalf of Hungary by the United States. Kossuth broke hla promise, of course, and President Fillmore, abandon ing his set speech, made these extem poraneous remarks: I am happy. Governor Kossuth, to welcome you to this land of freedom, and it gives me pleasure to congratulate you -upon your re lease from a. long confinement in Turkey, and ypur safe arrival here. As ax. Individual, I sympathized deeply with your brave struggle for the independence end freedom of your na tive land. The Americas people can never be Indifferent to such a contest. But our policy as a Nation in this respect has been uniform from the commencement of our Government, and my own views as the Chief Executive Mag istrate of this Nation are fully and freely ex pressed in my recent message to Congress, to which you have been pleased to allude. They axe the same, whether speaking to Congress here or to the nations of Europe. Contemporary testimony reports Kos suth aa very morose and surly at his re ception at the White House. Yet Presi dent Fillmore went much further In hla expressions of personal sympathy for Hungary than in our new relations to the satlops of the earth nd with cur ktrger sense of our- respanslbilltke Pres,. Ident McKlnley can permit 'Himself tq go In1 any remarks he may feel called on to make to the Boer envoys In respect to the present situation of their republics. THE AUSTRALIAN CONSTITUTION. And the Objections Made to It by the British Government. Following are the clauses of the Aus tralian commonwealth bill to which the British Government objects, and the rea sons of the objection, as stated by Mr. Chamberlain In his dispatch to the Aus tralian premiers: Section 73 No exception or regulation prescribed by the Parliament shall pre vent the High Court (of the common wealth) from hearing and determining any appeal from the Supreme Court of a state iq any matter In which, at the establish ment of the commonwealth, an appeal lies from such Supreme Court to the Queen in council. Until the Parliament otherwlae pro vides, the conditions of and restrictions on appeals to the Queen In council from the Supreme Courts of the several states shall be applicable to appeals from them to tne xugn uourt. Section 74r No appeal shall be permitted to the Queen in council in any matter in volving the interpretation of this consti tution or to the constitution of a state unless the public Interest of some part of Her Majesty's dominions, or, other than the commonwealth or a state, are in volved. Except as provided In this section, this constitution shall not impair any right which the Queen may be pleased to ex ercise, by virtue ot her royal prerogative, to grant special leaves of appeal from the High Court to Her Majesty In council. But the Parliament may make laws limit ing the matters in which such leaves may be asked. THE OBJECTIONS. 1. The term "public Interests" Is so vague and indefinite as to leave uncer tainty in a matter where precision Is of first Importance, and increased litigation, due to applications for leave to appeal, and the multiplication of arguable points on appeal will be the result. 2. A most Important link of empire would be seriously Impaired, and the con sequences would be far-reaching In allow ing divergency to spring up where In the general interests unity and uniformity is most desirable. 3. It can scarcely be to the interests of Australia that in Important questions as to boundaries between powers of com monwealth and states tlfe final decision should not lie with highest tribunal of empire, beyond suspicion of local bias or predilection. L Important questions may arise as to operation of commonwealth laws on Brit ish shipping, or generally as to whether such laws are ultra vires, which the Im perial Parliament can scarcely allow lo be concluded by decision of Australian High Cqurt 5. Commonwealth legislation on such subjects as fisheries may seriously affect the interests of subjects of other parts of the empire, and in such matters Parlia ment could not expect them to submit to be deprived of appeal to an Imperial Court 5. Banks and other financial and com mercial institutions having large interests in Australia entertain very strong feeling against the limitation, and weighty repre sentations have been made on the subject to Her Majesty's Government. 7. Her Majesty's Government feel that the actual restriction, and the power claimed to make further restriction equiva lent to practical abolition of appeal, would be specially Inopportune at the moment when they are considering terms of a bill for enhancing the dignity and promoting the efficiency of the judicial committee by practically amalgamating It with the House of Lords, and providing for ade quate permanent representation of tho great colonies in a new court which it Is proposed to create. Should Australian ap peals be practically withdrawn, the new court would be deprived of a large part of Its value as providing a new" sphere fot co-operation between colonics end mother country, and giving effect to some extent to ardent desire for closer relations now happily existing, both In mother country and colonies. THE PENDULUM STATE. Indiana AlTrays on the "Winning Side Presidential Tears. New Tork World. Indiana, like New York, has swung from one party to the other wltn the regularity of a pendulum. This Is the record of the last seven Presidential elections: . Majority. 1872 Grant, Republican 22,313 167G Tilden. Democrat 5.513 1S80 GarileW, Republican 0.041 18S4 Cleveland, Democrat C.512 1S38 Harrison, Republican 2,343 1S92 Cleveland, Democrat 7,123 lg96 McKlnley, Republican 1S.1S1 This year, in the regular succession, it Is asain tho turn of the Dcranrmts to carry Indiana. In a straight fight upon uving issues, tney woum certainly do it. There is no state In th TTnfnrv -wViot fhn Porto RIcan policy of the Republicans In congress evoKea sucn Dltter and lasting hostility in that party as In Indiana. Pres ident McKinlev's retrocession In Hull t-i. Ice reform has alienated from him the ln- aepenaent vote, which helped to give him the state four veors ara. The Vwiv de falcation scandal further discredits the Administration. But Indiana Is a. sound.mnmv stnte Tf has enormous Industrial, wimmprciji imi financial interests dependent upon a sound ana siaoie currency, its plurality for Mc- jvmiey inree times as great as the aver age majority in the preceding five elec tionswas repeated in 1S9S. The chair man of the Indiana State Democratic Committee recently warned the head strong National loaders that a 16-to-l platform would "lose the party 10 votes for every one it would gain" in that state. It 13 worthy of remark also that the electoral vote of Indiana, like that of Net York, has been cast for every successful candidate of either parry in the last se en elections. Upon the issues of antl-lm-periaHsm, anti-militarism, and anti-monopoly, Indiana can be carried by the Democrats. Shall its vote be thrown away in another chase after the free-silver wlll-o'-the-wlsp? Sermon Manufacture. Henry J. Barrymore, in the Forum. The mere business of sermon-making uninterrupted by other concerns would be enough to stagger any conscientious literary craftsman. To write one address each week, and, allowing for two months' vacation, one has produced three volumes a year. Belying wholly upon manuscript, as some clergymen do, one will achieve an annual output of six volumes. And the writing, though designed continually to present the same theme to the same people. Is to be profound without being wearisome, scholarly without being pedan tic, brilliant without being sensational though produced at a rate which would have appalled Alexandre Dumas or Lope Felix De Vega. Such being the outgo of intellectual material, what of the income? It is some times said that there are two classes of preachers those who have something to say and those who have to gay something. Practically, however, there Is only one class, and that the latter. Every minis ter who has been two years in orders is crazing the faculties of his soul trying to think of something worth preaching which he has not already preached. How shall a clerygyman feed his brain while his brain feeds him? Nowhere under heaven can you find a man who Is more In need of leisure for study and reflection and undisturbed personal and Intellectual growth than the preacher. Results de pend quite as much upon the preparation of the man as upon the preparation of the discourse. Good sermons are npt con structed; they evolve. It is best that the mind should at times lie fallow. Though writing In prose, the preacher is the bard of the spiritual highlands, and his mental movements resemble, or Should rcssmble, those of a poeU PLAYING A UTTHR0AT GAME The anonymous circular, the last desper ate device of despairing political brigand age, has made Jts appearance. The city and county have been flooded with papers and hand-eheets. They cover a variety of topics bearing on the campaign, and are all designed to further the cause of the MItchellrMcBride machine. The namo of no party js attached to them, and they do not profess to be- the authoritative expres sion of any political organization. It & all on Its face one of the characteristic sub terranean schemes by which the Mltchell McBride gang hopes to defeat the Repub lican ticket, for the sole reason that It is not tied hand and foot to their enterprise of electing one or the other, or both, to the United States Senate. One of these papers is an "Exposure of Republican Methods" a caption that would fairly indicate that the subscriber, "An Old Republican,' being opposed to Republican methods, is not much of a Republican. But he says he Is. Ho ex pects to vote for a Republican Congress man and the Republican state ticket. Then he goes on to declare that a ticket put up by "one man and by members of the County Central Committee" is not a Re publican ticket. His remedy for this grievous state of affairs Is to support a ticket openly selected by Judge O'Day and other high-minded compatriots, acting for a convention which deliberately alienated Its right and duty to nominate, and by the discredited leadership of the discredited Good-Government Association. It was the result of an understanding with the selfish clique that proposes to re-elect Mr. Mc Brlde. No political job was ever more thoroughly representative of the personal purposes of the men who engineered It and leaa considerate of public welfare. Even If the state of affairs of which the unknown "old Republican" complains ac tually exists and it does not the al ternative of voting for the associated happy family of nondescript candidates Is not only offensive It Is ridiculous. The barren claim of the Mitchell fae tionixta thnt no Republican taken any rlslc in votlnff for their candi dates In an invitation to all Rennhll cans to forget thnt they are Repnbllcans and -vote tor fnnion l.nts, let the eonieqnencei to trreat party principles and Na tional policies be -what they may. This Is a real danger that ought to be present In every Republican mind. Tho nameless scribbler of this vagrant pamph let endeavors to get around that obsta cle In this weak manner: If wo are to be told that this is a political year, and that we should not vote the Citizens ticket because there are United States Senators to elect, I answer that the rest of the state Is overwhelmingly Republican, and both branches of the Legislature will undoubtedly bo controlled by the Republicans. So that, whether the Mackay Legislative ticket is elect ed or not, will cut little figure In that matter. There never was a year when Republicans In Multnomah County could more safely support a non-partisan ticket for the purpose of secur ing relief from local abuses, and the enactment of the Bingham primary law. In other words, the Republicans of Multnomah County are safe In re fusing to do their clear duty, be cause It will be done for them by the rest "of the state. You see to it that the state is put right before the Nation, says Port land to the country; we will not. We depend upon yon to save nil from the consequences of onr own act. Yon attend to the matter of np holdinpr Republican principles, while wc settle at this election a personal row among ourselves. The Repub lican party will he all rifrht if yoa can overcome the obstacles which vre propose deliberately to place in yonr -way. It Is not true that Multnomah County can afford to elect the "Citizens" ticket without placing the state In great jeop ardy. There are 18 members of the Legisla ture to elect here In a total of 90. If these are taken from the Republican column and added to the Democratic, it will make a difference of 36. The outside counties must elect 46 Republican ' members, in cluding the hold-over Senators. In the Legislature of 1E97 there were 58 Repub licans, and in 1599 there were gS. In the latter year every member from thl coun ty with one exception was a Republican. If the apportionment had been as at pres ent, and a silver delegation had been sent from Multnomah, there would have been 51 Republicans, or five more than a ma jority an exceedingly close margin. In 1897 five Mitchell Republicans were elect ed from Portland. Suppcse 12 straight Democrats In addition had been sent the exact number at present proposed the Republicans would have had 46 out of the 90. a bare majority. These facte dispose of the whole assumption that the Legis lature will be "overwhelmingly Republi can" with the active opposition of Mult nomah County. It cannot be. It Is a fair assumption, too, that condi tions which might be sufficient to over come the great Republican major ity In this county would likewise have a powerful effect throughout the state. and would make certain the defeat of more than one candidate In counties normnllv Republican and accustomed to elect "Re publicans to the Legislature. The Mltchell McBrlde push Is endeavoring to defeat Republican candidates, openly in sone counties, secretly In others. Reports from authoritative sources reach Portland that agents of Mr. McBride have approached various Republican nominees, with the avowed purpose of pledg'ng them to the little Senator. They adopt a palicy of durefs that manifests itself in a threat, either direct or implied, of punishment at the polls If thejr overtures are rejected. In some places, where they suspect that the candidate, if elected, will be against them, they pass the word around that he must be defeated. In other places there is a distinct agreement with the Democrat that If he Is successful he will vote for McBride. This Is dangerous and disreputable politics, but it is character istic A significant Illustration pf the alliance between the "Citizens" ticket and the Mc-Brlde-MItchell machine is found In a lo cal publication, called the Campalpn Gazette. It Is an eight-page sheet, taken up largely with abuse of the Republican party and the regular organization. It supports effusively the "Citizens" nom inees, and contains fulsome laudation of Hon. John H. Hall, Hon. Isaac Patter son and others of the Federal brigade. Then it prints, under bold headlines, a syndicated article on "Our Senator, G. W. McBride: His Worth Recognized by His Colleagues In the Senate." This is the eame matter that wan furnished various newspapers throughout the state by tho McBride press bureau and faithfully re printed by them. The connection between the "Citizens" ticket, the Federal push and "our Senator" Is palpable. The voter does not need to be reminded that the patriots who are Inspiring the virtuous howl about the Republican ma chine have been for many years the organized greed of Oregon politics. They arc In politics for what there Is in It. They are trylnsr to defeat the Republican candidates in Mult nomah and In other counties because they are not their creature.. They are opposed on principle to any or. s&nlzatioa they do npt happen to control, 2- NOTE -AND COMMENT, , v - - ' ' i Clark oughtn't to crow till ho gets out of the coup. Before we have any street fairs, wa ought to have a few fair streets. r If we have an armor plant, it will flour ish better without any grafting. Before Kruger sues for peace some one should warn him of the law's delay. The French are showing admirable self control m abstaining from a crisis through the exposition. There can be "no doubt now that the Lord is with Kruger, for whom the Lord" loveth he chasteneth. All the political parties are fighting tfca trusts, but they still have some influential friends In tho Senate. The witticisms of the paragraphen about Steyn changing his headQuarters are, or course, all capital jokes. Bryan will begin to wish ho is a centi pede if. they keep on increasing the num ber of platforms he has to stand on. It is our plain duty to get into a war wjth Germany In order to give Senator Mason a chance to sympathize with some-, body. Senator Clark has paid for his seat, and he naturally feels that the Senate, If they refuse him admission, ought to refund tho money. Nineteen years ago Lord Roberts re ceived the thanks of both Houses of Par liament for his march from Cabul to Kan dahar. He Is the only man living entitled to wear two Victoria Crosses. His own he wears on his left breast, but accord ing to army regulations the cross earned by his son he Is not only allowed, but commanded, to wear on the opposite side, . The late Duke of Argyl's combination, of wealth and aristocracy of birth, with pride of talent, led to a notable defini tion of his position by a Scottish inn keeper: "His Grace Is in a verra deefi cult poseetion whatever. His pride of Intellect will no' let him associate with men of his ain birth, and his pride of birth will no' let him associate with men of his ain intellect." The English Judge, Mr. Justice Darling, recently delivered an obiter on the law oC "The Merchant of Venice," which he thought distinctly bacV He observedr "To him It had always appeared strango that the point was never taken that Shy lock's contract was void. True, the law yer was an amateur Instructed, he be lieved, by a learned doctor of Padua. Still, it was strange the point was never taken that the bond was void on the ground that it was against public policy. It could not haye been according to pub lic policy to allow pounds of flesh to bo cut off living persons." General Ian Hamilton, who has com mand of the newly formed Colonial Divis ion in South Africa, is a Wellington Col lege man, and still well on the fightinc side of 50. He joined the Gordon High landers in 1S72, and distinguished himselC In the Afghan campaign of 1879-80. Then Ip the Boer war of 1SS1, he was severely wounded, received special mention in dis patches, and was promoted. The Soudan, war of 1SS1-65 again found him active, and he won fresh special mention, the medal with two clasps, and the bronze star. With the Burmah expedition he once mora won distinction, and special promotion, and for his services with the Chitxal relief force in 1S25 he was again specially re warded. Herbert Spencer was 80 years old on tha 27th ult. Spencer had his own way to make In the world; he went to no school or college. His father taught him science,, and at the age of 17 he became a civiL engineer, but he did not seriously take to that or any other profession, so Ir resistible was his metaphysical bent. To hina has been applied Voltaire's fine de scription of Confucius: "Without fears, without desires, without ceremonies, he has used sheer reason and pjayed tho philosopher." Spencer always begins his day's work by having the morning pa pers read to him. Then he attends to his correspondence and reads his proofs. In the afternoon he reads magazines, listens to good music and takes a drlvs, and at 10 o'clock he retires. Whin Storey sot the lther night, Fornlnst the festal board, A-tellln 'how the howly church 13 workln' for the Lord, An how the parish priests 'has wlnt Among the sick an' poor, A-glvin alms an' spreadln' grace. Around from dure to dure, . He clane forgot thlm byegone days, $., Whin he says, "Dom the green,' " An' whin he was a ladln' mon Av council 17. Whin Storey Eanters down the line, A-boomln" his campaign. An' tells the tarrlers that he Will be the Mayor again. He don't make no allusion to Thlm sllf-same byegone days. Whin he was standln' mighty high Among the A. P. A-'s. He thinks he's gbt hi record hid. So thot it can't be seen Thot he was wance the trisurer Av council 17. Whin Storey's victory in Juno Turns out a big defate. An ho wakes up nlxt day to find . Thot he is badly bate. He'll wonder how the Irish vote Could be so mighty small. Thot he could get the whole av it. An' not get none at all. An thin perhaps he'll find thot hs Was Just a bit too keen At whooptn' fur the A. P. A., WId council 17. PLEASANTRIES OP PARAGRAP11ERSI A Golden Truth. Green I know a kind of money that does not talk. Breen What kind Is It? Green Hush money. Judge. Bad Times. "He has always run his business like clockwork." "Yes, and now his creditors have wound it up." Philadelphia Bulletin. "Don't worry too much 'bout appearances," said Uncle Eben. "De patent leather In yoh shoes looks fine, but It ain' gwlnter keep yoh feet f um hurtln'." Washington Star. Sergeant Flnnegan (on the skirmish line) Stlddy, me byes; sure they be too far off yit; but when they get furnlnst the bushes there, thry a few blank cartridges at 'em until yees git the range. Life. Granger Philosophy. "I'm so thirsty, dad,' said the farmer's boy. as he dropped his hos. "Well, never mind about that." answered the horny-handed son of toll. ''Remember the good book says: 'Ho, all se that tfclrsteth. " Chfi cago News. Implacable. "I notice that Wreddmath. tho anarchist, has fallen heir to a large estate. That ought to cure him of hla grudge against society." "It doesn't seem to have bad that effect. He Is talking of putting a new 10-cent magazine in the field." Chicago Tribune. At the honorinc of Colonel Macdonald la Glasgow University an old woman inquired of another. "What's a.r steer was aboot?" "Oh, they're making Colonel Macdonald an LL.D." "What's Colonel Macdonald T' "Oh. he's a fa mous soldier." "They dldna. mak.' slch a fuss about oor Jack when ha wis made an UjJD." "Oh. is your ton an LI.D" "Aye, the sodger yln. He weers it oa his hat- He's wj' tha Lectric Llghtw" Department'" Glasgow vc lag TJjpeg. ' ' - -V