Morning Oregonian., May 01, 1900, Page 6, Image 6

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THE I0B2ttX& OBEGOXIAN, TUESDAY, MAY 1, 1900.
tt Z2Q0XXX1XXu
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THE POMTICAIi DUTY OP THE
YEAR.
The New York Herald, always Inde
pendent, but much inclined to favor the
Democratic party until it made the
platform of 1S9G and nominated Bryan
upon it, has not been well satisfied with
McKlnley, and latterly has been en
deavoring to set a campaign for Dewey
on foot. But it now rives ud this effort
ras hopeless, and declares that the one
thing that remains is to join in support
of McKlnley, as the only means of de
feating Bryan and of arresting the
purposes for which his party stands.
It is not to be doubted that grave
danger is apprehended throughout the
country from the socialistic and an
archistic tendencies of the Bryan
party. The Chicago platform was rec
ognized by the country as a dangerous
pronunciamento. It Is to be "reaf
firmed," the Democratic platform of Or
egon tells us, "in whole and in part, In
letter and In spirit"; and nobody doubts
It. All the Bryan state platforms of
the present year, thus far, tell us the
same. And Bryan himself, against
whose nomination there indeed is pro
test, though unavailing, Is u platform
in himself. Suppose him President.
"What assurance could there be of pres
ervation of law and order, of protection
of property and industry against Coeur
d'Alene mobs and Chicago riots? Who
! could be sure that the authority and
power of the Government would be
used, in emergencies, as Cleveland and
McKlnley have used it, to suppress dis
order, to release the traffic and indus
try of the country from the clutch of
rioters and anarchists and to protect
life and property? The platform of the
Bryan party is an open invitation to
the perpetration of outrages of this de
scription. It is a platform of assault
on business and property, on credit and
sound money, on peace and order; It
Is a platform not merely of disturbance
economic order, but in a word of
anarchy, and the country cannot afford
to take the dangers and risks that lie
within It. This will be the leading note
of the great political contest of the
present year.
Bryan himself is not so dangerous in
Ills intent as in his want of knowledge
of fundamental principles, social, polit
ical and economic He Is a superficial
man, unable to see the tendencies and
consequences of the course his party
takes. He has also much the character
of the politician who, if he can
get votes, cares not for deeper conse
quences. His party has become deeply
Infected with the -virus of populism
and socialism, and he himself has been
one of the Instruments of this degen
eration. The feeling at bottom, among
multitudes, is that property, especially
In its larger aggregations which, how
ever, are absolutely necessary to busi
ness and Industry under modern condi
tions Is a form of oppression against
which society should have aremedy
through checks and regulations that
would virtually confiscate It. Yet cap
ital. If It cannot make profits, cannot
pay wages; and only through combina
tions of capital can resources be had
equal even to moderate undertakings.
hostility to the necessary condl-
of business Is a characteristic
ire of the movement that has so
sed and anarchlzed the Democratic
party. It is but a single step from this
"position to the logical sequel that no
one man should be permitted to have
more wealth than another man. The
result would be destruction of all safe
guards of property and loss of the en
tire Industrial and social order that
rests upon them. But of course It
would not come to this; for men will
have peace and protection for property
and business at last, and the history
of the -world shows that all extreme
movements of revolutionary agitation
and disorder result invariably In resort
to despotic government, for the sake of
peace and security. But why should
our country take these risks? It will
jioL It will reject the Bryan party.
In short, the judgment of the coun
try will be. "We can't afford it." The
country wants peace and order, busi
ness, industry and prosperity; It wants
to-iefl that it Is free from the danger
of attack m its monetary system and
the consequences of financial stringency
land, panic; it wants no disturbance of
Illness conditions, such as it knew a
iff years ago; it wants no encourage-
rment of riotous mobs, but suppression
of them. The people want the dignity
fof the Nation sustained abroad and at
f borne. They want the ilag supported
''Wherever It floats, and they are unw'ill-
ins to retreat from that policy of ex
pansion w hich ever has been the policy
. of the country. At the same time they
are unw hling to meddle In the quarrels
and wars of other countries, and they
see no reason therefore for "interven
tion" in South Africa or elsewhere. It
is because the Democratic party, now
a Bryan party, is dangerously wrong,
as The Oregonlan conceives, on all
these subjects, that we appeal to the
people of Oregon now to give it another
setback. It Is Congress that directs
the policy of the country. We have
two Representatives in Congress to
elect, and members of the Legislature,
all of whom are to vote for one and
gome cf them for two Senators of the
United States. This, therefore. Is a po
litical election, touching the very basis
of National policy and politics.
One of the most vapid campaign
Stories afloat is that Mark Hanna is
spending money lavishly in working up
free-coinage sentiment among Western
and Southern Democrats, in order to
make sure that the Kansas City con
vention will affirm the Chicago cur
rency plank in its entirety. This being
precisely the policy of Bryan and his
managers, who control the Democratic
organization absolutely, this would
clearly be a waste of funds by a man
who is generally accredited with saga
city enough to put money where it will
do the most good. Even the campaign
liar must to some extent reckon with
popular intelligence in attempting to
float his tales.
SMITH OX XATIOXAI BAXKIXG.
It is a part of the Fusion campaign
to play upon a supposed popular antip
athy to National banks. Candidate
Smith, of the Second Congressional Dis
trict, therefore incorporates into his
declaration of principles this passage:
A bank in New York, for instance, has de
posits aggregating (50,000,000, and Is capital
ized at $.1,000,000, it will prove very profitable
to the owners of Its stock if it can secure fSO,-
000,000 cf those 2 per cent bonds at par; that
is to eay, thoso bonds alone will pay CO per
cent returns upon the capital of the bank. If,
on the contrary, this addition to our money
could bo made without the penalty of perpetual
Interest on a perpetual indebtedness, there
would be no hardship to any other than the
owners and holders of shares of the stock In our
National banks, under our present system.
Let us first clear up a few misap
prehensions and then proceed to the
main point. In the first place. National
banks with $1,000,000 capital do not have
$50,000,000 of deposits. Here are a few
of the actual figures:
Capital. Deposits.
American Exchange Nat. .. 50,000,000 $10,000,000
Nat. Bank of Commerce.. 5,000.000 11.000.000
Nat. Shoo and Leather 1.000.OUO S.000.000
National Broadway 1.000,000 0,000.000
Mechanics National 2,000.000 0.000,000
.Merchants' National 2,000,000 6,500.000
In the next place, a bank's capital,
whether small or large, does not enable
it to get Government bonds without
paying for them. Its $1,000,000 will not
go very far towards getting $30,000,000
of bonds. The bonds will cost It all the
way from $31,500,000 to $40,000,000. What
Is the sense, then, in saying that the
returns on the bonds wdl form 60 per
cent of the original nominal capital of
the bank?
If anybody thinks seriously of earning
60 per cent on an Investment, he should
study the actual conditions under which
bonds may be bought and currency is
sued. They are about like this for a
bank, say, of $100,000 capital, all put
Into notes:
Receipts .
Circulation $100,000
Interest on bonds 2.000
Interest on notes 0.000-$ 10S.0O3
Expenditures ..
Canltal $100,005
Premium on bonds 5,000
Tax 500
Expenses of notes............ 100 $103.GOO
Net profit 5 S.-00
The bank is worse off than if it had
simply lent Its $100,000 out at 6 per cent,
the rate we have given It credit for
earning on its entire volume of circu
lating notes. The illustration is hardly
fair, however, as the second and suc
ceeding years there would be no pre
mium to pay on the bonds. The table
for a term of years would stand some
thing like this:
Krcolpts
CirculaUon $100,000
Interest on.bonds 2.000
Interest on notes 0,000 $105,000
Expenditures
Capital $100,000
Tax 500
Expenses of notes 100
Premium 100 $100,700
Net profit $ 7,300
The best a bank can do, on a 6 per
cent basis, is to make $7300 a year., as
against $6000 available outside the Na
tional system. It gets $1300 a year for
the privilege of having its books over
hauled by Government examiners, not
lending to one person only and not lend
ing on real estate. With all the money
there is in Oregon, and with the privi
lege under the new law of starting
banks in small towns on only $25,000
capital, there are only two applications
in from this state for charters. Mr.
Smith's 60 per cent returns will not
bear examination.
Mr. Candidate deplores a perpetual
National debt, and yet he stands for
the party that wants the Government
to run in debt more than ever. If the
Fusion party in the United States had
its way, the Government would buy out
all the railroads and telegraphs, issue
millions of promissory notes, create
Government officers to run the rail
roads, trusts, pools, labor interests, to
say nothing of the Navy, canals and
waterways it always promises to build,
or the sliver product of the country It
proposes to buy. It will do all this by
stopping what revenues come in now
under the infamous Dlngley law, and
Incidentally by giving away what pub
lic lands the Government yet has left
to sell.
Is this sort of financial acumen to be
intrusted to make the laws?
THE TELEPHOAE FRANCHISE.
One prolific source of socialism is the
recklessness and sometimes the venal
ity in which public franchises and ease
ments are granted to corporations.
High-class legal talent, always availa
ble for aggregations of capital,
Is seldom exerted on behalf of
municipalities, and the zeal with
which officials of these great cor
porations serve their employers Is
rarely matched In the case of the public
servants. The hold that Bryanlsm has
on the peopleof this country would be
slight indeed were It not for the special
favors granted to railroads, syndicates,
manufacturing concerns and trusts of
various kinds, under cover of law.
The natural duty of vigilance in these
matters is, therefore, supplemented and
enforced by plain evidence showing the
danger of inattention or subservience.
Every time a crime against the public
welfare is connived at or compounded
by public officers, and every time a
franchise or easement is bestowed with,
out adequate return to the bestowing
government, the wrong done Is not only
sacrifice of material Interests, but a be
trayal of trust, sure to bring vengeance
and stir up undlscrimlnating reprisal
from socialistic agitation.
This is why every important munici
pal franchise, like that the Bell Tele
phone interests are now asking at the
hands of the "ortland City Council,
should be carefully scrutinized by the
City Attorney and the committee that
has it in charge. It is worth notice, for
one thing, that while the present ordi
nance, which has done duty for twenty
years, makes the telephone company's
franchise "subject to modification, lim
itation and change, according to the in
terests or requirements of the city." no
provision whatever of this sort is In
corporated in the proposed new ordi
nance. The omission affords presump
tive evidence that the draft of the pro
posed ordinance has been drawn in the
Bell Interests, and that a close inspec
tion of it will not damage the city's in
terests. The consideration extended to the
city by the proposed contract is ridicu
lously small. Here is a fifty-year fran
chise covering every possible right and
privilege that a corporation of this char
acter could desire, giving the company
the benefit of whatever growth the city
has In wealth, business and population,
all for the paltry privilege of ten free
telephones for city offices and twenty
telephones (not to be operated by the
company) for the fire and police de
partments. The twenty telephones can
not have connection with the central
office, and whatever extra telephones'
the city itself may require must be
those of the Bell Company, on any
terms, apparently, that It shall choose
to dictate. Are the safeguards and
privileges to be all on the side of the
company? Are there no restrictions
and limitations to be reserved for the
people?
Another thing. If we are going to es
cape government by corporations on
one hand and populistlc confiscation of
corporate enterprises on the other hand,
we must pretty soon begin disposing of
such franchises and easements as these
upon terms that will be somewhere
near their value to their benficlarles.
What will this franchise be worth to
the Bell concern twenty-five years from
now, if Portland is a city of 250,000 peo
ple with 15,000 telephones? And how
is the public to get a fair return of tax
ation upon the company's earning
power unless a proviso of some sort is
Inserted in this contract? What little
real and personal property the Assessor
can find in the name of these people will
be insignificant compared with the
business it does and the profits It
makes. The time is coming when the
gross receipts or the net earnings or
the volume of business done by this
and similar corporations deriving enor
mous Incomes from public casements
must be made to bear a goodly portion
of the expenses of the government that
creates, fosters and protects them.
A fifty-year franchise is a very seri
ous matter. Let us know now what it
means. Let us not wait and find out
our mistake after it is too late to cor
rect it. Lock the stable door before the
horse is gone.
THE TJSE OF FOREIGN MISSIONS.
The Ecumenical Conference on for
eign missions has revived the old dis
cussion as to their value In the work of
civilization. The Directors of the East
India Company declared early In this
century that sending of Christian mis
sionaries to India was the Insane, ex
pensive and unprofitable project of re
ligious enthusiasts. The Rev. Sydney
Smith, In the Edinburgh Review, was
never weary of covering with ridicule
the English missionaries In India, and
ultra-Calvinlsts declined to favor for
eign missions on the plea that it was
meddling with divine decrees. In 1S63
the London Times lamented the lack
of "satisfactory results." It Is doubt
less true that from the pure theological
standpoint missionary effort may seem
barren of fruits, but, measured by the
improvement of public morals, mission
ary zeal and sacrifice have done much
for the degraded peoples we call
heathen. This is the testimony of civil
and military officers In India, Including
Sir Richard Temple, for a quarter of a
century Governor of Bengal and Bom
bay; Sir Donald McLeod, Lieutenant
Governor of the Punjaub; Lord John
Lawrence, and many others.
In 1833 the famous naturalist, Charles
Darwin, after a visit to the Fuegians,
declared that to send missionaries to
such savages, the lowest of the human
race, was utterly useless, but In 1S80
Mr. Darwin recognized the success of
the mission as wonderful, and sent his
check for 5 in support of It. The ex
planation of this success Is due to the
fact that the spirit of missions has out
grown the theological conception and
taken on a distinctively humanitarian
purpose. The tendency of wise Chris
tian effort in foreign fields has been to
admit any good that existed in ancient,
non-Christian beliefs. The most intel
ligent Christians, laymen or clergymen,
have surrendered the doctrine of the
eternal condemnation of the heathen
without the Gospel. Mr. Kaneko, the
distinguished Japanese, said: "Give us
no hells, missionaries; we have hells
enough of our own." Ten years ago a
prominent officer of a missionary soci
ety said: "It Is as certain that the
great mass of the adult population of
the heathen world will go down to
eternal death, under the action of moral
laws, if left in Ignorance of the Gos
pel, as It is that they will go down to
physical death under the action of
fixed physlal laws." The Rev. Rob
ert Hume, the American missionary
worker In India, frankly told the Amer
ican Board that the doctrine of eternal
damnation for their ancestors, who
had never had the Gospel preached to
them, was so contrary to natural Jus
tice that he could not preach it and
hope to make any appreciable number
of converts. The American Board was
obliged by the falling in contributions
to shelve this question, and since that
action the Congregational Churches
have given more largely than ever to
the missions.
Missionaries serving as educators and
physicians are multiplying. Godliness
through cleanliness, saintliness through
sanitation, is no small part of the Gos
pel preached and taught by the modern
missionary who has outgrown the nar
row conceptions of its meaning. Some
years ago, when Dr. Allen, a medical
missionary, won the admiration of the
Coreans by effecting the cure of the
King's nephew, whom the native doc
tors were butchering, the gratitude of
theKing found expression In building a
government hospital, which the King
named "House of .Civilized Virtue."
The work of the enlightened, broad
minded, modern missionary has been
well defined as in a large spiritual sense
the building of a "House of Civilized
Virtue" In every land. Fully one-half
of the programme of the Ecumenical
Conference is devoted to the consider
ation of purely educational and medical
affairs, normal teaching, higher educa
tion, educational philanthropic work,
Industrial training, hospitals and dis
pensatories. Foreign missions are obliged to keep
step with the growth of modern relig
ious thought and intelligence. There Is
no longer any room In the foreign mis
sionary field for Brother Rlngletaube
and his sanctimonious band of proselyt
ing theologues, whose dense bigotry
and vulgar fanaticism were Justly
dreaded In the early years of this cen
tury by the East India Company, and
deservedly stigmatized by Sydney
Smith as mischief-makers and dan
gerous creators of sectarian mutiny
against the public peace and tran
quillity under the British Government
of India. Brother Rlngletaube In 1806
was a possible social and political In
cendiary; but he has been succeeded by
l a far more enlightened type of nHssloa-
ary, who knows that only by the
preservation of civil peace and order
through the English Government would
any large opportunity for successful
missionary work be possible.
The attempt before the Congressional
Investigating committee to show that
the rioting miners of the Coeur d'Alene
district were a law-abiding, long-suffering
class of men, enduring untold
tyranny for months from United
States soldiers, their only offense dur
ing the time being in the nature of
heroic efforts to conduct themselves in
an orderly, peaceable manner, still goes
on from day to day, with results any
thing but complimentary to these men
or encouraging to their attorneys.
Briefly summarized. General Merrlam's
testimony Is that he was ordered to
proceed to Idaho and put down the in
surrection existing in Shoshone County,
and that, following military methods,
and guided by existing conditions, he
carried out his orders. Outside of this
all is stale repetition, utterly void of
Interest and effect, except as it wastes
time and money and Is a weariness to
the flesh. No one pretends that the
long Imprisonment to which a large
number of the rioters were subjected
was agreeable detention, or that the
Wardner bullpen was an Ideal summer
retreat for gentlemen of leisure. But
the law-abiding people of the country
are pretty generally convinced that the
accommodations furnished these men
were at least as good as they deserved,
and that their trial was not delayed
either for the pleasure of the military
or the profit of the civil government.
The discussion of the matter has long
been most tiresome and unprofitable.
The assurance of gold in paying
quantities at Cape Nome "from the
grass roots down" will send an army
of eager gold-hunters to that region
by the first safe means of transit, that
bids fair to discount In numbers the
rush to the Klondike In the Fall of
1S96. The trip to Nome by steamer,
however, bears no resemblance what
ever to the trip to the Klondike during
that mad onset of men, horses and dogs
against the snow and Ice of the polar
zone. It is reasonable to suppose,
moreover, that even gold-hunters have
learned something to their advantage
In regard to Arctic climate and mining,
and that the great bulk of the men
going north In May, June and July will
be comfortably equipped and properly
provisioned. There is so much in health
and comfort as promotive of success
that the prudent man going to Cape
Nome will provide against unnecessary
hardship by taking Into consideration
the conditions, climatic and otherwise,
that he will find when he gets there.
There is no Miner's Paradise, for the
empty-handed, scantily equipped miner
in the far North. Prudent men will
realize this fact and govern themselves
accordingly, while as ever the "simple
will pass on and be punished."
The destruction of horse life In war
during the past two years has been
simply enormous. Thousands upon
thousands of the very finest specimens
of the equine race that could be pro
cured have perished on transports,
upon forced marches in the artillery,
cavalry and commissary service of the
United States and Great Brltlan. Every
battle scene sketched by a war corre
spondent has been alive, so to speak,
with horses lashed Into a frantic gallop
to their death over their prostrate and
struggling mates, while from the
holds of scores of transports stag
gering, emaciated horses have is
sued, many to die. others to be
recuperated and urged on to their
death from exhaustion among the
kopjes of Natal. And still the cry of
the British commander Is for "horses,
horses cavalry horses," as necessary
to his advance upon the Boer capital.
One must be, Indeed, Insensible to the
cruel sufferings of these faithful, dumb
servitors of war, when he reads the
declaration of Lord Roberts in his lat
est report that "the sacrifice of horse
flesh in the past Is as nothing when
compared to the possibilities of the fu
ture." Despite the success of the double-tur-reted
Kearsarge, the Naval Construc
tion Board has decided not to build any
more vessels of that type at present.
Instead We ar to have the extraordi
nary spectacle of ships having four tur
rets, one at each corner, so to speak.
The Board explains that these will do
better service than the Kearsarge type
with superimposed turrets. However,
the style of the fighting ship Is not so
much a matter of perplexity at present
as are crews to man them when com
pleted. Men for this work are not
trained in a day. They need at least
as much drill as men for the Army, and
unless Congress Is forehanded In the
matter we shall find ourselves In the
predicament of having a number of ves
sels on our hands that will be practi
cally useless, no matter how great the
emergency, for want of men to work
them.
When Dewey "blunders out" of his
candidacy in Professor Wilson's phrase,
he is as likely as not to declare for
Bryan. This will be his revenge for
Hanna's persecution. One of the most
pathetic passages In the history- of the
grand old Admiral, when It comes to be
written, will be the trouble he suffered
at Hanna's hands and his bluff resent
ment of It. Small things like this affect
men and affairs profoundly.
There would be Just as much sense
In our declaring for the Boers as there
would have been in the British Parlia
ment's declaring for our enemy when
we were at war with Spain.
"To stick to the radical doctrines of
Bryanism," says the New Orleans Pic
ayune (Dem.), "is to divide and finally
to disorganize the party."
The Herald for McKlnley.
New York Commercial Advertiser. April 25.
There could scarcely be a more strik
ing evidence of the strength of McKlnley
as a Presidential candidate In opposition
to Bryan than is offered by the leading
editorial article in the Herald of this
morning. As everybody knows, the Her
ald Is not In a hurry generally to take
sides la a political contest, preferring to
wait till the end ia well in sight befora
defining its position. When, therefore, in
advance of the nomination of any candi
date it bastene to say that the "great
est menace to the progressive evolution
of the United States moral and material
welfare lies In Mr. Bryan, or rather In
Bryanism," and that "to defeat him should
be tho object of every American," the
demonstration is one of notable signifi
cance Especially Is this the case when
It accompanies It with this neat turn on
Admiral Dewey: "The President has only
to carry out the wishes of Congress, bo
why try to teach a new man to do what
Mr. McKlnley Is already doing so satis
factorily?" The real reason for the Her
ald's course, we doubt cot, is the game
ono that convinces every honest man that
there Is no middle ground between Mc
Klnley and Bryan, because of the char
acter of Bryan and the menace to stabil
ity and order which he and his following
constitute.
THE DUTY OF EVERY AMERICAN.
Defeat of the Bryan Party Necessary
for tlie Honor and Prosperity
of the Country.
New York Herald, April 23.
The greatest menace to the progressive
evolution of the United States' moral and
material welfare lies in Mr. Bryan, or
rather In Bryanlsm. To defeat him should
be the object of every American, for his
election means official indorsement of an
arhcy, depreciation of currency, repudia
tion of the Nation's obligations, and the
fomenting of dissension in the two branch
es of the Anglo-Saxon race by mischiev
ous and unwarrantable meddling in mat
ters that do not concern the United States,
either directly or Indirectly.
The victory of such an attempt to pro
mote discord between England and Amer
ica cannot bo faced without anxiety.
United, the two countries may live tran
quil and confident, free to pursue with un ,
hampered course their commercial develop,
ment and their civilizing mission, but di
vided, their efforts in both directions
must be inevitably minimized by the neces
sity for each to keep an eye upon what
the other is doing.
The hollowne8s of Mr. Bryan's reasons
for foreign intermeddling Is proved In so
far as his bid for the Irish vote Is con
cerned by the hearty and chivalrous wel
come extended to the Queen In the "ould
counthry," and by the cheerful eagerness
displayed among the Irish regiments in
South Africa to rece'vo even more than
their fair shore of the knocks which the
hardy Boers are dispensing with such im
partial liberality. This should be suf
ficient to prove to the American people
that antagonism between Saxon and Celt
is not bitter enough to warrant Mr. Bryan
in entangling the United States in diplo
matic complications, if no worse, for the
sake of righting wrongs that only exist
in his political imagination. .
Nor Is his appeal for the German vote
likely to bring much grist to the Bryan
mill. The American citizen of German
origin is too sensible, too well balanced
mentally, to take the free-silver apostle's
oratory for anything more than its true
frothy value. What he wants Is an hon
est dollar for a dollar's worth of work,
opportunity to extend his adopted coun
try's foreign trade, which necessitates
peace abroad, and booming industrial con.
dltions at home, which necessitate a guar
antee of social order against anarchical
doctrines. The Teuton-American knows
he cannot count upon sound money, no
foreign complications and domestic seen.,
lty under a Bryanlte regime, and he is
not going to forsake substance for shadow
by helping to put Mr. Bryan In the place
now occupied by Mr. McKlnley.
CHARACTER SKETCH OF QUAY.
Sources of III Power Lie In Moral
Bluntncss and Effrontery.
Philadelphia North American.
An estimate of Quay's character a3 a
politician is not difficult and not edifying.
There is nothing in the talents he pos
sessed remarkable either for kind or va.
riety. He wa3 at best a clever mediocrity
fortunate in his day and environment.
The only trait about him that was statu
esque was his reckless disregard of honor
and his cynical indifference to public sen
timent. This ia the trait that has char
acterized all tho worst characters of 'our
public life.
Tweed had It; Cameron had it; Piatt has
it, and so has Croker.
Quay's good fortune was that he came
in time to gather the aftermath of Cam
eronlsm. He was himself of the spawn of
that era. He found the public life of the
state so besotted that he had only to con
tinue the degenerating processes with the
kind of nerve that comes when conscience
dies. This sort of defiant courage be un
derstood and possessed.
He has left no single good deed behind
him to plead In his behalf. He had no
ability to construct laws, but only to un
dermine them. He could not improve or
devlso governmental systems, but only
debauch those already existing.
He built bis pow er on the cupidity, weak
nesses and vices of men. He associated
with him no men of great talents, lofty
character, or patriotic ideals. His instru
ments were generally as ignoble as his
own aims. He believed that all men
were at heart as corrupt as himself, and
his keenest instinct was his ability to
discern the vile part in human nature and
reach it by an oppropriate temptation. It
was a peril for a young man to come with
in the area of his political Influence.
Matthew Stanley Quay Is now but a pri
vate citizen, in the enjoyment of his liberty
only by the saving and merciful grace of
the statute of limitations.
Shonld Settle- It for All Time.
New York Commercial Advertiser.
Incidentally this vote should put an end
to the contention that the Governor may
appoint a Senator after a Legislature has
failed to elect through a. deadlock. There
never has been a squarer vote or one
under greater strain of personal feeling.
Its -verdict is that of every other vote
taken from the beginning of the contro
versy. All recent votes have been tinc
tured with tho same personal motive.
Mantle got votes because he was a silver
man and Corbett lost votes because he was
a gold man. Notwithstanding this, mere
has been a uniform line of decisions
against the power of the Governor to ap
point in such cases. Some of the strong
est Constitutional lawyers In the Senate
ore on tho other side, and expediency en
ters largely into the successful contention;
it Is thought contrary to public policy to
encourage deadlocks. Precedent Is more
and more hardening this principle Into
law and state Governors are beginning
to respect it. Two or three have been
waiting for a ruling in tho Quay case
before appointing to vacancies.
Ample Cause for Despair.
New York Evening Post.
Bryan rises to explain that nobody can
ever get him to abandon free silver, that
ho favors It as much as he did In 1S5S,
and that he will "never drop the ell
ver question until the little coterie of
English financiers ceases to meet in se
cret and plan the laws of this country."
He also expressed the opinion in a
speech, at Wichita, Kan., last night, that
"the East has become educated on the
silver question," and that It "no longer
regards Populists as anarchists, but has
come to respect them." It would be
Impossible to Imagine worse Bourbonism
and greater blindness than this. Demo
crats who have been hoping against hope
that their party might become detached
from a discredited cause and an offensive
alliance must despair when they hear such
talk. t
'
Consult the Lenders,
t Hartford Times, dem.
There will never be any more national
Democratic victories in this country until
leaders Jlke David B. Hill are consulted
about the wlnnlntr of them. With New
York's electoral votes absolutely essential
to the election of a President, as now
seems likely to be the case, it will be
necessary to allow the Democrats of New
York to have something to say about the
composition of tho platform which will be
adopted at Kansas City.
Q
Lincoln' Mother.
Governor Mount, of Indiana, as head of
the Nancy Hanks Memorial Association,
has purchased the old Lincoln farm, near
EvansvHIe. Ind., on which is the grave of
Nancy Hanks, mother of Abraham Lin
coln. A monument will be erected there,
and the 16-acre farm converted Into a
public park.
Kept on the Jump.
Chicago Tiroes-Herald.
"That tall man seems to be the busiest
person around the establishment. What
dots he do?"
'fit Is bis duty to seo whether the others
are working or not,"
SENATORS BY POPULAR VOTE
The Democrats are endeavoring to make
election of United States Senators by di
rect vote of the people a party question.
Ex-Senator H1U recently made a speech
In which he proclaimed that It should be
Incorporated in tho new Kansas City
creed and made a leading Issue; and sev
eral Influential Democratic newspapers
have begun an agitation tor the same pur
pose. It Is not a party question; nor can
it be made a party question with the
smallest prospect of Its success. As matter
of fact, the overwhelming sentiment of
the whole American people is for It. and
will eventually see chat the Senato suc
cumbs and permits their desires to be
Incorporated into law. A forceful and de
termined public opinion will find ways
and means to Impress itself upon the one
serious and selfish obstacle In the way of
the great reform. The attitude of all citi
zens on the subject was convincingly illus
trated in California IH.1S92, when the ques
tion was submitted directly to the refer
endum of the voters. They declared for
the amendment by the overwhelming vote
of 1S7.000 to 13,000.
The Legislative difficulties In the way
of the reform are not Insuperable. The
Constitution of the United States has
ibeen amended 15 times. The first 10
amendments were simply corrective of
omissions in the original document, and
wrought no vital changes, although they
were Indeed declarations fundamental in
themselves. Two ways are devised for
adoption of an amendment. Congress, by
a two-thirds vote of both houses, may
propose a change, and it must be rati
fied by the Legislatures in three-fourths
of the several states; or upon petition
of two-thirds of the states Congress must
call a convention for proposing amend
ments, which, to be effective, must be
ratified by Legislatures In three-fourths
of the states, or conventions In the same
number. The latter method has never
'been followed. But. Inasmuch as 34 out
of 43 states have adopted memorials ask
ing Congress to submit the question, it
would seem that, if any systematic cam
paign were undertaken, it could be made
imperative upon Congress by the states
to propose a Constitutional convention.
The 11th amendment was proposed In
1794, and was ratified In 179S; the 12th
amendment was proposed In 1S03 and In
corporated In the Constitution In 1S04,
after due ratification. Then came a long
period when the organic law was per
mitted to stand without modification. The
mighty controversies which precipitated
the Civil War, and were settled by this
"last resort of Kings," made necessary
the crystallization into fixed law the de
cisions of the four years contest. The
13th amendment, abolishing slavery, was
proposed February 1, 1S65. and DecemDer
IS, 1S63, a proclamation was Issued by the
Secretary of State that It had been rati
fied by 27 of the 3G states. The 14th
amendment, making all persons born or
naturalized in the United States citizens
thereof. Imposing disabilities on ex-Confederates
who had been in the Govern
ment service, and providing for the meth
od of their removal, and validating the
public debt, was proposed June IS, 1SG5,
and July 21, 1S68, declared to have been
validated by SO of the 35 states. This
amendment was rejected by Kentucky.
Delaware and Maryland. The 15th amend
ment, conferring the right to vote on the
colored race, was proposed 'February 27,
1S69, and was March 30, 1S70, declared
fo have been ratified by 29 of the 37
states. California, Delaware, Kentucky.
Maryland, Tennessee and Oregon refused.
to accept the amendment. It Is inter
esting to add that the clause imposing
the disability as to suffrage on the negro
still stands In the organic law of this
state; but It Is, of course, Invalid. Prob
ably none of these latter amendments
would have received the sanction of three
" 'Uths the states if it had not been
node Imperative for a part of them
the Southern States to accept the verdict
of the war. The exact methods taken
and Influences brought to bear to get
consent of enough Southern States it is
not now necessary "to review.
But what If election of United States
Senators by direct vote of the people
were to be made a party question? It
Is not probable tnat any one party will
ever control three-fourths of the states,
and thus put through any strictly par
tisan policy over the protests of the
opposition. The question Is essentially
one to be settled by peaceful means, and
It Is wholly Improbable that conditions
such as followed the war could make
coercion of any of the states practicable.
If tho reform Is to be secured, It must
be because the people want it and require
it to be given them, and their demands
must find voice In all the parties. Sin
gularly enough, neither the Democra'ts
nor the Republicans have in recent years
Incorporated a plank for popular vote for
Senators; and The Oregonlan' believes it
is correct when It states that neither
party has at any time expressly advocated
It. In 1E95, however, the People's party
declared for election of President, Vice
President and Senators by popular vote.
Recent scandals In the election of Sen
ators, and deadlocks In various Legis
latures, have mado it a live, and press
ing question. All parties In Oregon are
for submission of an amendment. The re
cent Republican State Convention de
clared unanimously:
We favor an amendment of the
Constitution of the United States
so as to provide for the election of
United States Senators by direct -vote
of the people, and we Instruct our
Senators and Representatives In
CongrciH to use every effort to se
cure such an amendment to the Con
stitution. The-Fuslon platform contains this plank:
We favor amendments to the Fed
eral Constitution specially author
izing an Income tax and providing
for the election of United States
Senators hy the people.
Tho MIddle-of-the-Boad Populists re
solved as follows:
"We favor tho election of United States Sena
tors by direct 'vote of the people.
Tho Republican State Convention of
Pennsylvania has just adopted a similar
resolution and Instructed Its delegation to
Philadelphia to secure, if possible, its in
corporation in the National platform.
One remedy for cure of present evils
In the election of Senators Is the pledge
by all parties upon Its candidate for Sen
ator, and by all Legislatures upon their
nominees for Senator, to propose an
amendment for the ratification of the sev
eral states.
PLEASANTRIES OF PARAGRAPHERS
"How did your weather prediction turn out?"
"The prediction was all right." answered the
prophet, a little sternly, "but somehow or
other the -weather went wrong again." Wash
ington Star.
The First Step. Actress Sir! My room has
been entered and $15,000 worth of diamonds
stolen! Hotel clerk Ah! We will put the case
In the hands of the reporters at once! Puck.
A Capitol Definition. "Pa." said the Sen
ator's little eorf. "what Is a Nemesis?" "A
Nemesis, my Bon." replied tr Senator. "Is a
female office-seeker, for whom you have fool
ishly promised to use your Influence," Phila
delphia Press,
NOTE AND COMMENT:
They are having horse races at "Vienna
salt horso races, of course.
Today pedestrians have sidewalk rights
that bicyclists are bound to respect.
A dark horseless political campaign will
probably come with the march of civiliza
tion. X Peace Commission is going to eail
from The Hague. Wasn't tho result of
the other one bad enough?
There., has been a tornado in Spain, but
being used to the Premier's war talk, the
Inhabitants will probably weather it
through.
McKlnley Is having extensive repairs
made to his residence In Canton. Ho
oughtn't to feel as shaky about the elec
tion, as all that.
Depew will have to unbottle some of
the eloquence ho was saving for the
Philadelphia Convention and turn. It loose
on the employes of his railroad.
The fact that a Chicago woman was
standing before a mirror when she shot
herself shows that she was determined
to have her hat on straight to the last-
'Freshleish I handled a thousand-dollar
bill today.
Oldboy Indeed! I've handled many a
one In my day.
Freshleigh You! I'll bet you never saw
a thousand-dollar bill.
Oldboy I didn't say anything about a
thousand-dollar bill. I said I'd handled
many a one.
Mr. Schernakau Is a well-known Ger
man citizen who owned the land where It
was found convenient to establish for a,
time the southern terminus of tho Co
lumbia Southern Railroad. To call a.
town by his name was to Invite troublo
at once, for the average man has neither
the time nor the talent to spell the nam
correctly. So the matter was settled by
corrupting and Anglicizing it into Shan
lko. The "Note and Comment" department
some time ago arranged what It believed
to be a suitable programme for the cele
bration of Dewey day In Washington and
forwarded it to Mrs. Dewey. Many oZ
the most prominent men In the country
were among those to take part, and re
cent events were referred to, It was be
lieved appropriately. No reply has been
received, and as the press dispatches an
nounce that Mrs. and Admiral Dewey are
en route for Chicago, It Is taken for
granted that Mrs. Dewey did not receive.
It In time to arrange for Its p.-oductlon.
Tho programme Is, however, printed here
with: Piano solo 'Silvery Waves"
Grover Cleveland
Scriptural tableau "The Widow's Might"...
Mildred McLean Hazen Dewey
Megaphone solo "There'll Come a Time
Some Day" William Jennings Bryaa
Duet "Jelly OM Comrades" '
W. T. Sampson and Wlnfleld S. Schley
Pathetic recitation "The Man Who Was"..
George Dewey, Admiral U. S. N.
Soprano solo "No, Sir" T. Koosevrlt
Recitation "We Are Two Vagabonds, Mat
thew and I" B. H. Roberta
Coon song "I Guess I'll Hae to Telegraph
Ma Baby" Abdul Hamid
Tenor solo "I'm All Right, but My Mon
ey's No Good" VT. A. Clark;
Ballad "Shootin Thro the Rye"
Governors Talor and Bcckinaa
Original Poem "1000" Rudjard Kipling
Pantomime "Mysterious Disappearance" ...
Emlllo Agulnaldo
Song ... All"-'
"In tho morning wake blm early, .'
Wake him early, mother dear;
For tomorrow will be the happiest day
Of all the glad New Tear.
He'll be among us, mother.
With a glad smile on his face.
For he's to be King of the May. mother.
And Mildred's to be the Ace."
Once upon a time a man who had not
been nominated by any convention,
thought he would run for office, as an
Independent candidate. When he asked
a man of experience what he thought
of the venture, the latter said:
"Let me tell you the story of the ani
mals In the Jungle:
"Once the Animals in the Jungle de
cided to hold an Election to choose a.
King. So they divided into two Parties,
and ono Party put up the Tiger, and tho
other Party put up the Elephant, both
of Whom were noted as Wise Animals.
Other Animals were Nominated for Miner
Offices, but the Ass, who wanted an Office,
got no Nomination.
" "They can't turn Me down.' said the
Ass, 'I'll run as an Independent,' and
he did.
"Soon the Animals asked the Elephant
what he would do If Elected King, and
he said he would Run out the Snakes,
and Appoint only Wise Animals to Office.
And they asked the Tiger wnat he Would
do, and he said he would Divide up tha
Unearned Increment afnOngalf1 the Ani
mals, and Have Government Ownership
of the Rivers and Feeding Grounds, and
allow. Savage Animals to Ravage the Bor
ders. Then they went to the Ass and.
asked him what He would do if he was
Elected.
" Tou can Search Me, said the Ass.
" "But instead of that, they voted for
the Elephant and the Tiger, and the
Elephant was elected, while the As3 got
only the Votes of Himself and His Re
lations. "But," said the Independent candidate,
"Independent candidates are not at all like
asses."
"Oh, I don't know," said the man of
experience.
The Voice of Spring.
Robert Bums "Wilson.
Once more, once more thank Godt
I hear the dull earth waking,
I feel the green grass breaking
The fragrant sod.
Let go thy grasp, dull care.
Fly hence, ye shades of sadness t '
Life lifts her head, and gladness
Mounts on tha air.
Arouse, ye sleeping vales;
Hark to the thrilling sound!
Spring puts her moist lips to the trumpet now
And blows a long, loud blast of Joy which
makes
The seed3 uneasy in their beds, and wakes
All Nature with a heaving slsh that breaks
Forth from the rapturous bosom of the
ground
A blast which drowns its echo, and assails
The client melancholy of the hills, and shaks
The last white Cokes from Winter's changing
brow.
t
To Me Tour Heart Is Mute.
E. Matheson in Chambers's Journal.
To me your heart is mute; all pleading words.
All passionate prajers of mine are breath!
In vain;
I have no power to make Its silent chords
Tremble with exquisite Joy or tender pain.
Tet, soon or late, life's paths for you will
change.
As If by witchery, to enchanted ways;
A wondrous radiance, new and sweet and
strange.
Will cast its subtle glamour o'er the days.
It may be when the year is growing old.
Or at the time that purple violets blow:
It may bo 'mid the Summer's green and gold.
Or When the blossoms sleep beneath tho
snow -
The Prince will come, and with his magic kX
! Unlock your heart and set Its music free.
i
i