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About The North Coast times-eagle. (Wheeler, Oregon) 1971-2007 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 1, 1995)
PAGE 8 FROM PAGE 7 in the Pacific between the U.S and Japan, and the pitiless no- quarter submarine wars of 1914-18 and 1939-45 in the North Atlantic were fought around this principle. The U.S. Navy of World War 2 was built around aircraft carriers and their war planes. Naval airpower as the main thrust of strategy was initially rejected by battleship admirals wrio were themselves principal reformers of a moribund Navy a generation earlier. Although the Navy pioneered the use of ironclads during the Civil War, by 1880 it was an obsolete force smaller than the Navy of Chile. But young officers like Mahan forced moderniza tion on the Navy and provided the impetus and strategy for an American "naval renaissance." Using the long maritime struggle between England and France as his historical case, Mahan argued in a series of lectures (published under the title The Influence o f Sea Power Upon History) that command of the sea depends on concentrated operations to defeat an opposing fleet. The Spanish American War of 1898 gave the U.S. its chance to carry out Mahan's concept w th its brand new battleships, and by destroying two Spanish fleets, in the Philippines and Cuba, the nation emerged as a v o id power. But the era of the battleship Navy was short. Two inventions ordained their displacement as the fleet's main weapon: the submarine and the airplane. By the time the U.S. entered World W ar 1 in 1917 the major surface engagement of dreadnaughts had been fought to an inconclusive decision by British and German fleets at Jutland in 1916. (The U.S. Navy engaged in no major battles in World W ar 1, generally escorting troop and supply convoys and minelaying.) In 1922 the Navy's first aircraft earner, the Langley, was commissioned, almost a dozen years after an American civilian flier, Eugene Ely, took off from and landed on a ship for the first time in 1911. (The British built the first aircraft carrier during World W ar 1 but its use was limited and primitive.) Throughout the 1920s and ’30s an internal struggle between the battleship admirals and advocates of naval air- power divided the Navy. Traditionalists wished to subordinate airpower for surface purposes such as patrolling and recon- aissance. The famous demonstration of divebombers sinking a former German battleship in 1921 in 21/2 hours off the Virginia coast and the bombing of two obsolete American ships from the air in tests off Cape Hatteras two years later (both shows put on by Army General Billy Mitchell, who was court martialed for his insistent advocacy of military airpower) contributed to the Navy's beginning to build its fleets around the aircraft earner. The attack on Pearl Harbor by aircraft from Japanese carriers ended the debate. By then the Navy was already con centrating its power around large aircraft carriers that started construction in the late 20s. As early as 1929 Saratoga, America's first fleet carrier, showed that a sea launched air attack could destroy the Panama Canal; in 1932, nine years before the Japanese assault, two U.S. Navy carriers made a simulated raid on Pearl Harbor and annihilated the surprised Pacific Fleet. (Even then, and much earlier, Japan was considered the future enemy - perhaps as far back as 1854 when American warships forced the Tokugawa Shogunate out of a two century isolation; Japan's response was to build a military machine wriich was comparable to any.) 'Salthorse' admirals might ding to monster battleships as the destiny of naval warfare, but air-minded radicals foresaw airy navies grap pling in the central blue.They were convinced that command of the sea in both Atlantic and Pacific Oceans (in which the U.S. had extensive property acquired in the 19th century) depended upon a pattern o f naval operations in which any clash of dread noughts would be preceded by a battle for command o f the air by its fleet's aircraft. (Keegan) In other words, command of the sea was only possible by command of the air above it, which in modem times has seriously weakened Mahan's hold on strategy. In the first year of the war the U.S. Navy lost four of its six big carriers —but Navy divebombers from three of them stop ped the impetuous Japanese advance across the Pacific six months after Pearl Harbor by sinking four Japanese carriers at Midway. The long war of attrition that pushed the Japanese back to their homeland was led by American fast carriers, the nation's second generation of large fleet carriers that began to reinforce the battered U.S. Pacific fleet in 1943. The Pacific War was an relentless slaughter that covered more than half of the planet, centered on its largest ~ ocean, and was fought by gargantuan fleets of titanic ships and flocks of warplanes and armies of amphibious troops carried on their decks and in their holds.As a naval war it was unparalleled. More battles were waged at sea and more warships sunk (in the Pacific War) than in all other 20th century naval campaigns combined, Ronald H. Spector wrote in his book Eagle Against the Sun: The American War With Japan: (The war) began with a stunning display o f airpower by the Japanese and ended with the most deadly airraids in history by the Americans.The U.S. strat egy of a two-pronged advance across the Pacific was probably a result of conflict and mistrust between the Navy and the Army, but the major problem of defeating Japan (and also Germany in Europe) was, Spector writes, less a matter o f choosing the correct strategy than o f breaking the logistical bottlenecks — devising means o f getting critical items, whether amphibious craft, cargo ships, Tighter planes, engineer battalions, or trans port aircraft — to the right portions o f the battlefronts on time and ‘ in sufficient numbers. Many of the debates about strategy within the councils o f the Joints Chiefs o f Staff and between the Ameri cans and British were, in essence, debates about the allocation o f resources. An excellent depiction of the U.S. Navy in the Pacific W ar was written by Herman Wouk in his famous novel, The Caine Mutiny. He described the Naval attack force that invaded Kwajalein Atoll, the main Japanese base of operations in the Central Pacific in early 1944: On a bright warm January day, a horizon-spanning horde o f ships swarmed out o f the harbors o f Hawaii, formed itself into a vast circular pattern, and set course for Kwajalein... The armada moved peacefully over the wastes of the sea, through quiet days and nights. There was no sign o f the enemy; nothing but rolling waters, blue by day and black by night, an empty sky, and ships o f war in every direction as far as the eye could see, steaming in a great majestic diagram under the stars and the sun Radar, the ghostly measuring rod, spanning empty space accurately to within a few yards, made the preservation of the formation a simple matter. This vast formation, so precise and so rigid, yet so quick to change course or rearrange itself, a seagoing miracle surely beyond the dreams o f Nelson himself, was maintained with careless ease by hundreds o f officers of the deck, not one in ten o f whom was a professional seaman:college boys, salesmen, school teachers, lawyers, clerks, writers, drug gists, engineers, farmers, piano players - these were the young men who outperformed the veteran officers o f the fleets of Nelson. BILL CRAWFORD (USA, 1944) The Caine was placed on the right flank o f the formation, in the inner anti-submarine screen. Two belts o f destroyers sur rounded the troop transports, carriers, cruisers, battleships, and landing craft Each destroyer constantly searched a narrow cone of water for echoes, and the cones overlapped. No submarine could approach the formation without causing telltale pings aboard one o f the destroyers A single screen would have been enough; the double screen was an instance o f the American taste for generous safety factors The Caine was. . . a safety factor added to a safety factor For an American man o f war her combat role lacked something of the dash of the Bonhomme Richard attacking the Serapis. Nevertheless she was sailing into the waters of the foe, pinging. Had John Paul Jones been (officer of the deck) . . .he could have done no more. Wouk compared the size of the battleship New Jersey (which was blocked from going up the Columbia River by Green Peace activists dangling from the Astoria Bridge 45 years after World W ar 2 ended) with the destroyer/minesweeper Caine of his novel. The vast flat steel wall o f the battleship's side... towered like a skyscraper and stretched away, on either side, seemingly for blocks... .It was another world; and yet, somehow, the same world transfigured , a forecastle (had) anchor chains, wildcat, pelican hooks, and bitts, with ventilators and lifelines. But the New Jersey's pelican hook was as big as the Caine's main guns; one link o f the battleship's anchor chain would have stretched across the minesweeper's entire bow; and the main battery, the long, cannons with their turrets seemed bigger than the whole Caine.. . The great central citadel o f bridge and stacks jutted out o f the deck skyward, a pyramid of metal, nervous with anti-aircraft batteries and radars; the deck dwindled aft beyond it for hundreds o f feet. The New Jersey was awesome. (Earlier he wrote that a passing battleship was a steel cliff going by.) Here is Wouk describing an American fleet at Ulithi Atoll in which more than 1,000 ships assembled in the spring of 1945 for the invasion of Okinawa (Picture a famous photograph of aircraft carriers, battleships and dozens of escorts and supply ships at Ulithi): Giant after giant, the new battleships and carriers were ranked in Ulithi Lagoon, an orderly multitude o f floating iron sky-scrapers, incongruously bordered by a delicate ring o f palm trees. The Navy had gathered its main striking force in the atoll ...and it was the most formidable seaforce the planet has ever borne. ..All the brute energy of human history seemed. ..to be concentrated and made visible at Ulithi. (When Wouk wrote that the sinking of that entire fleet at once would not have raised the level o f the sea by the thousandth of the breadth o f a hair, he anticipated the Bikini atomic tests of 1946.) John Keegan wrote in The Price of Admiralty that carrier flight during World War 2 was conducted at the extreme limits o f practicality Steam catapults and angled decks lay far in the future. Aircraft were launched under their own power from as far aft as aircraft parking allowed; departure from the flight deck usually entailed a sickening lurch towards the sea as the aircraft cleared the flight deck's end, and crashes under the bows,almost JULIE & VJ DAY You might have been named Victoria Jane You knew a girl who was Poor girl, you said You are 50 VJ Day the day you were bom the World War ended Millions dead gone Nevermore forever You are new life born admidst burial a sad world you make warm You unconditional mother You wonderful woman I love you always -MPMc inevitably fatal, were a perpetual hazard o f take-off. Safe return to the flight deck depended on picking up one o f a succession o f arrester-wires stretched across the ship's beam, and missing resulted either in the returning aircraft's falling over the bows, as in a bad take-off, or its crashing into aircraft already landed but not yet 'struck below'. Flying skill was therefore at a premium. Keegan waxes lyrical depicting the lot of Navy pilots wrio flew over an ocean that looked like a dish o f wrinkled cream. Small consolation, to be sure, for these young men who were to fall... in flames or drown in the broad ocean whose mastery they would win for their country. Yet, if a sailor must die, the air way is the fairest. The tense, crisp briefing in the ready rooms; the warming up o f the planes which the devoted 'ground crews' have been checking, arming, fueling and servicing; the ritual o f the take-off, as precise and ordered as a ballet. Planes swooping in graceful curves over the ships while the group assembles; hand-signaling and waving to your wingman, whom you may never see again; a long flight over the superb ocean; first sight of your target and the sudden catch at your heart when you know that they see you, from the black puffs o f anti-aircraft bursts that suddenly appear in the clear air; the wriggling and squirming o f the ships, followed by wakes like the tails o f white horses; the dreaded Zeros o f combat air patrol swooping down on you apparently out o f nothing; and suddenly the tight, incred ibly swift attack, when you forgot everything but the target so rapidly enlarging, and the desperate necessity o f choosing the exact moment -th e right tenth o f a second— to release (torpedo or bomb) and pull out. As for World War 2’s extraordinarily large and costly amphibious campaigns, Spector writes that never before had such great armies been projected across hundreds, even thou sands o f miles o f oceans to land on hostile shores, supported only by air cover and warships. The savage head-on American assaults upon Japanese held islands have been described as one army of insects crawling ashore from the ocean in large metal monsters to obliterate wthout mercy or pity another insect army that resisted in hopeless fury. Leon Uris in his novel Battlecry depicted the carnage at Tarawa wrien a later wave of Marines approached the island's beach on the third day of the assault through a lagoon filled with bodies of the first waves that had waded half a mile to shore under murderous machinegun and artillery fire: There were hundreds o f them. Marines o f the 2nd and 8th regiments....They were bloated and distorted beyond recog nition. Many lay face down, their hair weaving up and down on small ripples. Others lay on their backs stiff with rigor mortis. Their faces were slick from the washing o f water and their eyes stared with the wild expressions they had worn when the bullets cut them down. And others, whose eyes had been eaten away by the salt, had running, jellied masses over their faces and holes where their eyes had been...Hundreds o f rubber boats were moving in the opposite direction towards the landing craft that awaited them at the edge o f the barrier reef. In the rubber boats lay bloody moaning boys: the wounded. Behind the boats, in the water, shaggy (medical) corpsmen and stretcher bearers from the division band passed us by the hundreds ... The stink was rancid as we set foot on Blue Beach... We jum ped to the seawall and saw devastation to defy description. Rubble on rubble, a junkyard o f smoldering brimstone. Every yard. . . a dead Marine or a dead (Japanese) lying In stiff grotesque pose. The great war correspondent Ernie Pyle wrote of a similar beach scene when he came ashore at Omaha Beach a few days after D-Day at Normandy, 6 June 1944; The wreckage was vast and startling. The awful waste and destruction o f war, even aside from the loss o f human life has always been one of its outstanding features to those who are in it...For a mile out from the beach there were scores o f tanks and trucks and boats that were not visible, for they were at the bottom o f the water - swamped by overloading, or hit by shells, or sunk by mines. Most o f their crews were lost. There were trucks tipped half over, and the angled up comers o f jeeps, and small landing craft half submerged. And at low tide you could still see those vicious six-pronged iron snares that helped snag and wreck them. On the beach itself, high and dry, were all kinds o f wrecked vehicles. There were tanks that had only just made the beach before being knocked out. There were jeeps that had burned to a dull gray. There were big derricks on cater pillar treads that didn't quite make it. There were half-tracks carrying office equipment that had been made into a shambles by a single shell hit still holding the useless equipage o f smashed typewriters, telephones, office files. There were LCTs turned completely upside down, and lying on their backs, and how they got that way I don't know. There were boats stacked