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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 20, 1900)
wf !Tis?!?s5fi!sfR ,rswssQis?"""i ?sr"5 jr?,??; yfrj:lhiffH THE MORNING OREGONIAN, SATURDAY, JANUARY 20, 1900. i""- r- ?? to rjesoman; Entered si the Postofflce at Portland. Oregon, as eeeond-cla&i matter. TELEPHONES. Editorial Booms.... ICC 1 BusineEs Ofllee 007 REVISED SUBSCRIPTION" KATES. By Mall (postage prepaid), In Advance Daily, wtth Sunday, per month ?JJ SJ JDaiij, Suadaj excepted, per ytar......... J? Dai!. wltn Sunday, per jear 00 Sundaj. per year .................. - 2 00 The Weekly, per jear. 50 The "Weekly. 3 months ..... M To City Subscribers Dally, per week, delivered. Sundays excepted.loo Daiijr, per week, delivered. Sundajs lr.cluded.20e News or discussion intended for publication in The Oregonian should be ndflressed invariably "Editor The Oregonian," not to the name of any individual. letters relating- to ad ertislnar. subscriptions or to any business matter should be addressed simply "The Oregonian." The Oregonian does not buy poems or stories from individuals, and cannot undertake to re turn any manuscripts sent to it without solicita tion. No stamps should be inclosed lor this pur pose. Puget Sound Bureau Captain A. Thompson, office at 1111 Pacific avenue. Tacoma. Box 955. Tacoma postofflcc. Eastern Business Olllce The Tribune building. Hew York city; "The Bookery," Chicago; the S. C. Beckwah special agency, New York. For sale in San Francisco by J. K. Cooper, 740 Market street, near the Palace hotel, and at Goldsmith Bros, 236 Sutter street. Fcr sale in Chicago by the P. O. News Co., S17 Dearborn street. TODAY'S "WEATHER. Fair; winds ivest to south. PORTLAND, SATURDAY, JANUARY SO A FEW SIMPLE FACTS. The Oregonian Is firmly of the opinion that real estate in Portland is assessed high enough; much of it, indeed, too high. Even at present valuation there is little real estate tha't makes more than very meager returns over the charges upon it; much of it none at all, and not a little of it is a burden upon the owners. At a valuation of $25,000, 000 the real property of Portland, as a "whole, does not pay to the owners any appreciable return, nor can it at pres ent be made to pay it. Therefore it is assessed high enough. Some parcels may yield something, over the neces sary charges, but they are few. This is a common condition of the newer cities of the "Western country. General business is good, but the speculative values of real estate, formerly so mis leading, have disappeared. We are down to a sound basis, to actual bed rock, now, and are better for it. For there is no strength in fiction. It is "truth, only, that Is strong. Upon this principle Portland Is on a sounder and surer basis than ever. By some of the newspapers of Oregon that come to our table It Is wrongly and wrongfully assumed that Multno mah county Is trying to escape its just proportion of the state tax. That has not been a motive at all. The real pur pose has been to get out of the clouds and down to the firm earth. The pres ent assessment of Portland compares fairly, and even closely, -with the aver age of cities of Its rank and class throughout the "United States. The Oregonian also has been attacked and aspersed for its statements on this subject. Here now Is the Salem States man, attributing selfish motives to The Oregonian. "We are sincerely sorry to witness this Injustice. But fortunately The Oregonian has the consciousness of oeinga "wholly unselfish and even altru istic newspaper. It is published without profit to its owners, who have passed their lives in arduous industry and close and enforced economy, in order to publish" it. Their motive has simply been a desire of honorable participation in the building of a commonwealth. The Oregonian, moreover, carries near ly all the other newspapers of the state, and some of those of "Washington and Idaho. It brings at great cost to itself the news published by the Salem Statesman, and the Statesman gets this news at a nominal cost next to noth ing, really nothing. But for The Ore gonian, the Statesman would have nothing that its readers want; and through The Oregonian the Statesman gets all that makes anybody seek it practically -without cost. It is the same "with all other newspapers published lereabout. But The Oregonian Is not complaining about it It Is merely Baying a word in vindication of itself as an unselfish and altruistic news paper. Its owners have been accus tomed these many years to pursuit of the work they do, without personal emolument or hope of reward. They never expect any. The -work of their lives has gone into the body and struc ture of the commonwealth. There it rests, for the future to strike the bal ance of good and ill. This, let us admit, Is a digression from the main part of the subject im mediately before us. But this correla tion of the particular with the general lias not been forced by The Oregonian, out bj'-'a critic It remains only to be said further, an -was said at the begin ning, that the assessment of real prop erty in Multnomah county is as high as actual values -warrant. MR. liOXG'S MISTAKE. Secretary Long, in his address at the unveiling of the "Webster monument, does not clearly discriminate between the distinctive quality of "Webster and the greatness of men who had preceded him, in certain respects greater than he. "Webster did not originate the doc trine of national supremacy as opposed to state sovereignty. "Webster's glory was that of a great orator, -who deliv ered with surpassing eloquence the message of "Washington, supported by the logic of Hamilton and Marshall, the idea of indestructible nationality. "Webster fed at the fount of Hamilton and w orshiped at the feet of Marshall, hut he reiterated their logic wSth such magnificent eloquence that the whole North heard it. Nevertheless, it is but just to the memory of Henry Clay to say that to his eloquence rather than to that of "Webster do we owe the fact that the border states of the South contained at the outbreak of the civil "war so many thousands of men pas sionately devoted to the cause of the Union. Indeed, our Kentucky-born and Illinois-bred statesmen, like Lincoln, learned their gospel of Unionism from Clay rather than "Webster. It was Clay rather than "Webster that held such border-state Southern men as Judge Holt, Crittenden, Prentice and Reverdy Johnson to the Union, and without the influence of the lifelong teachings of Henry Clay, Jackson and Benton, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri -would have been a unit for the Con federacy. Secretary Long calls "Webster "the defender of the Union and the fore most lawyer, orator and statesman." "Webster was our greatest orator when he found a great occasion; he was not our foremost lawyer in the sense that Marshall was a great lawyer, but his genius as an orator made him undoubt edly our most powerful legal advocate, As a defender of the Union, "Webster was not more than the peer in public influence of Clay, and he was not our foremost statesman compared with Hamilton, who was more than his equal as a political thinker, political economist and financier. He was not our foremost statesman 'compared with Lincoln, for his moral earnestness did not equal his intellectual force. He was a very great man because he was a great lawyer, a statesman and also a very great orator. Slips like those of Longand of Depew the other day ought not to be made in circumstances of such dignity and moment. Let us have, in these matters, historical accuracy and discrimination. "WAR DECLARED OX THE PACIFIC COAST. Bumblings may already be heard of a conflict that is to occupy the atten tion of congress as few constitutional controversies have ever occupied it. This question is the extension of tariff laws to the Philippines, and upon it we shall hardly escape a great battle among the constitutional lawyers of congress, aided by expert student and business opinion all over the country. The Washington representative of the Chicago Tribune, makes no doubt that "the discussion of this question will result in the greatest constitutional debate in congress since the memora ble fights over the slavery question and the right of congress to make laws for the territories," and goes so far as to assert that "if congress assumes to fix duties between the mainland and" the islands the importers will still ap peal to the courts." Great interests are involved in this controversy, and considerable argu ment can be marshalled on each side. The constitution declares, In section 8, that "all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." Many members of congress, both republicans and democrats, hold that the constitution extends to every part of the United States, whether state or territory, and hence that the tariff must be uniform In New York and at Manila, in San Juan and at Honolulu. They say congress derives its power to legislate from the constitution, and hence it would be absurd to make laws for islands if the constitution which authorized the legislation did not ap ply to the same islands. There Is reason to believe, however, that the administration is desirous of having an opposite view prevail. The specific assertion is made that the president himself and his Immediate sympathizers desire free trade -with Puerto Rico and Hawaii, but a sep arate civil tariff for the Philippines. But the cabinet itself is divided, and in the house of representatives a special subcommittee has been put to work studying the question. A high advo cate of the supposed presidential view is Secretary Root, whose argument on the matter has been referred to in these columns more than once, and will doubtless be taken up again as occa sion requires. Mr. Root's attractive theory is that acquisition of new terri tory in the shape of unorganized de pendencies is an act of pure sovereign ty, extra-constitutional, or super-constitutional; that when the constitution pret-jribed "uniform" duties "through out the United States," the language applies to the then existent or contem plated United States proper, and not to dependencies that may come to us in the course of war or negotiation. It must be. admitted that this Is a se ductive extension of doctrines concern ing sovereignty laid down by Marshall, and that the view is not to be dismissed without examination. But there are two answers to It that should prevail, and that -will prevail if justice Is done. It is not surprising to find strongly intrenched forces at the capital of the nation prepared to resist at whatever cost any advance or advantage to the Pacific coast. We have seen Puerto Rico annexed without a quaver, but the same thing in the Pacific resisted with every means within reach. We see strenuous efforts to divert government transportation from its natural course across the Pacific to the Atlantic and the Suez canaL We see tea taxed and coffee let in free, and we see duties clapped on every article of merchandise coming across the Pacific and duties already In existence raised. Now we are asked to favor an interpretation of the constitution that will give Puerto Rico free trade and tax imports from the Philippines. There Is no justice in it, either in theory or in practice. One answer to the reputed adminis tration theory -will be furnished by the constitutional argument already out lined. The Philippines are as much a part of the United States as Puerto Rico is, for by the same instrument both were taken over. But it Is upon grounds of expediency alone that Sec retary Root advocates free trade with Puerto Rico; and upon this ground there is no defense for restrictive tar iffs against Philippine products. The Atlantic coast wants active trade with Puerto Jtico. Can it muster strength enough in congress to twist the consti tution so as to hamper or prevent ac tive trade between the Pacific coast and the Philippines? If it does, it must not prevail until every available re source in opposition has been em ployed by the Western and Mississippi valley and Gulf members of congress. STRICTLY TELLERIAX. An excellent illustration of" the esti mate silverists -put upon the intellec tual caliber of their followers, is af forded by Teller's speech in the senate Thursday. He argues on both sides of the simple question of need of change. Thus: EVERYTHING ALL RIGHT. EVERYTHIXG ALL "WRONG. Notwithstanding the I would ask the sena-l tor irom itnoae isianajso- caiiea prosperous wneuier mere xs anyjconaiuon or the coun trouble with Amerlcanjtry, there was a serloua credit. Is there any( panic in New York, other country whlch.whlch forced tho eecre can sell itB securities tary of the treasury to at such prices as we,purchase about $22,000. caa? All of our bondsjOOO of United States are higher than thoseibonds. In addition to of any other country, (that, the secretary had and yet we have legis-jput into national banks latlon here the avowed) throughout the country purpose of which Is to.about $120,000,000 In or strengthen our credit der to maintain the and relieve taxatloiuiflnanclal equilibrium. A . . . Teller thought ltjf I na.no lal condition unwise to be experi-jwhlch requires to be mentlng in our finances! bolstered up by the when we are very well! treasury department is off at present. Ja bad condition. Should you ask me whether we need currency reform, says Teller, I will show you that everything Is O. K. just as it is. Look at our credit! But should you ask me whether we are safe under the gold standard, I will show you that we are in an awful hole. Look at the panic! The fact is that the acceptance of the gold standard by the country has established credit. Teller uses it as an argument against currency reform. The fact is that the currency stringency j j shows excess of speculation, and If it shows anything about the currency, shows its lack of elasticity. Teller uses it as an argument against prosperity under the gold standard. Senator Teller must think his leg ended man with the blistered hand is also a man with an empty head. STRENGTH OF OUR STANDING ARMY. A correspondent Inquires what is the present strength of our standing army. The present forces of the United States consist of 65,000 regulars and 35,000 vol unteers, but the army act under which these forces were organized expires by limitation on July 1, 1901. Representa tive Hull announces that he will intro duce a bill for the reorganization of the army on a permanent basis, fixing the limit at 65,000 men, all regulars. This bill is believed to be inspired by Secre tary Root, and the number 65,000 is a reasonable compromise, considering the new conditions created by our new pos sessions, between the old army of 25,000 men and the larger force of 100,000 men favored by some of our leading soldiers and public men. The senate is reported to be opposed to the reduction aimed at by the Hull plan, because it would cut off the volunteer regiments, last raised, and prevent the retention in the regular armyjjf hundreds of young offi cers whose commissions were for the most part procured by pressure of polit ical and social influences. Many of these officers, if retained, would be on a footing with veteran officers who had served before these young proteges of senators were born. The proposal to retain a standing army of 100,000 men has not the support behind it that it had before the crush ing out of the revolt in Luzon. Gen eral Otis has today in the Philippines an army of over 63,000 men. With the revolt in Luzon completely crushed, an army of 30,000 men is ample to keep or der in the Philippines, and the reduction of the army by this number will be favored for sound economic reasons. Our army appropriation for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900, is $163,088,358, and the estimates of the treasury de partment for the next fiscal year place the war department expenditure at $190,112,851. T.his is the estimated an nual cost of maintaining a force of 100, 000 men. But Germany maintains her standing army, a regular force of 595, 542, rank and file, at a cost of only $135,00,000. The German system, 'with this expenditure, has, in addition, the reserves and home defense, made up of thoroughly trained soldiers, so that the German empire, when the army is mo bilized on a war footing, could call out 4,000,000 men. In addition to the $190,112,851 which our war department demands for the annual suport of our 100,000 men, we spend $145,000,000 a year for pensions, for which there is sure prospect of In creased rather than decreased expendi ture. With this prospective increase of our annual pension load, It Is not likely that the country will favor a larger standing army than 65,000 men. It is a mortifying fact that the annual cost of the necessary standing army of a great nation of 72,000,000 should exceed great ly the annual cost of the German standing army, six times its strength, and it Is a still more mortifying fact that the cost of our annual pension roll for a war that ended thirty-five year's ago should exceed by $10,000,000 the an nual cost of Germany's standing army of nearly 600,000 men. In other words, the entire annual support of a living, active regular army of nearly 600,000 men costs Germany less than we pay out to nearly a million military pension ers of both sexes, of all sorts, utterly valueless to us as a source of military strength, since the fact that a man is a pensioner implies that he Is Incapable of rendering military service. OUR NEW WAR "VETERANS." Already 25,000 applications for pen sions from the survivors of the Spanish and Filipino wars are on file. That Is, within less than two years after the outbreak of the Spanish war one in every twelve soldiers is a pension-seeker. The Seventy-first New York regi ment furnishes a large proportion of claim's, 311 applications having been received from it up to the mfddle of December, while 650 applications have been received from the Ninth Massa chusetts. The Seventy-first New York regiment disgraced itself at Santiago; it refused to take its place on the firing line, and was contemptuously marched over by the colored regiments of the regular army as it lay on its face dig ging its nose into the dirt. TheNlnth Massachusetts was not under fire, but probably would not have behaved any better than the Seventy-first New York. These spiritless soldiers are always the first to apply for a pension. They are always the last in the field and the first out; they are always present at "dinner call," always prompt on pay day. DastardB in "war, shirks in battle, are always' sure to be pension leeches and civil service suckers in time of peace. Secretary Stanton's report for No vember, 1865, says that "when Lee's army surrendered thousands of recruits were pouring in, and more were dlB charged from recruiting stations and rendezvous in every state." Between" October 17, 1863. and February, 1864, over 369,000 men were furnished. There were over 89,000 militia mustered into; service for 100 days. There were over 16,000 six months' men; nearly 88,000 nine months men; over 106,000" three months' men. Under the call of March 4, 1864, for 200,000, over 292,000 were ob tained, and under the call of July, 1864; for 500,000 men, over 386,000 were ob-. talned, and under the call of December, 1S64, for 300,000 men, over 212,000 were obtained. These figures make it clear that a very large number of the pen sioners borne upon the rolls today are survivors of the days of the draft and the enormous bounties which were ex acted and obtained by mercenaries un der the clause of the conscription act which allowed a drafted man to pay $300 or furnish a substitute. These mercenaries of 1864 are the, fellows who largely load up our pension rolls today. A large number of them never rendered any service on the firing line; a large number never left their recruiting camps, and a large number of them be came deserters, for whose rehabilita tion congressmen are prompt today to offer special bills of health. Probably 50 per cent of the pension roll today is represented by very cheap military riffraff that never, were worth 'their salt in the army; shirks in war; suckers in peace. History Is but re peating Itself in the pension roll for our Spanish war. The regular army that fought and won the day furnishes few claimants, but the riffraff of mili tary shirks and skulks, like the Sev enty-first New York ' and the Ninth Massachusetts, hasten to flood the pen-tlon slon bureau with their claims. Several other regiments, like the Ninth Massa chusetts, "which were never under fire in Cuba, have filed applications nearly as numerous. It is sure that within five 'years 100,000 pension claims will be filed on part of the soldiers who served In the Spanish and Filipino war. Many of the claims are for minor disabili ties, which shows that they have been filed by spiritless, worthless soldiers, who have come to believe that "a pa triot" is a man who gets all he can out of the government. Like Colonel Tell, of Yellvllle, Ark., he can afford to swindle the government so long "as his heart beats true to his native land." At the close of the civil war the aver age Union veteran would have scorned to ask1? or a pension aB long as he could support himself; but these "veterans" of the late Spanish war are not troubled with this sort of self-respect. They en listed for a military picnic and a pen sion. The proof that these holiday soldiers always swell the pension roll is seen in the Washington dispatch that the per centage of applications is much larger from nine regiments of volunteers nom inally engaged at the battle of San Juan Hill than from twenty-three reg ular' regiments and three regular bat teries. Of these nine regiments, one that lost none in killed, wounded or prisoners has 418" claims for pensions pending. The only regiments that were really moved upon the firing line at Santiago were the Second Massachu setts, which did well, but, being armed with Springfield rifles, was ordered out of thee fight, i and the Seventy-first New York The other volunteer regiments belong to General Duffield's division, that was ordered to make a "diversion" at Aguadores, but Admiral Sampson was unable to make Duffield believe that he had shelled the enemy out of their position. The Chicago Times-Herald has devot ed columns to the effort to prove that the republican gold-standard plank was due to the president and his friendsr and that various persons had nothing to do with it. The Oregonian begs to suggest an inquiry of more interest will President McKinley favor the re tention this year of the abominable and deceitful clause about "International bimetalism"? It Is as fundamentally wrong as "Independent bimetalism." Neither has, ever had, or can have ex istence, in the sense talked by expon ents of the "double-standard" folly. The "international" nonsense must go to the limbo of law-made ratios, and no person of knowledge and convictions will attempt to uphold' It. PresidentMc Kinley has made much progress in the matter of money, but has he gotten past the bosh in the republican plat form of 1896? The present is a good time to tell the country how he stands on "free coinage by international agree ment." It will In future years save his friends from much toil in the effort to convince the public that he was "all rle-hr " Oregon led the states last year in wool production, though Montana leads in number of sheep. Ohio, with its great pretensions in woolgrowlng, was nearly 10,000,000 pounds behind Oregon. The product of the ten great producers was as follows, in pounds: Oregon 21.291,8T2Montana 20,035,105 California ...10,032,000Toxas 10.E80.442 "Wyoming ...13,620,704 New Mexico.. 12, 338,420 Idaho ....:. .11.017,200 Ohio ..., 12,114,053 Utah 10,802,37GjColorado 0,958,800 Each of the other states was far from the 10,000,000 mark. Of them, only Washington, Michigan and Arizona got above 5,000,000 pounds. If Oregon's clip the coming spring comes up to expec tations, and the price holds as it seems likely to do, this state will receive about $4,000,000 from its wool during 1900. Sheepmen report that, owing to the mild weather and good condition of the flocks, fleeces, are of. fine growth and uniform fiber, and that the yield will be exceptional In both quantity and quality. Muttons turned off by the flockmasters during the year will no doubt be 50 per cent of the value of the wool; so the state will probably receive not less than $6,000,000 from sheep this year. Mr. Chandler attributes the decline of silver in India and China to the acts of England and the United States. The facts are all against this threadbare assertion. Between 1853 and 1872 sliver had never fallen below 60 pence an oUnce, but in 1872 it fell to 59. From 62 to 61 and then to 60 pence it grad ually descended in those years. This .steady decline was accelerated by in creased output of silver, and cheapened cost of production. Under the operation of the "crime of '73" silver fell seven pence an ounce, and under the enor mous purchases of the Bland-Allison act it fell 14 cents, standing at 35 9-16 pence an ounce the year of the repeal bill of 1898. The fall In silver is due not to legislation, but to decreased cost of production. Silver production, in spite of lessened prices, Is three times what it was in 1873, and larger by $25, 000,000 than it was in 1893.' This shows that it can be got cheaper and sold cheaper. Laws have not made silver cheap, but Its cheapness and fluctuation have shown lawmakers its unsuitable lty for standard" of" valuer The serious error of the bank contro versy seems to have been committed not by Secretary Gage, but by Mr. Hepburn. It was a superfluous and mischievous thing for him to suggest to the secretary that political contribu tions entitled his bank to consideration at the hands of the administration. Yet one is tempted to suggest that a plea of this sort would hardly have been addressed to. President Cleveland or a member of his cabinet. The spoils doctrine of the McKinley machine is pretty well known. Whether the statement that the Union Pacific has abandoned the Clear water and Snake river country to the Northern Pacific shall prove true or otherwise, and whether Mr. Mohler, who has contended for the claims of the O. R. & N. In that country, is to be relieved, or otherwise, we shall learn ere long; and then comment and action will follow, according to the facts. One hardly knows whether to sympa thize with the desire of the republican representatives to Jook after the inter ests of union labor in census printing contracts or the desire of the democrats that all labor shall have a fair show. In either case, the fear of alienating organized labor's vote is something un comfortable to contemplate. Year's Homicides in Sonth Carolina. Columbia State, January 8. The figures show 231 cases of murder, to which must be added six cases of prosecu- tot manslaughter tnly making, a total of 227. All six of the manslaughter cases resulted in convictions. There were 97 convictions for murder and 83 acquittals, the others being disposed of by "no bills" and dismissal of the cases. A search of the records as to the disposition ot the cases shows only eight death penalties and 29 life sentences. The other sentences were only term sentences. It Is proper to say that the report from the fifth circuit does not state the sentences Imposed. Eight convictions were had, and no. doubt there was a death sentence or a sentence or two for life. There were seven legal prosecutions for the crime of rape one In Beaufort, one in Hampon, two in Clarendon, and one in York, In which life sentences resulted. Darlington county had two legal execu tions for the crime of rape, to her ever lasting credit. e THE TAGALOG INSURGENTS. Gillmorc'a Estimate May Be Too Pessimistic. New York Commercial Advertiser. No American of like education and judg ment has had so good opportunity as Lieu tenant Glllmore, In his eight months' im prisonment and enforced journeys with his fleeing captors, almost from end to end or the Island, to observe the Tagalog insur rection from the inside. His opinions in relation to it will attract as much public notice as the moving story of his adven tures by flood and field. The one political observation he has allowed himself to make so far, that the insurrection will continue as long as there are any Tagalogs left, will make a painful impression, ana a false Impression as well, if it be not cor rected 6y our historical experience and that of the British with savage tribes, and by our continually growing knowledge of the Tagals themselves. Every nation that plays its part in the world campaign of civilization against bar barism has encountered here and tnere groups of natives so intractable that they could not be Incorporated with the advanc ing force, and the march had to stop till they had been removed by the rough me:n od of war or the slower conquest of Bar barous by civilized living. We have en countered several such tribes in our prog ress across the American continent, from the fierce Algonqulns exterminated in New England and the.Semlnoles, finally expelled from Florida, to the Apaches of New Mexico, and the bloody tribes of the Oregon lava beds. These exceptional tribes have made all our trouble with the North American Indians. Their influence over the others had to be broken, and they had to be eliminated, by extermination or captivity, before civilization could ad vance. England has had like experience with the Maoris In New Zealand and with certain tribes In South Africa. If the Tagalogs are really such a tribe, we have simply an old problem to work out In a new place. They are an Insig nificant faction of the people of the isl ands, and cannot be allowed to keep all in anarchy and barbarism. But evidence accumulates that Lieutenant Glllmore's judgment applies fairly only to small part of the Tagalogs themselves. Consul Wild man, who had large opportunity for ob serving these people In their political and social relations before the rebellion, in sists that it Is supported solely by the mischievous energy of the mestizo class, and will disappear when the Influence of these over the pure-bloods has been broken by their destruction or captivity. This makes a case similar to the Riel half-breed rebellion In Canada, and reduces the finally intractable Te3iduum to insignificance. . o & - The World's New Worships. New York Sun. The war vessels now building are com puted by Engineering In tons: Battle- Tornedo Ships. Cruisers, vessels. Total. England 251.700 France 80,281 Germany 00,729 Italy 78,454 Japan 50,700 Russia 115,713 United States. 04.715 Monitors .... 12,940 207.080 12,000 531.GS0 255,533 148.235 120.5-10 130,113 222,070 160,283 8.0(59 41,851 0,655 3.1&5 7.133 16,500 10,640 38,001 03.280 02.007 4.035 123,230 Of this aggregate the amount begun in the year 1E99 is as follows: Battle- Torpedo ships. Cruisers, vessels. Total. England 116,000 127,700 4,200 247,900 Franc 25,456 118.943 4.S00 144,109 Germany 44,324 2,800 4,200 51,324 Italy 82,000 1,800 33,800 Japan Russia 57,426 0,375 United States. 36 070 Monitors ... 12,940 1.700 4,101 65,601 64,101 Japan's programme intends nothing fur ther, but It is believed that a cruiser and several torpedo vessels which do not ap pear are under way. The tonnage cred ited to the United States does not include the cruisers for which bids were received in November last; but these represent but a petty addition to our fleet. These are very Instructive figures. They show that, even Including the mon itors, harbor forts only, the preparations made by the United States for increasing its power at sea must be put at the foot of what has been undertaken by civilized nations. Even Italy, the weakest of all,. Is adding more to its navy than wo are. It may be set down as morally certain that in the not distant future no country will be more in need of a navy to keep for Its industry and commerce their right ful places In the world than the United States. We need more ships. Result of Dishonesty. The deterioration in the quality of American cheese is known in every house hold, but not the extent to which fraudu lent practices have hurt our foreign com merce. At a meeting of the national dairy union it was shown that the "stupid dis honesty" of American cheesemakers has lost U3 an immense foreign market. In 1880 we shipped cheese to England of the value of $15,000,000. Then we began to make "filled cheese," and in 1899 our ex ports to England were only $3,000,000. This was Canada's chance. Applying pure food laws to cheese, the Dominion in 1899 ex ported $17,000,000 worth of cheese to Eng land. Hero is a striking lesson and salu tary punishment. The Place for Him. Chicago Times-Herald. "I wish we was all over in Klmber ley," said little Willie. "Why?" his mamma .asked. "I heard pa reading last night that bread cost nearly half a dollar a loaf there, so I guess they wouldn't try to keep a person from filling up on cake." p p Mixed Tito e Men Up. Chicago News. Mr. Stubb Maria, what do you think of their sending Roberts to South Af rica? Mrs. John, should Stubb They did perfectly Any man that has three be sent further than that right, wives Wholly Inadequate. Chicago Record. "Of course, Alice, I can't regulate your spending money; but we ought to be sav ing for a home' "Well, Arthur, $10 will buy me a hat, but you know very well it won't buy a house and lot." o Professional Ethics. Cleveland Plain Dealer. . "Of course, you never advertise, doc tor?" "Sir! Certainly not. By the way, be sure to spell my name correctly In your account of that remarkable operation." ii a ' Preferable Plan New York Weekly. Aged Admirer Think of all the luxu ries a rich husband like me could give you! Miss de Young Oh, a rich father would do just as well. Marry my mother. Small Supply. Detroit Journal. "She pays her butler $5000 a year." "Yes; there are go few butlers who are really competent and yet look less impor- taat Iban, hex1 husband, THE SOUTH IS FOR EXPANSION Dally it grows more apparent that the South grasps the value of the Asian trade and recognizes the necessity of holding the Philippine islands as the step necessary to secure a proper share of it. If her leading men continue to speak out in the next few months a3 in the past few weeks, the democratic convention this year may be compelled to put into its national platform an expansion plank In keeping with the party's principles and record. Editor Howell, of the Atlanta Constitution; Governor Jones, of Arkansas; ex-Governor Hogg, of Texas, and several other Southern democrats early showed a clearness of vision and boldness of speech on national expansion that has encouraged other Southerners to ex press themselves with vigor against na tional narrowness and timidity. Undoubtedly Colonel Bryan's "shift" on expansion, a few days ago, was largely due to a series of letters from Southerners recently printed in the Chicago Times-Herald. These letters are from men in several states of the South most of them from men whose loyalty to the party Is unquestioned and whose standing in their business communities entitles them to speak for the South's commercial Interests. They speak in behalf of the party's record on expansion, claiming the policy spe cifically as that of the democratic party, and demanding the spread of the nation in the interest of the South's growing industries. Some of them sup ported Buckner and Palmer in 1S96, but by far the greater number are from the free-silver wing of the demo cratic party. Some are avowed candi dates for public office, and necessarily are closely watching the drift of pub lic opinion in their states. Chief Justice Snodgrass, of Tennes see, finds the title of the Philippine islands to be in the United States, and "believes in establishing American au thority there and maintaining it for ever," as "a duty to ourselves, to the Ignorant and wretched people there, to the claims of humanity and civiliza tion." President Mitchell, of the Chat tanooga Third National bank, says "the present is no time for timidity, hesi tation, or a provincial policy, and we want the Philippines and the open door in the Orient." Mr. W L. Frierson, late candidate for mayor of Chattanoo ga, thinks the United States should "not hold aloof from the theater of In ternational action, and that open ings In the Orient "will undeniably give Impetus to the manufacturing interests of the South." Hon. J. J. Spalding, a prominent dem ocratic politician of Atlanta, declares himself to be "not an imperialist, but an expansionist," and asserts that "our course in the Philippines is absolutely justifiable." He sees "an opportunity to add tenfold to our wealth and pros perity," and, though "It is no child's play which confronts us," does not fa vor our stepping aside and permitting "some more enterprising nation to step in ahead." Banker R. J. Lowrey, of Atlanta, "favors retention of the Islands, giving the people a just and lenient government"; regards the Phil ippines as "the key to the Chinese and Japanese trade," and says that the South, by getting "full swing in the great Eastern trade," would "easily be come the wealthiest and most prosper ous section of the United States." Editor Craighead, of the Mobile Reg ister, declares that "expansion along present lines is inevitable"; that "re treat is not to be considered," and that the South is likely to be "benefited more than any other part of the Union." Ex-Mayor J. C. Rich, of Mo bile, formerly against expansion, says that "with the passage of time his views have undergone radical change," and thatr "consistently with the honor and dignity of our great nation, there is no running away from the Philip pines." Hon. R. H. Clarke, of Mobile, formerly representative in congress, says "the events of history have Im posed upon us duties that we cannot put away," and that we "should es tablish an autonomous government, if possible, but In any event must secure to all the peoples of th new territories the security of good government and the blessings of liberty." Hon. P. P. Brent, of Richmond, mem ber of the Virginia state board of edu cation, "believes in retaining what we have practically obtained possession of," because "the exigencies of the trade situation demand that we have an Eastern market." In his view "the South has begun to reach out for trade In sharp competition with other sec tions of the country, and It would be worse than criminal to shut out a mar ket that was undoubtedly opened to us by act of Providence." Editor Cope land, of the Richmond Leader, is in "favor of establishing order and giving the Filipinos a government of their own," but says "the business interests of this country demand that we retain the strategic position in trade which we accidentally secured through Dewey's famous victory in Manila bay, and improve that victory so that none of its fruits shall be lost to us so far as our trade is concerned." Editor Knott, of the Louisville Even ing Post, says that "the South, as an Integral part of the republic, Is the result of expansion; Florida, Louisiana and Texas were bought with blood and treasure, and the leading statesmen of the South have all been expansionists"; further, that "the South cannot be thrown across the path of progress un der the pretense of opposition to im perialism." These are sample quotations. Many other letters appear from prominent democrats In the South, all voicing the belief that the United States has a duty to perform in holding the Philippines a duty to Itself, to the Filipinos, to the world and that the nation must not listen to the cry of poltroonery that comes from timid souls frightened by the bugbear of imperialism. As Editor Watterson summarizes the situation, "Every day brings additional indica tions that the South is awakening to the Importance of the policy of expan sion as affecting her vital interests." Bryan himself, It seems, is not blind to these Indications, and finds it neces sary to be no longer against expansion, even though" it include "territory not contiguous." "Imperialism" bids fair to be as weak an issue as free silver on which to ap peal to the country, and Southern sen timent is greatly aiding to destroy it. The nation will brook no check to its progress. o ' His Strait. Chicago Tribune. "The trouble with you, Orville," said his frugal relative, "Is that you always live up to your Income." "No, It isn't!" fiercely responded young Ardup. "All that alia me is that I can't live, down to Itjv NOTE AND COMMENT.. A day like yesterday covers a multitude of rains. The Boers put up a'stlfC front, but BuHer went around It. Votes come high, but silence is above the price of rubles. If Ladysmith is relieved at alK it will be Immensely relieved. Mrs. Oom Paul would better put that Christmas dinner on to warm. Bryan says he Is too busy to talk. Ho Is getting careless about his reputationi for veracity. Mulvaney was evidently right In his esti mate cf "Bobs" as a soldier who gets things going. The museum, manager who falls to book. Aguinaldo need not despond. He probably, can secure Pettlgrew. It looks as If the senate would have to struggle through this term, without the guidance of IT. S. Quay. Pennoyer says he Is out of politics. The wily governor i3 telling the truth this time, as he will learn 1 he tries to get in again. There is no doubt that tho courts can give Roberts relief if he goes to the right one. There are said to be very good ones In Dakota. Ain't no Ice. aln?t no snovr. Ain't no freezln' winds to btew. Ain't no slush or frcet or sloet. Ain't no sttppln on the- street. Ain't no use fur furs an wraps. Ain't no coBstln kid's mishaps; January may have came. Ain't no winter. Jest the same. A newspaper war Is In progress at Rose burg. The editor of one paper pictures the editor of Its esteemed contemporary as "a liar brilliant in conception and daring In executionr-the finished product of natural Inclination and years of constant en deavor." The engagement promises to be as hot as any In South Africa. The proposed Fenian invasion of Canada Is not taken very seriously by the Toronto Globe. "Arms," It says, "have been stored at Omaha ever since the Fenian raid of 1S66. That Is the bitterness of It that wo are to be the targets of guns 33 years oW, while In South Africa the very latest and smartest things In guns are in common us. Nothing so mortifying to the national prkti. has happened since it was suggested that our flourishing lake ports were to be bom barded by that floating woodshed, the Yan tlc." The Sanger (Tex.) Courier publishes tho following: "Tho editor and wife hereby extend sincere thanks to the followlag friends for the kindnessesmentloned below: To Mr. and Mrs. W. D. Brockman for a nice donation of ribs and sausage; to Mr. and Mrs. T. Q. Brockman for an excellent quantity of ribs; to Mr. and Mrs. Fred Mahaffey for some very enjoyable sausage and souse, and to Mr. Steve Wilson fora. nice sack of Missouri hickory nuts. The kindness of such friends Is deeply and truly appreciated, for what would It profit a man though he gain the whole werkl bt lose his anpetlto for sparoribs aHd. sau sage?" Oregon's registration law, which occa sionally arouses the Ire of well-known for eign born citizens, because they are un able to producrf their naturallzattew pa pers, also brings surprises to natives. Tho Corvalll3 Times has thl3: "The regis tration act does other things besides dis franchising honest old votera. Judge C. B. Moor ran up against it Wednesday, and got knocked out. For .20 years he has been voting in Corvallls precinct No. 1. He has officiated there as judge many a time. Everybody always supposed that he be longed there; but he didn't. When ho went to register Wednesday It was prompt ly discovered that Judge Moor's resldenco Is not In Corvallls precinct No. 1, but In Soap Creek precinct, and down on Soap Creek, In the midst of the unterrifled, it will be the judge's privilege hereafter to cast his ballot." A man who has been vlsltlne In Astoria writes that he witnessed while there a caso of cruelty which he supposed would not be allowed In a civilized community. A boy stood on the wharf and threw into the river a string, to the end of which was attached a piece of meat. Presently a sea gull seized the meat and was allowed to swallow it, flying away with the string hanging from his mouth. The law Is very severe with people who destroy the lives of sea gulls, and doubtless, If the observer had taken the trouble to Inform, on the brutal youth, he could have had him, brought to justice. It Is a common thing on shipboard to bait aea gulls In this way, but the birds usually manage to rid them selves of the strings, although not without considerable suffering. In Portland such an act would be speedily punished, as it would, no doubt. In Astoria, If brought to the attention of the authorities. An International paper has been started in Mayence, Germany, whose purpose Is to furnish the police all over the world with the description of criminals who aro "wanted" by the various governments. The paper Is published In German, French and English, and is embellished with the photographs of vlllianous-looking ruffians. The English section Is a marvel of original composition. For instance, a fugitive er rand boy is thus described: "Height, ca.1.63. m.; dorkfalr hair; a beardless beard an ordinary nose and a round ohin. The Roval State's Prosecutor wants us to deliver him to the nearest Court's prteon by notice-giving hither." An insurance agent Is described as being "of broad shouldered stature, with a full-beard beard wh'ch grows only since a short time, a grap tippet for derssing, and as par ticular marks spectacles In a white frame." 'e After Ten Years. A. MacDonaW In Cham bora' s Jeuraal. If I could make a poem, that was full of Me and wit. Of freshness and of force enough, to make a brilliant hit. To stereotype for ases tho lovely anl the true. And eclijee all previouo efforts I'd make it, love, for you. If I coukl paint a picture with a pencil new Inspired, Which in every part and pigment waa un- felgnedly admired. And sweet as mornins: baby from her bath ot allveraew,. I'd paint that witching' comelinesa personified in you. If I couW write a novel wltn a wonder-working pen, Ita situations striking, and its heroes living men, I would not have to rack my brains nor search the world; through To and the noblest heroine; she's" Sounds my love. In you. If I could do a valiant deed which all the world would praise A 5eed to briny to life again the old haroio days I would not value honors, the many or the few; I'd feel xnjseic ennobled by doing It for apu.