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About Street roots. (Portland, OR) 1998-current | View Entire Issue (July 6, 2012)
Street roots July 6, 2012 May’s election reveals clues to criminal justice reform BY DAVID ROGERS C O N T R IB U T IN G C O L U M N IS T he politics of fear have been a consistent and dominant force in our political landscape. Some politicians resort to scaring the electorate into voting for them through tough-on-crime rhetoric. This tactic often manipulates facts and uses serious hyperbole as a candidate accuses his or her opponent of being soft on criminals. The most well-known examples of this tactic were the Willie Horton television ads produced by George H.W. Bush in his 1988 presidential campaign against Michael Dukakis. The Bush campaign advertisement accused Dukakis of being responsible for the release of a prisoner named Willie Horton, who was convicted of murder. While on release, Willie Horton committed armed robbery, assault and rape. Willie Horton’s crimes were tragic and scary, which made him a perfect political tool. He was also African American and the Bush campaign played to the latent racial prejudice in the electorate. The ads racialized perceptions of crime and reinforced the problematic stereotypes of black men as criminals to be feared. The Willie Horton ad campaign did exactly what it was intended to do and was incredibly successful at weakening support for Dukakis. What makes tough-on-crime rhetoric such a useful political tool? Ultimately everyone wants to be safe. We want to be able to move about the world without looking over our shoulders. We want to send our kids outside to play without worrying that they will be harmed by someone. Tough-on-crime rhetoric taps the natural desire for safety while also tapping another powerful emotion: fear. The politics of fear have largely been effective because voters often have limited facts about what the most effective approaches to crime prevention are. The tough-on-crime rhetoric feeds an intuitive but false perception that a primary focus on prisons and long criminal sentences are the best approach to creating safe communities and reducing crime. T fifcm» 2AFFTY and JUSTICE k I I , €Z> W i l l D avod Rogers is the executive director o f Partnership fo r Safety a nd Justice. P S J is a statewide, non-profit advocacy organization dedicated to m aking Oregon’s approach to crime a nd public safety more effective a n d more just. Unfortunately, in a time when voting decisions are significantly influenced by sound bites and T V ads, our political process has little room for informed policy debates. Despite this cynical view of the influence of the politics of fear, Oregon’s May election suggests that voters are no longer so vulnerable to old-school, tough-on-crime approaches. Two races demonstrate a real shift in voters’ attitudes. The Attorney General’s race came down to two people: Dwight Holton and Ellen Rosenbaum. Holton who was an interim U .S. Attorney and had an air of inevitability about him. He was often framed as the presumed front-runner. Rosenbaum was a former prosecutor and judge. Other than their genders, the distinctions that emerged between the candidates debates and interviews really came down to different beliefs around criminal justice and drug policy. Dwight Holton received the overwhelming majority of endorsements from district attorneys, sheriffs, and law enforcement. He positioned himself as an old-school law and order guy that didn’t appear interested in supporting serious conversations about the need for sentencing reform or changes to our outdated, mandatory minimum laws. Ellen Rosenbaum, on the other hand, recognized that Oregon’s corrections spending has skyrocketed, putting severe strain on the budget. The state’s prison population has more than doubled since the ran a T V ad talking about shifting Oregon’s passage of harsh mandatory minimums in priorities: 1994, and Ellen expressed interest in “In Oregon, we spent $1.4 billion on finding ways to reduce prison spending, prisons, but we’re closing schools in support safe and sensible sentencing Portland. It just doesn’t make sense...We reform, and update Oregon’s approach to need more books, not more prison bunks.” public safety that wasn’t dumping all our Many elected leaders offer quiet support limited resources into prisons. to smart-on-crime public safety reform, but On top of these few are willing to distinctions, Dwight lead with it. Well, in Holton positioned this instance, himself in opposition Tongh-oa-crline rhetoric taps Williamson prevailed to Oregon’s medical providing another the statural ie s lre lo r safety marijuana law and indication that w hile also tapping another was targeted as a Oregon’s voters want threat to this drug powerful! emotions fear, The to see something policy. Ellen different than the politics of fear have largely acknowledged that status quo. been effective because voters medical marijuana This May’s often have lim ite d facts was state law and she election results offer saw it as the Attorney about what the most a glimpse into General’s job to changing attitudes ‘effective approaches to enforce it. toward crime policy. crime prevention are. Despite Dwight But this shift has Holton’s presumed been happening for front-runner status, several years now. In Rosenbaum crushed 2008, the state saw him in May’s primary by almost a hundred two competing crime-related ballot measures thousand votes. Yes, this was a Democratic go head to head. Measure 61, sponsored by primary, and so only a portion of the Kevin Mannix, would have created new electorate voted. Nevertheless, this mandatory minimums for a range of represents a clear sign that voters are addiction-driven crimes. The state estimated beginning to support a smart-on-crime the measure would have cost over a billion approach. dollars for new prison construction and This shift was also highlighted by the operation, yet it didn’t provide any Democratic primary race in State House investment in addiction treatment. Measure District 36. Jennifer Williamson was in a 57, offered as an alternative by the legislature, provided some sentencing very tight race with Sharon Meieran. This enhancements for drug and property crime race was for an open seat left vacant when but rejected traditional mandatory minimum Rep. Mary Nolan chose to run for Portland schemes and, perhaps most importantly, City Commission, strengthened access to addiction treatment Jennifer Williamson ran a campaign and drug courts. Measure 57 won, highlighting a number of critical issues, and demonstrating when voters are given a among them was the need for a different choice, the tough-on-crime rhetoric is no approach to public safety. Her campaign longer a slam dunk. wasn’t afraid of smart-on-crime frames As the 2012 election season ramps up, rather than tough-on-crime rhetoric. She let’s hope fewer candidates try and actually embraced the promotion of sensible manipulate us using the politics of fear. criminal justice reform, so much so that she Answers on page 6 By Cole Merkel Sudoku Crossword Across 1. Edison’s incandescent 5. Sir, in India 10. Boutique 14. Gelatin substitute 15. 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