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About The united American : a magazine of good citizenchip. (Portland, Or.) 1923-1927 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 1, 1927)
January 1927 THE UNITED AMERICAN Page Eight The Making of American Citizens A Comprehensive Review of America’s History and Political Institutions, of Particular Interest and Help to Those Who are Studying for Naturalization and to Those Who Have Become American Citizens and Are Anxious to Learn How They May Become Better Qualified to Protect and Defend the Country of Their Adoption. By A. C. Strange, of Ashland State Normal School. VIII THE GETTYSBURG ORATION 'T' HERE ARE FOUR great documents which evers 1 American citizen should carefully and thought fully read, not once but many times. These are, the Declaration of Independence, which was the colonists’ explanation to the peoples of the world of the reasons why they had rebelled against the English govern ment ; the Constitution, which is the fundamental law and the plan of government of our country, Washing ton’s Farewell Address, in which the American citizen is instructed in his chief civic duties; and Lincoln’s Gettysburg Oration. In this short, two-minute ad dress we have a statement of those foundation prin ciples for which America stands. The document reads as follows: “Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedi cated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We are come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow, that ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain;—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom;—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.” As you see in the above, the fundamental principles of our nation are, liberty of conscience, and govern ment of, for and by the whole people. Let us carefully consider these principles. The American is free to think and worship as he will; he has no state church. He is even free to say and print what he will as long as he does not interfere with the rights of others. He is free of conduct within certain reasonable limits set to protect the life, the liberty, the happiness, and the property of others. He is free to advance as far as his abilities will permit, if he. work hard and honestly and show the needed ability. There is no slavery in America; every American is a free man. All we ask is obedience to and respect for the laws created for his and others’ protection. All Americans are born equal. This does not mean equal in physical or mental power or inheritance of property. It means equality in all political rights, The rich man cannot vote oftener than the poor man. In the voting place wealth and power is left on the outside. Here the rich and the poor are equal. Each may cast but one ballot. One carries no more weight than the other. It is true that this equality guaranteed us by the Constitution is often imperfectly secured to us. This is because we allow weak, selfish men to be elected to office ; the principles of the government are sound in this respect ; if they are not well carried out, the citizens are to blame. Moreover, ours is a government of the people in that it had its origin among the people. It was not the rich alone, not the aristocracy alone, who made it. The men of the farms and woods and mills, all had a voice in the making. A majority of all the men of the colonies felt that England was unfairly treat ing them. Hence they rebelled against the officers sent over by England to rule them, made for them selves a makeshift government, and went to war in its protection. When they had won their independ ence, they proceeded to build a new government “con ceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” Again let me say that it was not a self- or class-selected few who did this ; all citizens, rich or poor, educated or uneducated, had a voice and a vote in its adoption. And every change in that Constitution from the first to the eighteenth amendment has been voted on either by all American citizens or by their elected representatives. Our government is truly a government of the people. It is also a government by the people. We elect our own officers; we may recall them if they abuse their powers or prove incapable; we do not re-elect them if they fail to please us. We make our own laws, either by voting directly for proposed laws or by electing men whom we trust to make them for us. We choose those who are to enforce them and to explain them. All these officers are responsible di rectly to us. We are their masters, their employers. If they allow graft to creep into government, if their service is weak, we and we alone are responsible if they be not removed. Ours is the people’s govern ment, not a government for the rich and powerful. This government is our inheritance from the great and good man who made it; let us through our votes loyally uphold it and strive for it. Moreover, it is a government for the people. We maintain it to protect our rights. We are happier, more prosperous, safer, because we have a govern ment. Our officers must consider that they are serving us not merely holding jobs. We must be (Continued on Page Fourteen)