The state Republican. (Eugene City, Or.) 1862-1863, September 20, 1862, Image 1

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NO. 36-
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Published everr Saturday
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I saw the goddess grasp her wand,
The svmbol shown afar ;
t saw her rear the severing brand,
The panoply of war.
from ocean's isl, her hoary seat,
She smote the subject sea ;
The billows tumbled at her lect ;
ller uamewa victory,
I saw, beyond Atlanta's wild,
'flic heir of deathless fame,
Hude Persecution's lovely child,
And Valor waj her name,
Bright trophies, towering, formed her crest,
fcresh laurels wreathed her hair;
'Twas virtue tired her youthful breast ;
'Twus freedom tlouiislied there.
Unarmed she dared the' dreadful blow.
She shook oppression's throne below ;
I'roud Valor met the insulting foe,
And Victory was her own !
Address to
the Loyal People
of the United
The undersigned, Senators and Representatives
in Congress, impelled by a sense of duty, send
these words to you from your Capitol :
The armed rebellion against the Constitution
and laws of your country, organized and begun
during the late administration of Mr Buchanan
and by tne assent ana co operation ot several oi
Ilia constitutional advisers, is unhappily not yet
suppressed. These rebel conspirators continue
to wage war, with intensified cruelties, upon your
country and its free institutions. It would be
unjust alike to you and ourselves to seek to hide
the fact that this rebellion, by reason of the
numbers and resources which it commands, the
end at which it aims, and the interests which it
imperils, is without a parallel in the history of
the world.
A largo majority of the people of eleven
States, embracing an area of seven hundred
thousand square miles of fertile land, and a pop
ulation of nine millions, are this day in the sup
port of the rebellion.
This cruel and unnatural war is waged by
these conspirators against the people neither for
the redress of a wrong nor the vindication of a
right. The people whom they assail and seek
to destroy have done them no wrong ; the Gov
ernment of the country which they seek to over
urn has neither denied nor violated any right of
of theirs. The chiefs in this treasonable conspi
racy openly declare their purpose to be to over
turn by force the fabric of American empire,
and build upon its ruins a despotism which
would withhold from honest toil its just reward;
which would proclaim to the laboring mass of
-our countrymen the maxim of tyrants, that the
great law of liberty and human progress is not
for them, and which would open and perpetuate
.new markets in which " men are to be bought
-and sold as merchandise." It cannot be a mat
ter of surprise that a treasonable war levied for
such purposes should be prosecuted by those
who wage it with " a cruelty and perfidy scarce
Jy paralleled in the most barbarous ages " These
Avowed conspirators, in prosecuting their work
-of treason, have robbed, imprisoned, banished,
and murdered peaceable citizens, solely because
4f their fidelity to their country and its laws.
They have deliberately assassinated your man
gled and defenceless soldiers on the field of bat
tie, and have violated the sacred graves of your
buried dead. That their acts of crue'ty might
ie marked by every atrocity, they have even
.compelled four millions of slaves to support
them by their unpaid labor, and thus to contnb
ute to the perpetuation of the tyranny which
forges fetters for themselves and children.
Men, moved by such purposes, and capable of
employing such means for their accomplishment,
must be deaf alike to the demands of justice and
humanity, and can only be restrained by the
strong arm of power. As neither the ties of a
common kindred, nor the obligation of a com
mon humanity, nor the claims of a common
country are regarded by these assailant of your
free institutions, it only remains for the loyal
people to hold them as they bold the rest of man
iind " enemies in war, in peace friends."
We cannot if ws would, shut out from our
minds the conviction that upon the issue of this
conflict of arms thus forced upon you depends
Hot only the success but the existence of your
great experiment of representative Govern
ment. In the light of our past history, judged
by the rapid growth and development of the
Republic under our free constitution, it is not
an open question whether that Constitution is
worth preserving. Every loyal American citi
zen shrinks from the suggestion that the unity
of Government, which constitutes us one people,
can be destroyed. The words of Washington,
always significant, seem to be invested to day
with a new force : r
" This Government, the offspring of your own
choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon
full investigation and mature deliberation, and
completely free in its principles, has a just claim
to your confidence and your support. Respect
tor its authority, compliance with its laws, acqui
escence in its measures, are duties enjoined by
the fundamental maxims of true. liberty."
We cannot doubt that you fully appreciate
these great utterances of the father of your
country ; that it is with you a conviction that
your Government, " free in its principles," has
a just claim to your support, and must at every
hazard be maintained. Acting upon this belief,
atidin perfect accord, as we believe, with your
will aid with the Constitution, Congress, as your
agent, have, in order to provide for the common
defence, for tho suppression of the rebellion, and
for the payment of the public debts, enacted a
law for the assessment and collection of a Fede
ral tax, and also for tho imposition of additional
duties on imports.
That these necessary burdens may fall as light
Las possible upon the loyal people of the country,
and that the enemy in arms against you may be
weakened and stripped of support, and made, as
far as may be, to indemnity tho Government
against the expenses of suppressing their unjust
rebellion, the Congress have further provided by
law for the seizure and condemnation to the
public use of all the property of these rebels in
arms, and of their aiders and abetters, and also
for the liberation and employment by the Gov
ernment of their slaves. As a further means of
defense, Congress has provided by law that the
President may summon to the support of the
i Government such additioinu .Orces as u6 hisy
deem necessary to insure the prompt suppression
of the rebellion, and the restoration of peace
and the national authority.
Tim President, faithful to tho high trust com
mitted to him by your unpurchasablo snfTeragcs,
in obedience to his official oath to " take care
that the laws be faithfully executed," and in ac
cordance with the authority duly conferred upon
him, has called upon you through the Governors
of the several Suites, to furnish three hundred
thousand additional soldiers for the defence of
the Constitution and Union. Permit us to say
to you that any citizen who withholds his " con
fidence and support " from your Government,
who refuses a "compliance" with these laws,
and acquiescence In theso measures, so essential
for its defence, in our judgment not only disre
gards the wise counsel of Washington, but vio
lates his duty, that high st word revealed by
God to man.
Whatever designin' and unprincipled parti
sans may attempt, we have n abiding faith that
the great majority of the people will give their
confidence and support in the future, as in the
past, to their Government and their faithful
Chief Magistrate. Tuo answer to all that has
been said, by those who prefer place and power
to principle, and party to country, of the alleged
unconstitutionality of the several laws enacted
for the common defence, and of the force em
ployed by the President in the execution of
them, is found in the plain, strong words of the
Constitution itself. Tho Constitution provides
that the President shall, before entering on the
duties of his office, solemnly swear that, " to
the best of his ability, he will preserve, protect
and defend the Constitution of the United
States." It further provides that, by vir'ue of
his office, he "shall be Commander-in-Chief of
the ormy ond navy of the United States, and of
the militia of the several States when called into
the actual service ot the United States ;" and
that " that the President shall take care that the
laws be faithfully executed."
That these powers conferred and duties en
joined upon the President might not fail for
want ot the just authority oi law, and mat the
people might be secure in their rights, all the
powers essential to the enactment of laws for
these ends are by tho Constitution expressly cm
Icrred upon Congress. These grants of power
to Congress ore in these words :
"The Congress shall have power to lay and
collect taxes, duty imposts, and excises to pay
all debts and provide for the common defence
and general welfare of the United Suites.
" To define and punish piracies and felonies
committed on the high seas and offences against
the law of nations.
"To declare war, grant letters of marque and
reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on
land and water.
"To raise and support armies.
' To provide and maintain a navy.
u To make rules for the government and regu
lation of the land and naval forces.
" To provide fur the calling forth the militia
to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insur
rections, and repel invasions.
" To provide for organizing, arming, and dis-
cipling the militia, and tor governing such part
of them as may be employed in the service of
the United States.
" To make all laws which shall be necessary
and proper for carrying into execution the fore
going powers, and all other powers vested by
this Constitution in the Government of the Uni
ted States, or in any department or officer there
of." We need not stop to ssy that these powers,
save in the manner of their exercise, are unlimi
ted. Under all well regulated governments the .
powers for the common defence are only limite
by the common dangers, tho public necessity,
and the requirements ot natural justice. When
the people, by their representatives, enact the
laws " necessary and proper, as expressly au
thonzed by their Ouiisutulion lor the suppres
sion of insurrection, they simply exercise a nuht
inherent uliki in men and mil ions the riht of
self preservation. The Republic has thu right
to live tho Republic has tile right therefore to
enact all laws needful and consistent with justice
to suppress an insurrection which strikes at and
imperils its life. Upon this great question of
the right of the people to provide by law, and
to do by force, under the sanction of their laws,
whatever may be just and necessary tor the
maintenance of their nationality and the asser
tion of their rightful authority, the people spoke
thus, through two ot the trainers ot tho Consti
tution, when they ordained it. Hamilton, speak
tug to the people and tor the people, said :
" The circumstances which endanger the safety
ot nations are minute ; and tor this reason no
constitutional shackles can wisely bo imposed on
the power to which the care of it is committed."
And Madison, speaking in tho samo spirit,
and by the appi oval ot tho whole people, de
" It is in vain to oppose constitutional barri
ers to tho impulse of self preservation.
it may not oe improper to notice that tne
sympathizers with rebellion, who seek to discred
it tho Chief Magistrate and to prevent the due
execution of the laws, have here and elsewhere
appealed to the prejudices rather than the reason
ot our fellow citizens, touching tho law winch
gives freedom to the slaves of rebels, and oilers
them tho privilege of contributing to tho defence
of their native land. An imperiled country is
entitled to the services of all her children. The
slave who conies in the hour of her trial to the
rescue of his country that forgot him in his
bonds, is surely entitled to higher considerations
than the traitor who, while he enslaves him,
strikes also at the life and liberty of his country.
Under control of these rebels in arms are four
millions ot sluves native of tho land and by
whoso unpaid toil the rebellion is sustained. The
question, on what principle can the people break
up this relation of servitude, established by
State laws, and command the services of these
Slaves for the common defence, may be answered
as was the Question in 1088: on what principle
could the people of nine States, by ratifying the
Constitution, break up tho compact under the
articles of confederation solemnly entered into
by thirteen States 1 Said Madison :
" J. ho question is answered at once by recur
ring to the absoluto necessity of the case ; to the
ereut principle of self preservation ; to the
transcendent law of nature and of nature's God,
which declares that tho safety and happiness of
society are the objects At which all political in
sinualions aim, and to which all such institutions
must be sacrificed."
Foreseeing the great crimo now attempted
upon the trovernment in these rebel States, with
the prescience of tho seer, this patriot statesman
spoke of the slaves as " an unhappy species of
population abounding in some of the States, who
during the calm ot regular government, are sunk
beneath the level of men, but who, in the tem
pestuous scenes of civil violence, may emerge
into tho human character, and give a superiority
of strength to any party with which they may
associate themselves." This " unhappy species
of poulition," even in their chains are the
strength of this rebellion. Shiver the fetters
that bind them and they will rise from the deg
radation of slaves to the dignity of freemen, and
render faithful service to your country.
Washington deemed these enslaved men fit to
fight the battles of the revoullion ; Jackson
deemed these enslaved men fit to fight in the
second war for independence ; neither would
consent that thoy should do battle for their
country in chains. Can we not, in this deadly
conflict with this gigantic revolt, imitate the il
lustrious example ot these tried patriots! Can
you not, shall you not, obey tho voice f duly,
and by your imperial mandate declare that ev. n
the slave may defend his native laud, and to that
end shall be free 1
Men of America, we but utter what we know,
when we say that, under Providence, the fate of
our country is in your hands, that the hour has
struck when we must decide, by additional sac
rifices of treasure and of blood, the dread issue
upon us shall the Republic live or perish 1
The eyes of the civilized world is upon us.
Let us acquit ourselves like men who know their
rights and dare maintain them. Let there be
an uprising of the people in support of the na
tional authority, that will blast forever this un
natural treason and its guilty authors, but give
significant notice as well to all foreign Mates
disposed to interfere in our domestic affairs, that
the American people have the power and the will
not only to suppress this rebellion but to resent
and effectively resist all foreign intervention.
You cannot consent that foreign usurpation and
despotism shall supplant the Republic ; you can
not consent that your country shall cease to
maintain the right and avenge the wrong ; you
cannot consent that the just and benificent fabric
of civil government founded and reared by our
fathers, whom God tauuht "to build lor glory
and for beauty," shall be shattered and destroyed
by the hands of traitors; that your goouiy Deri
tarre shall be partitioned ; and that America, the
youngest born and the hope of the world, shall
be blotted from the map of nations and cease to
be a power in the earth.
Let it be the fixed purpose oi every gooa cit
izen that, relying upon tho Divine protection,
whatever may be the sacrifice, the Constitution
shall be maintained and the Republic shall live.
We adopt the words of the Congress of liS3,
in their address to the people :
" Let it be remembered that it has aver been
the pride and boast of America that the rights
for which she contended were the rights of hu
man nature. By the blessing of the Author of
these rights on the means exerted for their do
fense, they have prevailed against all opposition,
The people of the United States are
responsible for the greatest trust evhr committed
to a political society. If the great cause
which we have engaged to vindicate thaii be dis
honored and betrayed, the last and fairest experi
muiit in favor of the rights of human naturo will
Jjo turned against them, and their patrons and
friends exposed to be insulted and silenced by
tne votaries ot tyranny and oppression.
B. F. 'Wade, Henry Wilson,
M. S. Wilkinson, James II. Lane,
James W. Grimes, James Harlan,
John P. Hale, S. C. Pomeroy,
Z. Chandler.
John A. Bingham, S. N. Sherman,
Thaddeus Stevens,
C. 11. Sedgwick,
A. A. Sargent,
Pliineas D. Eliot,
Win. Windom,
A. P. Morrill,
Geo. W. Julian,
W. J. Lansing,
James F. Wilson,
J. M. Ashley,
Sam1 S. Blair,
V. 1 Uutler,
R. II. Duell,
Cyrus Aldrich,
A. Scott Sloan,
II. G. Blake,
Wm. Noell,
Samuel C. Feasenden,
Martin F. Conway,
Owen Lovejoy,
A. G. Riddle,
John Ilutchius.
Complete Discomfiture.
Tho SeccshMcConnell and-Co!ton-brigade bo.
gus-Democracy of this Stato have been routed
routed, horse, foot and dragoons, in tho last
election. The fight has been Union or Scceh,
and the people have settled the question by an
overwhelming majority for the Union. Nine
tenths of all tho Stato Legislature are Union
Administration men. The people have declared
in thunder tones, their hearty support to the
Government and tho Administration in its war
with rebels and traitors. Tehama county has
nobly redeemed herself from the odium of so-
cession entailed upon her by the vote given to
McUonnel last full, by rolling up a majority of
nearly two to one for the Union ticket. " Old
Glory," which floats from tho Liberty polo in
the center of our town seemed to float in the air
more proudly the morning after tho election, as
if conscious of the great victory achieved by loy
alty over Incipient treason and tho Stars in its
field of blue twinkled more brightly after the
clearing up of the political heavens, as the stars
above shine more brightly after tho atmosphere
has been purified by the renovating process of a
thunder storm.
It was tho most important election ever held
in the Stato, and the people appreciated its im
portance, and voted principle. The swif winged
lightning has, ere this carried the joyful intclli
gence across tho Rocky Mountains to our breth
ren in tho Jiust, and the cheering news that Cul
ifomia is still loyal to tho core, aid will aid mid
encourage the Administration in its great work,
and will stand by tho patriot soldiers in the field
who are nobly braving death for tho salvation of
our common country will encourage tho brave
and true hearts doing battlo for tho Union, tho
Co istitution and tho preservation of the, rich
heritage bequeathed to us by tho Fathers.
Another thing is settled forever by this clec
tion. Many good citizens have feared trouble
m tins State, but tliu fearful may rest assured
that the goddess of Peace will still continuo to
shield the golden State with her protecting wing
the majority against secession, in any of its
multitudinous forms, is too overwhelming to
suffer treason to rear its head in this fair land.
Young Oregon first proclaimed for the Union,
and California now sends to her northern sister
greeting, proclaiming the I acifio C-ast truo as
steel, und firm as the everlasting hills for the
Government and the execution of the laws over
every inch of vast area of territory, from the
cold northern lakes to the tropical gulf, and from
the stormy Atlantic to the golden shores of the
placid Pacific. R. D. Independent.
New Era in Journalism. The New York
Herald about to be supplied with type setting
machines as substitutes for compositors ! 1 welve
of these machines have been ordered by Bennett,
at 81 500 each, and they are to be put into
practical working order as fast as they are com
pleted. It is computed that tho JleralJ will
save a hundred dollars a day by the change.
The type-settini machine alluded to is a great
curiosity, and " distributes" type with as much
celerity as it can "compose and "justify."
The inventor wasted twenty years of his life and
all his means in perfecting his idea, but could
get no capitalist couragnous enough to assist him
in bringing the machine properly be lore the pub
lie. When he had thorougly beggared himselt
ho died but still protesting that in a few years
his invention would completely set aside the em
ployment of compositors and make the fortune
of his descendants. The latter port of his proph
ecy seems to be in a fair way to meet with some
thing like a realization, for after lying by, as
idle rubbish, for several years in a warehouse,
tho machine accidentally arrested the attention of
an enterprising printer, tie examined it. lie
procured several moneyed men to enter into a
speculation with hiin. He secured patents all
over the world. He prepared the materials (T
manufacturing the machine, and vrila I what was
worth nichti a short time ago is now selling at
110,000 a share !
1 5 one of the Irish provincial journals there is
an advertisement running thus:
W anted, a handy laborer, who can plow a
married man and a Protestant, with a son or
Wm we behold a beautiful mother with her
lovely children around her, we are reminded of
those trees which blossom in October, and w hose
fruit and blossoms are on the bough at tho same
Harriet Martineau's Reminiscences or Vir
ginians. Martineau contributes to the last num.
ber ot Mitemillan's Magazine, some remini
scences of her conversations when in America,
in 1835, with Chief Justice Marshall and Mr.
Madison, then tho surviving representatives of
the old ideas of Virginia. Sho says :
When 1 knew the Chief Justice he was eighty,
three as bright-eyed ond warm hearted as ever
while as dignified a Judge as ever filled the)
highest scat in the highest court in any country.
Ho said ho had seen Virginia the leading State;
for half his life he had seen her become the
second and sink, I think, to the fifth. Worse
than this, there was no arresting her declino if her
citizens did not put nn end to slavery ; and ho
saw no signs of any intention to do so, east of tho
mountains, ut least. Ho hid seen whole erouos
of estates, populous in his time, lapse into waste.-
xte nad seen agriculture exchanged tor human
stock breeding 5 nn 1 ho keenly felt tho degrada
tion. The forest was returning over the tine old
estates, and the w ild creatures which had not been
seen for generations, were re-appearing f num
bers and wealth were declining, and educatioit
and manners were degenerating, it would not
have surprised him to bo told that on that soil
would the main battles be fought when tho crit
ical day should come which lie foresaw.
To Mr. Madison despair was not easy. Ha
had a cheerful and sanguine temper, and if there
was one thing rather than another which ha had
learned to consider secure, it was tho Constitu
tion which he had so largo a share in making.
Yet ho told mo that ho was nearly in despair.
and that ho had been quite so till tho colonization
society arose. Rather than admit to hiinself
that tho South must bo laid wasto by a servile
war or tho wholo country by a civil war. he
strove to believe that millions of negroes could?
00 carried to Africa, and so got rid of. I need
not speak of the weakness of such a hope. W hat
concerns us now is that he saw and described to"
me, when 1 was his guest,- tho dangers and hot .-
rors of tho state of society in which ho. was liv.
ing. Ho talked nioro of slavery than of all!
other subjects together, returning to it morning,
noon and night. Ho said that the clergy perver
ted the Bible, because it was altogether against
slavery ; that tho colored population was increas
ing faster than tho white : and that tho state of
society was such as barely permitted society to'
exist. Of the issue of tho conflict whenever it
should occur, there could, ho said, be no doubt.
A society burdened with a slavo system Could
make no permanent resistanco to an unencum
bered enemy ; and he was astonished at tho fun.
aticism which blinded somo Southern men to so'
clear a certainty. Such was Mr, Madison's
opinion in 1835.
Negroes Love tiik South. Gen. Hunter lias
recently written a letter in which ho says ;
Nono of tho carefully fostered delusions by
which slavery has sustained itself ut tho North, is
moro absurd than the bugbear of " a general
migration of negroes North," as a necessary se
quence of emancipation. So far is this from,
being thu fact, that although it is well known that
1 give passes to all negroes asking them, not more
than a dozen have applied to mo for such passes
since my arrival here, their local attachments
being apparently much stronger than with tho
white race. My experience leads me to believe
that tho exact reverse of tho received opinion On'
this subject would form the rule, and that nearly
if not quite all the negroes of tho North would
migrate South whenever they shall bo at liberty
to do so without fear of tho auction block.
Liberty ofSi-ekcii not a License for Treas
on. A writer in tho Bulletin says :
While we allow liberty of speech in all else,
let us allow no man the liberty to revile his
country. Above all, suffer not our country to
be traduced by ingrates who owe all they Jiave
and aro to our institutions. In times of war
tind treason, it is no time to parly with traitors;
and every compromiser, croaker and libeller of
the Government or its faithful officers, should bo
put down with Jacksonian vigor becoming
Americans. I trust that tho newly appointed U.
S. Marshal will not only esteem it a duty but o
pleasure to suppress such publication s as arc i-
sucd in this Stato reflecting treasona ble ideas, So
signed to prepare tho public mind by their in
sidious working for future fruits of treason:
Quotations fjom some of these professed Union
sheets might be deemed acceptable in Dixie, but
in loyal California tho articles are rank treason.
und why they are permitted it is difficult to im
agine. Does any one think that in Secessia
they allow a like expression of Union sentiments
by any ot the press of their dominions t Wo
have Parson Brownlow's evidence to the contra
ry. Tho North has been used to this thing long
enough, and if General Wright, or some proper
officers of tho General Government, would givo
the matter somo attention, they would bo of
some service to their country and suppress
nuisance that is otfensive to the nostrils of tho
The Scare Crow "Abolition." Rev. Mr.
King in his excellent lecture " The New Call of
Patriotism," thus tersely alludes to this parrot
cry of secessionists and tneir sympathizers :
There is no danger that after the war is over
if we are victorious, the rebel masses will not bo
treated leniently enough. But mercy now means
make the war short ; and to be short it must bo
stern, restrained only by tho fundament 1 laws
ot civilization. Let us be done wincing before'
the word w abolition." Let us give it a wider
meaning, and bind it on our foreheads, saying;
" we stand for the abolition of the rebellion ; for
the abolition from the continent, of the leaders
of it ; for the abolition of the corner stone and
foundation ot the conspiracy which has attempt
ed to abolish the American fl.g."