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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 9, 1912)
10 THE MORNING OREGONIAN, WEDNESDAY OCTOBER 9, 1912. PORTLAND, OREGOX. Cntcred at Portland. Oregon. Fostoffics aa Eecond-Claaa Matter. Subscription Rates Invariably In Advance. ! (BY MAIL.) Deny. Sunday Included, ana ywar DaUy, Bunday Included, six mantha... Daily. Sunday Included, three month. Dally. Sunday included, one month... Dally, without Sunday, on yew Dally, without Sunday, iix months... Dally, without Sunday, three montha.. Dally, without Sunday, one month.... Weekly, one year Sunday, one year. - tun day aid Weekly, one year........ .8.00 . 4.25 . 2.23 . .7 . COO . 8.25 . 1,7a . .60 . lSO . 2.30 . L 50 j (BT CARRIER.) Dally. Sunday Included, one year.. Dally. Sunday Included, one month 8,00 .75 How t ltmlt Send Postofflce money or Ar Ynr ordrtr or Dersonal check on your local bank. Stamp, coin or currency are at the sender's risk. Ulve postoiiico in: full irwiuriinz county and state. Postage Kates 10 to 1 pace. 1 cent: 10 to zs pages, i cents; so to w hb-. - 4u to 80 pages, i cents. Foreign postage, double rate. Eastern Business OfHoea Veere Conk 11a New York. Brunswick building. Chi cago, Steger building. Son Francisco Officer R. J. Bldwell Co T2 Market street. European Often No. 1 Regent street. B. W.. London. PORTLAND, WEDNESDAY. OCT. . 1812. ', STANDING BY THE SHIP. 'Every Republican is called upon tills year to decide for himself how best he can serve his country and at the same time his party. Is it neces sary for him, in order to save the country from the perils of Roosevelt Ism, to abandon his party temporarily and to vote for that candidate who appears to have the best prospect of defeating; Roosevelt, or, convinced that the best interests of his country are to be served by the triumph of Repub lican principles and by. the mainten ance of the Republican party in its full strength, is it better for him to stand By his party even in the face of probable defeat and of the possiDie victory of the man who boastfully proclaims his purpose to work its destruction ? ,In considering; the former course of action. Republicans must Keep oeiore their minds that by its adoption they may play into the hands of the man who has become its worst enemy and whose purposes they most desire to thwart. Roosevelt cannot in nis se cret heart hope actually to achieve the Presidency this year, but he does hope, as the next best thing; to De de sired, so to weaken the Republican party that it will cease to be one of the two great political organizations of this country; that the Roosevelt (so-called Progressive) party will step into its place as the contestant wnn the Democrats for control of the Gov ernment; and that the remnant of the Republican party will surrender to him at discretion and Decome aD sorbed by his new party, as the ma jority of the Whigs were absorbed by the Republican party at its birth. As a means to this end, he is retaining a foothold in the party by the devices adopted in California and Kansas and attempted with more or less success in other states. He would, if he should poll a larger vote than Taft, use this foothold as a means of making good the assertion that he. not Taft, is the real choice of the party. He would enter Into full possession and assume command of the scattered, disheart ened ranks of the army to which he has Dlayed false. By voting for Wil son in any large numbers Republicans may reduce their party to third place la strength and may help the cause of the man whose undoing they have most reason, both from a patriotic and apartizan standpoint, to desire, in choosing what they consider the less of two evils, they may aggravate the greater as well as the lesser. A Republican vote for. Wilson is a confession of despair for KepuDiican success. There Is no excuse for de spair, though the odds at present ap pear to be against Taft. There has been a decided revival of party loyalty within the last month: there has been a. renewal of hopes of victory; there has sprung up in thousands of minds a-convlction that, win or lose, It is the duty of Republicans to stand by the party. The Roosevelt mania has made such slight inroads on the Democratic party that Wilson bids fair to poll practically Its full strength. This be ing the case and, admitting that his election would be a less evil than Roosevelt's, why should Republicans, in fear of the greater evil, swell Wil son's vote beyond the normal total? Next to securing votes for himself, Roosevelt desires to take votes away from the Republican party. A vote Tor Wilson is therefore fully half a vote for Roosevelt. , The revival of loyalty and confi dence Justifies a decision of Republi cans to stand by the party and con tinue the fight. The wave of Roose velt sentiment has been perceptibly re ceding. A sure sign of this fact is the bad temper he displayed in Portland and other places during his recent tour and the abuse he has heaped on all who refuse to follow him to Adullam. No man is more jovial and amiable when things go well with him; none Is more irascible when they go wrong. Those who have the deepest aversion for the man concede him an unequaled ability to feel the public pulse and to read the public mind. His ill-temper is therefore an unmis takable symptom of the inner convic tion that the people are turning away from him and that his cause la hope less. This being the case. Republi cans have every reason to close their ranks, to awaken enthusiasm in each other's breasts, to show that they have not lost faith in their party or Its principles. By so doing they may win back from the new party many who have been lured away by a belief In its leader's invincibility and who are prone to swing to the winning side. They may give pause to others who have lent too ready ear to the slander that the old party is boss-ridden and privilege-cankered and that Its candi date obtained the nomination by fraud. In that candidate they have a man of whom any party may well be proud and to whose integrity, ability and patriotism his Democratic opponent has borne willing tribute. No man has borne himself more bravely and with more dignity amid a storm of detrac tion and misrepresentation, of which few Presidents in recent times have been the object. That the campaign of falsehood conducted by his prede cessor stung Taft to angry retort is an evidence of manliness for which no man, considering the greatness of the provocation, should reproach him. The insolent slur that any man who remains faithful to him has a "yellow streak" should cause men the more readily to rally around, him. The steadfastness with which he has up held the banner of constitutional gov ernment and has continued, without fear of the consequences to his politi cal fortunes, to perform his duty, should win for him the admiration of all who are not blinded by parttzan or' factional rage. His very mistakes , have been of a kind to gain him the friendship of right-thinking men. N man ever less deserved to be treated as Taft has been. Republicans owe It to their coun try, their party, their leader and themselves to remain true to their po litical faith. There is evidence that the tide is turning their way and they can cause It to go more strongly in that direction. If defeat must come, let it come at the hands of their tradi Uonal opponents alone, not also at the hands of the man who, having worn the party's highest honors, makes re turn by seeking its ruin unless he can rule it. going some. September 19, 1912, was a historic day In Oregon. On that momentous date the Progressive (Roosevelt) party was officially born, for the registration books were then thrown open to mem bers of the new party. The rush in Multnomah County to enroll under the banner of the great Bull Moose finds due record in the total Progres sive registration since that date, viz., 84. The average is therefore for eighteen days a little over four per day. That is going some. In the same time the Republican registration was many hundreds. But that fact may bo regarded as negligi ble, since everybody agrees that the Republican party is going to pieces, and there are no Republicans now worth mentioning. It Is interesting, however, to note that the total Mult nomah County registration now is: Republicans, 36,677; Democrats, 7084; Socialists. 948; Independents, 1180; Prohibitionists, 373; Progres sives, 84. When the Bull Moosers have four times as many, they will nearly equal the Prohibitionists. A CODE OF HEALTH. The noted English physician. Sir James Sawyer, has laid down "nine teen commandments" which embody the hygienic wisdom of our day in a form easily committed to memory. Five of them relate to sleep. Here they are, a little condensed: "Sleep on the right side eight hours every night with the window wide open. Place the bed in the middle of the room and keep a mat at the door.' Obedience to these precepts involves constant warfare" with chambermaids, who, to the last woman of them, be lieve in tightly-closed windows cov ered with thick shades to shut out the life-giving sun. They also adore bed set fixedly against a well. The reasons for these predilections In the minds of our humbler sisters are too recondite for an ordinary thinker to discover, but they must be interesting. We hope some great philosopher will bring them to light and explain them before long. As to bathing, exercise and diet. Dr. Sawyer bans the cold tub and advises a warm morning bath. "Kxercise be fore breakfast daily in the open air. Eat little meat and cook It well. Adults must not drink milk, but their diet must include plenty of fat and exclude all habit-forming drugs." Fat foods nourish the phagocytes which devour invading disease germs, while tobacco and liquor destroy them. He forbids pet animals about the house because they are carriers of disease. Country life is best for us, in his opln. ion, but not unless we can have pure water and avoid damp and bad drains. Finally we must "change occupations frequently, take short holidays often. limit ambition and keep our tempers. By observing these commandments every normal person may fairly expect to live to a ripe old age and it is one of the many encouraging signs of the times that more men and women are learning to observe them every day. THEY WAX FAT AND KICK. One of the many paradoxes of the present Presidential election year is that, though the country is seething with political unrest, it is almost bursting the buttons off its vest with swelling prosperity. We have become accustomed to regard political discon tent as a natural accompaniment of hard times. Our minds always revert to the '90s when we think of this sub ject, and we recall Populism and Free Silverism in association with the panic of 1893, the railroad strike and the Coxey army. But in this year when a new party has been formed to rip up the Consti tution, to establish a minimum wage and maximum prices, there is no re lation between political discontent and business conditions. The forty-seven leading railroads show an Increase in earnings of over 6,000,000 in August, as compared with August, 1911; farm products are worth 1500,000,000 more this year than last; bank clearings for eight months show an Increase of $800,000,- 000; exports for eight months are 31, 417,000,000, as against $1,260,000,000; idle freight cars on August 1 have de creased from 84,641 to 9750. Add to air this the fact that-the de mand for labor greatly exceeds the supply, the Pittsburg district alone be ing short 75,000 to 100,000 of the number of men it needs, which enables labor to fix the minimum wage with out aid from Congress. When a nation enjoying such a plethora of prosperity is discontented, we are tempted to conclude that the discontent is a mere symptom of ex uberant spirits caused by prosperity. in line with the scriptural -saying: They wax fat and kick. BOLTTNG THE DIRECT PRIMARY. Mr. Bourne believes In the Oregon system, and approves its operations, when it nominates him for office. But when it nominates another over him, he reserves the right of appeal from its decisions to himself and his own personal and political interest. That is the height, length, breadth and thickness of his fervent end widely- advertised advocacy of the Oregon system. The pedple "who never make mistake" see Senator Bourne s various magazine articles are now in. formed that they made a sad mistake and are solicited to reconsider and render a verdict more nearly in accord with the real utility of the Oregon system, from the Bourne point of view. Mr. Bournes argument in his for mal address proclaiming his candi dacy has the extraordinary statement that he is only "technically" a candi date, for he submits his name "not of his own initiative, but under direction of a large percentage of the electorate of this state." To such depths of ab surdity and shallow equivocation must the man who strikes a vital blow at the direct primary descend. The man date upon Senator Bourne came ac tually from a self-constituted Bourne cabinet, that hired professional peti tion hawkers to infest the streets and the highways to Intercept unwilling citizens with appeals to sign. They signed under the industrious impor tunities of the street peddlers who got on an average S centa a name. The Bourne "mandate" was therefore bought and paid for in cash. Mr. Bourne cannot justify his post facto candidacy. There is, for there can be, no finality whatever about the rule of the people in a pri mary if they are to be overruled when. ever a disappointed candidate is not satisfied with their finding or the method by which it Is procured. It is not sufficient to fire a volley of gener alities about violation of the corrupt practices act. That is an excuse, and a poor one, not a reason or a Justifi cation. The Bourne adherents are mighty poor losers at their own game. Mr. Selling had a popular plurality over Mr. Bourne in the April primary of more than 6000 votes. It was decis ive and overwhelming. The implica tion from the Bourne candidacy that the large plurality of Mr.' Selling over Mr. Bourne was not an honest expres sion of the popular will is controverted by the known facts, and is besides an affront to the people of Oregon, as it is a deliberate attempt to Impeach and subvert the direct primary system. Mr. Bourne's reasons for his candi dacy Are not adequate. They are not sincere. They are not fair. They are a direct appeal from the Oregon sys tem to the Supreme Court of Jonathan Bourne himself. Yet he is only a di rect primary bolter. IMPS OF FRIGGISKXESS. What our public schools would come to if the fraternity spirit were permitted to rule unchecked may be seen in England at Eton and Harrow. Each of these big schools, like many others in England, is really a closely organized "fraternity" admitting only boys of a particular social rank and systematically drilling them in class feeling and aristocratic supercilious ness. The great aim of life at these schools is "good form." The outcome of it all may be read in the English papers. The English Review, for ex ample, says that it Is a detriment to a. boy who must make his way in the world to have been at Eton or Harrow. They "are morally unfitted for life.1 The little Etonian is a walking Imp of class priggishness and class arro gance. Fully half the boys who go to our public schools come away mental derelicts looking at all serious things and at all men who work seriously with contempt." This is precisely the product of the fraternities in American public schools as far as they have been al lowed to show what they are capable of. Fortunately the disease has been taken in time here. It will not be neglected until it has destroyed the mental stamina of the whole genera tion, as some say it has in England The law and wholesome public opinion have combined to stamp it out. Suc cess would be more rapid if all teach ers could be depended upon for help, but some of them are products of the system itself and are therefore nat urally blind to its evils. WAVING MOHAMMEDAN POWER. Surrender of Tripoli by Turkey to Italy marks the extinction of Turkish rule in Africa. Turkey retains but the shadow of sovereignty In Egypt, which has become in. fact a British province. In Asia the splendor of the Caliphate of Bagdad has passed, and the once fruitful region of Mesopotamia has become a desert. Caucasus and part of Armenia have been surrendered to Russia. In Europe, Albania, Mace donia and the territory around Con stantinople are all that remain, of the once broad Turkish dominions. The small nations formed ofone-time sub jects now make bold to attempt the extinction of Turkish rule in Europe. For 350 years Mohammedan power has been decaying in Eastern Europe, for a much longer period in Western Europe. It reached its zenith in the former region when Turkey conquered Hungary, which country it ruled for a century and a half, and laid siege to Vienna. In the west the Moors con. quered Languedoc in France and ad vanced as far northward as the Loire and Lyons, but were driven back by Charles Martel at Poitiers. First driven south of the Pyrenees, the Mo. hammedans were expelled from Spain and Portugal after more than 700 years of continuous warfare. In the east their territory has been cut down step by step and they owe their pres ent foothold in Europe solely to the jealousies of the Christian powers. In Africa France has taken Algeria, Tunis and Morocco, England has taken Egypt, the Soudan, Zanzibar and al most the whole east coast, and now Italy secures the sole remnant of Mo hammedan territory. The. decay of Mohammedan power Is due to the Innate weakness of a re- ligio-military despotism. The found- ars of the Ottoman Empire were hardy desert horsemen from Iran in North ern Persia and, fired by zeal for the newly-adopted creed of Mohammed, were at first Invincible. But luxury gained by conquest destroyed the vi tality of the ruling class, and despot ism prevented the rise to power of genius from the unspoiled lower class. The mass of the people are as brave and virile as ever, but "their virtues are wasted through poor generalship and corrupt, incompetent government. The valor of the soldiers may prevail over the league of Balkan states in the impending war, should it proceed, but the power of the small Christian states is growing, while that of the Turks is waning, and it is certain that, if left to themselves, the four allied states will in some future war drive the Turks out of Europe, as the Spaniards drove out the Moors. LODGE ON ROOSEVELT'S NEW CHARTER How far the Roosevelt of 1912 has traveled from the opinions and politi cal associations of the Roosevelt of 901 to 1908 is evidenced by the fact that his most intimate friend, his spokesman in the Senate, has felt im pelled to make a public speech in op position to one of the leading planks of the Roosevelt platform. This man is Senator Lodge, who, finding that he could not indorse the new charter of Democracy proclaimed at Columbus, was until now restrained by friendship from making public announcement of his dissent and said: "I am out of this campaign." It was said at the time that, at Roosevelt's invitation. Lodge read the Columbus speech and criticised as too radical its position on the judiciary; that Roosevelt modified it at Lodge's suggestion and that he did not learn of the extreme radicalism to which Roosevelt again changed until he read the speech the day after its delivery. Lodge has .now expressed his opinion of that speech in the very city where it was delivered, but without naming its author or the party he has founded. Lodge declares that the questions raised by Roosevelt's attitude towards the Constitution "far transcend all other questions, because they involve the fundamental principles on which 1 our Government and our institutions rest." because the Roosevelt policy would "completely revolutionize our system and theory of government. He meets Roosevelfs claim to be the modern spokesman of Lincoln by stat ing that, when Lincoln spoke at Get tysburg of a government "of the people, by the people and for the people," Lin coln meant the government under our present Constitution, and by quoting from Lincoln's first inaugural the dec laration that "a majority held in re straint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people." In other words: , Lincoln based free government on a ma jority held In restraint by constitutional checks and limitations; and the agitation that la going on today seeks to remove tnoae cnecKS and limitations, ana mane me mo larities dAtMnd. nor nn "deliberate changes' of public opinion, but upon the passions, the excitement and the prejudices of the mo ment. Lodge went on to describe the guar anties of individual rights embodied in the Constitution, any or all of which might be swept away under the Roose velt policy ' by the removal of the checks and limitations and by making them subject to the passions, excite ment and prejudice of the moment. Lodge's speech is the most able pre sentation of the argument against the Roosevelt policy of recall of decisions and of a Constitution in a constant state of fusion. He shows that' such a policy would but grant the majority license to destroy liberty of the indi vidual that liberty to secure which the Revolutionary War was fought and to safeguard which the majority has hitherto put voluntary restraint on Itself. Liberty might thus be destroyed in the name of liberty. The only liberty- remaining would be that of the majority in. the mass; the liberty of each citizen as an individual would hang on the result of an election. which might vote away any article of the bill of rights. The New York Times pays, as care ful attention to the English it prints as any newspaper in the country, but it makes a slip now and then. A vigi lant reader has collected a few of the Times' lapses and sent them to the editor to scourge his conscience. No doubt the dose was wholesome, for the letter was printed with all its accus ing solecisms. None of them was very bad, but all were bad enough. The fact is that no human care can pro duce perfect English under newspaper conditions. The best that can be done is to set up a high standard and come as near it as the case permits. Before the people will be ready to believe Roosevelt's denial that the steel trust is behind him, he must ex plain a few things not only the sup port of Perkins, and Dan Hanna, but the failure to prevent the organi zation of the steel trust, the assent to its absorption of its most danger ous rival, Knox Smith's remark about the Morgan Interests, "which are so friendly to us," and Roosevelt's anger when Taft prosecuted the trust. There may not be a clear case, but there is strong circumstantial evidence. Like the late Jeremiah R. Ream, of Albany, the people who prefer to have their earthly remains cremated usually belong to the more intelligent classes. They have read and thought enough to overcome the primitive superstitions which control the multitude. Crema tion is steadily making headway. Ed ucated clergymen have almost ceased to condemn it, since the Scriptures, properly understood, do not support their opposition, while its beauty and hygienic merits appeal powerfully to the thinking world. Mrs. Marguerite Fields' Los Angeles neighbors have adopted a singular but probably efficacious method of laying up treasure In the better world. In stead of going to church the other Sun day, they held an old-fashioned "bee" to rebuild her house, which had burned down. "Because I delivered the poor that cried and the fatherless and him that had none to help him the blessing of him that was ready to perish came upon me and I caused the widow's heart to sing for Joy." Why not a Jury of ballplayers such as Cleveland will have? The Ameri can rule of fair play has become sec ond nature to them. The National game has taught them to interpret the meaning of men s actions with quick and unerring accuracy. They are so Inured to "rooting" and "ragging" that the lawyers' bulldozing and appeals to sentiment cannot Influence them. The baseball diamond is an admirable school for jurors. It might not have happened, of course, but suppose the McNamaras had blown up the Canal and a German or Japanese war vessel had been pres ent, would we have had a seccjnd chap ter of "Remember the Maine It is Just as well the brothers are in- Jail. Would-be impresarios and stars who work the "angel" are in a class of lower grade than the Presidential can didate. Even the bunco man must be appalled by the magnificence of the sums handed out so cheerfully. Our marines are making such a good job of cleaning up Nicaragua that they might be transferred to Mexico to clean up the barbarous Zapatistas and Orozcoistas to good advantage. The easy way in which the up-state man loses his money to the plausible scoundrel should be warning to bring his wife with him when visiting the metropolis. The lawyers in the Becker trial are at the old game- of trying to exclude from the Jury all men who have sense enough to form opinions on current events. H. F. Rodney had a faculty pos sessed by few of rhyming words of five or six syllables and making real poetry of the jingle. Augmenting the sphere of Individ ual demonstration." That is part of Bourne's platform. Wrhat is it, any way? '' Turkey Is putting up a big war bluff. knowing Great Britain has a foot on the back-pedal. James Whltcomb Riley may not be as old as he loeks and there is no age to his writings. The Giants may yet be a good bet The week is young. The prophets were correct, but was mighty close. LETTERS BETWEEN ROOSEVELT AND HARR1MAN Correspondence Submitted at Clasp Committee Hearing Throws Important Light on Roawevelt-Harrlman Much light' ia thrown on the Roose-velt-Harrlman controversy by the cor respondence which was submitted to the Clapp committee by Mr. Tegethoff, Harrlman's former private secretary. These letters include those which were published by both parties to the cor respondence when the controversy be came public, but Mr. Tegethoff gave the committee many others, which show that the invitation to the famous luncheon was the sequel to a series of communications disclosing a friendly intimacy between the two men. That invitation was not the only one re ceivel and accepted by Harriman. The two men sent each other copies of their public addresses. Harriman recom mended men for appointment, but did not always get what he asked. He exerted his influence against drastic railroad legislation, but Roosevelt did not yield to him. The first of the series of letters is from Roosevelt, dated October 2, 1903, and 1 an invitation to Harriman to dine or lunch with him, with the ex planatlon: "There are two matters should like to go over with you." Har riman wrote in pencil at the bottom of this letter: Tours of 2d received. I know of nothing to take me to Washington at present, but may go later on. 1 would, however, with pleasure run down at any tims u you would like me to do so. The Inclosed copy of a letter wrltwen by me several days ago covering statement of expenditures, other than tor maintenance and operation on our various lines, may Interest you. The reel ing of apprehension now extant In financial circles will necessitate extreme restriction for next year, Roosevelt replied on October 9: There is no hurry about my seeing- you. for the only thing that could be pressing that Is. the financial situation la not so at present. I waa interested In the statement you Inclosed. Any tims you come down this Winter will do. Then follows & letter from Harriman dated December E8, 1903, indorsing W. C Ralston for appointment as Naval officer at San Francisco. Roosevelt replied In a letter marked "personal, saying: There are one or two points in reference to the case which I should like to go over with you. If vou feel that you cara to come to Washington. Is there a chance of your doing so? Harriman wrote on January 3, 1904, explaining his Indorsement of Ralston and adding: It Is hardly of Importance enough tor me to specially make a trip to Washington and give you undue trouble. There Is a chance of my going to Washington later on, but how soon I cannot tell, as I am more than fully occupied here. Mr. Maxwell Jivarts, our attorney, will probably be In Washing ton during this month and I will ask him to call on you. If you desire, with a of aiding you in any way I can. There was either a suspension of, or a hiatus In, the correspondence until May 17, 1904, when Roosevelt wrote: Can you take lunch with me Monday, Mav 23. at 1:30? Is this entirely conveni ent? Would dinner on Wednesday or Thuri- day be better? Wednesday was finally agreed upon as the date and on May 28, a few days later, William Loeb, Roosevelt's secre tary. wrote to Harriman, inclosing an address, which, he said, "contains an allusion to what the President and you were speaking of the other night, and asking Harriman to return it after having read it. On the same day Roosevelt himself wrote to Harriman Many thanks for your letter of 27th. All right, I shall wait until I hear from you further. The copy of your address has corns to hand, and I shall read It with Interest. Pray accept the inclosed copy of my Presidential speeches and messagea. Harriman acknowledged this lnclos ure with thanks on June 2, and said further: You saw something of Governor Pardee last year. Have you considered him In con. nectton with the position we talked about? I have not yet been able to get at Messrs. Dodge. Hughltt, and Frlck, but hope to be able to accomplish the first part of next week. This evidently refers to the appoint ment of the Pacific Coast man in the Cabinet and "the other" referred to by Roosevelt In his letter of the following day was doubtless Victor H. Metcalf, who was subsequently, appointed Sec retary of Commerce and Labor. This letter read: I like the man you mention in your let ter, but I do not think that he comes up to the other one. I know the other's ca pacity from seeing him working in Con gress. Of the two, for this position, the Congressman is the best. .Harriman wrote on June 7: I have your letter of the 3d Inst., and mentioned the other man hardly even as a suggestion, and I have no reason for be lieving; that he could accept, if appointed. but he probably would be more acceptable to the people on the Pacific Coast, and I believe they would find him the more ca pable of the two. In any event, the Con gressman is also well thought of, and It is believed he would fill the position satis factorily. Whoever is selected, it will have considerable influence with the public in their estimating, the probable caliber of the next Cabinet. Another letter from Harriman, of the same date, . compliments Roosevelt on his "prompt action In Arizona last year" as having done "more to save lives and property than anything that has been done for a number of years.' This apparently refers to the stoppage of the Colorado River floods. On June 28, 1904, Harriman wrote to Roosevelt this letter of congratula tion on his nomination: I did not Intend to direct attention to what I believe to be inevitable, but I may say now that I do believe it to be so, and not only believe It, but hops for the de sired result. I want to assure you that I was only too glad to have been able to take part in the convention which recognized what was your due, and I believe every one very heartily accorded It and will as heartily work for it. I go aboard the steamer tonight, as we sail early tomorrow morning, and shall be absent about two months, but shall be in close enough communication to exercise my Influence, should it be necessary, before my return. That letter Is important as having prompted Roosevelt to write the one of .June 29, the following day, which he suppressed and which Harriman pub lished and in which he said: As soon as you come home I shall want to see you. The next letter of the series was Harrlman's of September 30, written on his return from Europe. This was the letter which Roosevelt garbled by omitting the first sentence, which read: I was very glad to receive your note of June 29 last, while I was in Europe. As Harrlman's letter of June 28 con tains no suggestion of a desire for an interview and as Roosevelt's letter of June 29 explicitly makes such a sug gestion, it is plain that the interview which formed the subject of the con troversy took place at Roosevelt's so licitation, not at Harrlman's, as Roose velt has contended. There followed the correspondence which has been pub lished already, including Roosevelt's letter of October 14, suggesting that Harriman was afraid to meet Roose velt during the heat of the campaign and containing the often quoted phrase: "You and I are practical men." This letter closed with the words: Before I write my message, I shall get you to come down to discuss certain Gov ernment matters not connected with the campaign. That suggestion prompted Harriman to write to Roosevelt on November 30, 1904, after the interview had taken place and after the election was over, as follows: I have Just had a telephone talk with Mr. Loeb, and requested hlm o give you a mes sage from me. I drew his attention to the last para- j Controversy Sljraiucaot Letter. graph of your latter to me of October 14 last, and axnlained that of roun I did fhot want to make a trip to Washington un less It should be necessary, that the only matter l knew of, and about which I had any apprehension, and which might be re ferred to in your coming message to Con. gress, is that regarding the Interstate Com meroe Commlsison and what the attitude of the railroads should be toward It. I have communications from many con servatlve men In the West asking me take the matter up. they having, which have not, information as to what you pro. pose to say In your message on that sub- Ject, and I am very apprehensive about It. Mr. Loeb stated he believed that that part of the message could be sent to me, and hope that he will do so. I sincerely believe it would be best for all interests that no reference be made to .the subject, and. in any event. If referred to. In such a way as not to bring about Increased agitation. It Is. as rou well know, the conservative ele. ment, and the one on which we all rely, which la the most seldom heard from. This letter appears to have crossed the following from Roosevelt, of the same ' date, ' marked "strictly personal" Mr. Loeb tells me that you called me up today on the telephone and recalled my letter to you of October 14. In which spoke to you of a desire to see you before sending in my message, as I wanted go over with you certain Governmental matters, and you added that you had heard that I- bad referred to the interstate uonv merce Commission; that you regretted this, and wished I had left it out. In writing to you I bad in view, especial ly, certain matters connected with currency legislation, and had not thought of discuss- lng railroad matters with you. However, if it had oocurred to me I should have been delighted to do so, hut If yon remember when vou wera down hers both you and were so Interested in certain of the New York political developments that I hardly, If at all, touched on Governmental matters. As regards what I have said in my mes sage about the lnteretate Commerce Com mission, while, as I say, I should have been delighted to go over It with you, I must also frankly sav that my mind was definite. ly made up. Certain revelations connected with the investigation of the Beef Trust caused me to write the paragraph in ques tion. I went with extreme care over the information In possession of the Interstate Commerce Commission and of the Bureau or Corporations before writing it. 1 men went over the written paragraph again and again with Paul Morton, who is of all my Cabinet the man most familiar with rail. road matters, of course, and with Root, Knox. Taft end Moodv. It is a matter I had been carefully consiu- erlne- for two vears. and had been gradually, tnougn reluuctantiy, coming to tne conclu sion that It la unwise and unsafe from every standDOint to leave the Question ox bates where It now Is, and to fail to give the Interstate Commerce Commission addi tional power of an effective kind In regu lating these rates. Let me repeat that I did not navo tni Question in mind when I asked you to come down, but that I should most gladly have talked It over with you If It had occurreu to me to do so: but. as a matter or xaci. as you will remember, when you tlld come down to see me, you and I were both so enerared in the New York political situation that we taiRed of utile ease, ana uuauy that the position I have taken has not been taken lightly, but after thinking over the matter -and looking at It from different standpoints for at least two years, and after the most carerui consultation wiin motwu, Taft. Moody. Knox and Root, as to the exact Dhraseoloev I should use. I do not send you a copy simpiy Decausc have s-iven no one a copy, not even the men above mentioned. It is impossible if I give out copies of any portions of my message to prevent the message being known In advance; and the three press associations who now have ths message are under a heavy penalty not to discloss a word of it before tne -appointed time. Harriman dissented from the news expressed in this letter, by writing the following, of which the date Is not given: Thame vou for -v'our favor of the 80th. It was natural for me to suppose thai railroad matters would be Included In any dismission vou and I might have before writing your message. I am of tne opinion that an effective Interstate Commerce com mission could regulate the matter of re h,i.R nnd ahsolutelv prevent the same, without any additional power of any kind. and, as you say, Paul Morton la more familiar with such mattere than anyone else In vour Cabinet. I fear there has h.n a lflr.lr nf rn-oneration. ntirtn the enormous development or tne last four years the railroads have found it verv hard to keep pace with the require ments Imposed upon them, and the so-called surplus earnings, as well as additional cap ital, have been aevotea to pruviumg nuui tlonal faculties and the bettering and en l.r.ln. nt their nronertles so as to give the Increased and better service required of them. , ' Thi work of betterment and enlargement must go on and is all Important for the proper development of all sections of the country. There is nine aouDt mat uurms the next decade every single-track raiiroau in the country will have to be double trftflreri and nrovlde larger terminal and other facilities, and any move that will tnA tn (.rinnla them financially would be disastrous to all Interests over the wholu country. Harrlman's version of what was said at the much-discussed interview was corroborated ' by the testimony of Charles A. Peabody, who was at the time Harrlman's attorney and sus tained very close relations with him. This testimony is important, aa it gives the substarsce of an Interview with Harriman, which must have taken place shortly after the latter's inter view with Roosevelt. Peabody said he talked twice with Harriman about political campaign matters in 1904 in Harrlman's office. Referring to one of these conversations, he said; Mr. Harriman on that occasion showed me one, and I think two, of these letters with reference to his going to Washington. He told me then that he had been to Wash ington, and Mr. Roosevelt wanted him to raise some money for the campaign fund, and he waa then engaged in doing it. He told me himself that he had contributed $50,000, and I think he said he was engaged in raising S24O.00O. While I was there he had a conversation with a gentleman ovei the telephone about raising this fund. This gentleman, Peabody said, was Hamilton Twombly. In the second in terview to which Peabody referred, he said Harriman explained that there had been some sort of an understanding with Mr. Roosevelt with regard to the appointment of Mr. Depew to a foreign mission, and if not, Depew's friends thought that he should be elected Sen ator. . ' e Mr. Tegethoff also produced the re- cept of C N. Bliss, treasurer of the Republican National committee, dated November 2, 1904, for Harrlman's 850,000 contribution to the campaign fund, which corroborates Harriman's state ment that the subscription was made to the National committee, though he did not deny that the bulk of the money he collected was handed over by the National committee to the New York state committee. Chairman Lor telyou on July 20, 1904, offered Harri man an appointment on the auxiliary committee of the National committee. his letter to that effect being ac knowledged six days later by Harri man's secretary with the statement that Harriman was in Europe and that would communicate its contents to his employer. A characteristic series of letters Is that relating to the appointment of B. Fowler as Governor of Arizona. Harriman wrote on January 28, 1405, bjecting to Fowler. Roosevelt In quired next day what objection he had to the man and Harriman explained on January 30 that Fowler was a "very strong partisan of the Santa Fe." Roosevelt wrote on January ii: As I wrote you. I am afraid I am com mitted to Fowler and do not see very well how I could get out of it. It would be very npleasant for me, witn Morton in my tao- lnet, to say that I rejected him merely because I had heard that he was a "strons Santa Fe man," unless there was some specific objection to him. I need naraiy ten you mat u i apiuiutcu him I would twist his neck as if he wa a rhiken the moment I found he was showing one particle of favor to the Banta Fe, or, for the matter oi mat, to oouinern Pacific or any other railroad, just as 1 would twist it if I found he was discrim inating against any railroad. How would it do for me to write him in practically these words' Half a Century Ago From Ths Oregonlan of October . 1S62. General McCarver. Just from Powder River, showed us yesterday the richest specimen of quarts gold we have ever seen; which he states was taken out of Carter's claim in Freeze-out Gulch, Powder River. The chunk weighs about 16 ounces, and professed Judges give it as their opinion that near two-thirds of its weight is gold, or that the chunk contains about S12S. Dates from Lieutenant-Colonel Mau ry's command as late as ths 22d ult. have been received by express at Fort Walla Walla. He was their encamped on the Branneau River. His command had extended Its scouts as far east as 40 miles above Salmon Falls. He re ports that the emigration to Oregon and Washington Territory this Fall amounts to about 1300 wagons with S000 people. Captain Crawford, com manding the escort from Omaha City, met the Oregon cavalry on September 8 near Salmon Falls and reported that. In his opinion, he had the last of the emigration with him. The expressman passed Captain Crawford on Owyhee River. He had with him 100 wagons. Another ferryboat ' is In course of construction at upper ferry landing by Mr. Knott. It is to be propelled by horsepower. Legislative proceedings. House Mr. Wilkins presented a petition from the people of Eugene City asking for a charter. City Council A motion was carried to go Into election of Councilman for the Second Ward to All the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of.J. M. Breck. S. Pennoyer was placed In nom ination, and the Council not being able to think of any one else living in that ward who, it was probable, would serve. If elected, a ballot was had In which Mr. Pennoyer received 4 votes. Judge Deady 2 and black 1. The president decided that It required a majority of all tha members cf the Council to elect, bence there was no election. POLITICIANS AFTER THE FORCE So Says Policeman Who VreTea Is. holding of Civil Service. PORTLAND. Oct. 8. (To the Edi tor.) On November 2 the voters of Portland are to decide by ballot whether they retain or do away with civil service In the Police Department. Let us look for one minute at what civil service has accomplished In Portland and what would be the immediate re sult should civil service be abolished. Civil service has taken the Police De partment of Portland out of the hands of politicians and built up a depart ment of men qualified mentally, phys ically and morally for the positions which they occupy; men who, on large occasions, by their courtesy and ability have won the praise of visitors from all the leading cities of our country; men who own their own houses, are raising their own families and have at heart the welfare of our city; men who owe allegiance to no political party; thank no political Juggler for the position they occupy; execute the Il legal orders of no besotted ward-heeler. Civil service guarantees to an officer a trial at which the officer must be found guilty of the charges preferred against him beyond a reasonable doubt. In other words, like every other man, he Is assumed Innocent until proven guilty. Hence civil service has be come as a thorn in the side of the professional politician, whose power is hampered by the fact that the officers in his district can no longer be com pelled to harass those who oppose his will and protect those who obey his wishes. - Right here allow me to say that civil service is now used In all the leading cities of our country. It has been brought about by much work and deep thinking on the part of men who have had at heart the best welfare of their cities and not the boosting of their own political aspirations. Do away with civil service and the citizen officer of our city must hand the emblem of his authority to the subservent tool of machine politics. Do away with civil service and the self-asserting police officer of today will be tomorrow replaced by the cringing creature of some political despot; the henchman of some modern Roderic Dhu, "owing no tie but to his clan." Do away with civil service and the Mayor of the city, should he be an un scrupulous man, can build up a polit ical machine which would make him absolute over a population larger than George Washington made free, an em pire richer than the IS colonies. If Portland does not wish to make a step backward; if it does not wish to hand over to the politicians the Police Department of the city; If It does not wish to see our present efficient force supplanted by the political vermin of the underworld, then on the seoond day of next November, vote 127 X No. POLICE OFFICER. HAPPINESS IS BAST TO FIND Bnt Don't Expect Too Much of Others, Is Suggested. PORTLAND, Oct. 6. (To the Editor.) I have been much interested In the letters by all kinds of maids, mar ried people and men'. I . think we all realize that the marriage question is one of the great problems of life and until men and women go about it in the right way it will remain unsolved. we expect so much from others ana so little from ourselves. We want per fect freedom in every way but not until we are willing to give that to others should we expect It In return. When we can do this we may seek our own and be sure to attract them. In other words, we get what we give, good, bad or indifferent. We must first know ourselves then we shall know how to attract the right ones and know them when we see them. People are perplexed and no wonder, because most of us look to the other fellow for happiness while it's all within ourself. When we have learned the secret of true happiness it won't matter whether we are married or single. I do believe when two people are truly mated It is the most perfect tate in existence. But bless you, one doesn't have to marry to be blissfully happy. So, single people, take cour age and look within your own souls for happiness and before you Know it up will come your own and claim you. You see I know because I was mar ried when very young and I was per fectly happy. It was of short duration however. For many years I have lived alone, making my own way in the world and trying to make others happy. Think I must have succeeded pretty well for to tell you the truth I don't know whether I was happier married or single. So look on the bright side, look for the best In everybody. It's there Just waiting to come forth. Life is really what we make it so from this time on, let us make it one "grand sweet song," whether in the pulpit or the store, .on the street or where we meet. It's all the same. Pass it on. MRS. L. B. C. Use for Local Grapea. PORTLAND, Oct. 6. (To the Editor.) Why do not our people take more advantage of the grape crop grown right around our city? I know of several growers who are experiencing difficulty In disposing of their crop, even at 3 cents a pound, and threaten to pull up their vines. There is no nicer or better drink than home-made grape Juice. Tou can enjoy one of the luxuries of the table If you will make grape julce at home. What would cost , you 35 in the stores can be made at home for 81. W. E. L.