Image provided by: University of Oregon Libraries; Eugene, OR
About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 5, 1906)
13 THE MORNING OREGOXIAJi, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1906. clallsm, and especially of its extreme form communism, and the destruction of indi vidual character which they would bring about, aro in part achieved by the wholly unregulated competition which results in a single individual or corporation rising; at the expanse or all others until his or its rise -fredtually checks all competition and re duced former competitors to a position of utter inferiority ana subordination. In enacting; and enforcing- such leglsla tlon as this Congress already has to it rreau, we are working on a coherent plan. with the steady endeavor to secure the needed reform by the Joint action of the mone rate men, the plain men who do not wish anything; hysterical or dangerous, but ho do intend to deal in resolute common- sense fashion with the real and great evils or tne present system: The reactionaries and the violent extremists show symptoms nr Joining hands against us. Both assert. for instance, that If logical, we should go to Government ownership of railroads and tne like; tne reactionaries, because on sucn an issue they think the people would stand with them, while the extremists care rather to preach discontent and agitation than to achieve solid results. As a matter of fact, our position is as remote from thut of the Bourbon reactionary as from that of tne impracticable or sinister visionary, we hold that the Government should not con duct the business of the. Nation, but that it snouia exercise sucn supervision un win Insure its being conducted in the interest of the Nation. Our aim is, so far as may be. to secure, for all decent, hard-working men, equality of opportunity and equality of burden. Good and Bad Combination. The actual working of our laws has shown that the ettort to prohibit all comoination, pood or bad, is noxious where It is not Inef fective. Combination of capital, like com bination of labor. Is a necessary element of our present industrial ystem. it Is not pos sible completely to prevent it; and If It wers possible, such complete prevention would do damage to the body politic. What we need is not vainly to try to prevent all com bination, but to secure such rigorous and adequate control and supervision of the combinations as to prevent their injuring the public, or existing in such form as inevitably to threaten injury for the mere fact that a combination has secured prac tically complete control of a necessary of life would under any circumstances show that such combination was to be presumed to be adverse to the public Interest. It is unTortunate that our present laws should forbid all combinations, instead of sharply discriminating between those combinations which do good and those combinations which do evil. Rebates, for instance, are as often due to the pressure of big shippers (as was shown In the investigation of the Standard Oil Company and as has been shown since by the Investigation of the tobacco and tugar trusts) as to the initiative of big rail roads. Often railroads would like to com bine for the purpose of preventing a. big shipper from miUiualning improper advan tages at the expense of small shippers and of the general public. Such a combina tion, instead of being forbidden by law. should be favored. In other words, it should be permitted to railroads to make agreements, jovided these agreements were sanctioned by the Interstate Commerce Commission and were published. With these two conditions compiled with it Is impossi ble to see what harm such a combination could do to the public at large. It is a pub lic evil to have on the statute books a law incapable of full enforcement because both Judges and juries realize that its full en forcement would destroy the business of the country ; for the result Is to make decent railroad men violators of the law against their will, and to put a premium on the be havior of the wilful wrongdoers. Such a result In turn tends to throw the decent man and the wilful wrongdoer into close as sociation, and in the end to drag down the former to the latter s level; for the man who becomes a lawbreaker in one way unhappily tends to lose all respect for 'law and to bo willing to break it in many ways. No more scathing condemnation could be IM ted upon a law than Is contained in the words of. the Interstate Commerce Commis sion when. In commenting upon the fact that the numerous joint traffic associations do technically violate the law, they say: The decision of the United States Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri case and the Joint Traffic Association case "has produced no practical effect upon the railway oper ations of the country. Such associations. In fact, exist now as they did before these decisions, and with the same general ef fect. In justice to all parties, we ought probably to add that It is difficult to see how our interstate railways could be oper ated with due regard to the interest of the snipper and the railway without concerted action of the kind afforded through these associations." This means that the law as construed by the Supreme Court is such that the business of the country cannot be conducted without breaking it. 1 recommend that you give care lul and early consideration to this subject, and if you find the opinion of the Interstate Commerce Commission justified, that you amend the law so as to obviate the evil dis closed. Tax Incomes and Inheritance. "The question of taxation is difficult In any country, but it is especially dKflcult in ours with its Federal system of government. Home J taxes should on every ground be levied in a mall district for use In that district. Thus the taxation of real estate is peculiarly one for the immediate locality In which the real estate Is found. Again, there is no more legit imate tax for any State than a tax on the franchises conferred by that State upon etreet railroads and similar corporations which oner ate wholly within the State boundaries, some times In one and sometimes In several munici palities or other minor divisions of the State. Hut there are many kinds of taxes which can only be levied by the General Government so as to produce the beet results, because, among other reasons, the attempt to impose them in one particular State too often results merely In driving the coritoratlon or Individual affect- ; f (I to some other locality or other State. The l National Government has long derived its chief ! rr venue from a tariff on Imports and from an Internal or excise tax. In addition to these there is every reason why, when next our system of taxation Is revised, the National Government should Impose a graduated inheri tance tax, and, if possible, a graduated in- come tax. The man of great wealth owes a peculiar obligation to t'c States, because he i derives special advantages from the mere ex istence of government. Not only should he recognize this obligation In the way he leads , his daily life and in the way he earns and 1 pends his money, but It should also be rec- ! opnizrd by the way In which he pays for the , protection the State gives him. On the one , hand, it Is desirable that he should - assume 1 his full and proper share of the burden of taxution ; on the other hand. It is quite as jnocesisary that in this kind of taxation, where the mn who vote the tax pay but little of it, there should be a clear recognition of the danger of Inaugurating any such system rave in a spirit of entire justice and moderation. Whenever we, as a people, undertake to re- j model our taxation system along the lines sug nest Mi, we must make it clear beyond perad- ! venture that our aim is to distribute the burden of supporting the Government more 1 fqultahly than at present; that we Intend to treat rich man and poor man on a basis of j ahsolute equality, and that we regard It as equally fatal to true democracy to do or per mit injustice to the one as to do or permit injustice to the other. 1 am well aware that such a subject as this needs long and careful study in order that the people may become familiar with what Is proposed to be done, may clearly see the necessity of proceeding with wisdom Hnd self restraint, and may make up their minds just how far they aro willing to go In the mat ter; whilo only trained legislators can work out the project In necessary detail. But I feel ; that In the near futude our national legisla- ! tors should enact a law providing for a gradu ated .inheritance tax by which a steadily in cifajlng rate of duty should be put upon all moneys or other valuables coming by gift, be quest, or devise to any Individual or corpora tion, it may be well to make the tax heavy ln proportion as the individual benefited is r remote of kin. In any event, in my judgment the pro rata of the tax should Increase very heavily with the Increase of the amount left to any one Individual after a certain point liafl been reached. It 1a most 'desirable to en courage thrift and ambition, and a potent source of thrift and ambition is the desire on the part of the breadwinner to leave his chil dren well off. This object can be attained by maiting the tax very small on moderate amounts of property left; because the prime object should bo to put a constantly Increas ing burden on the Inheritance of those awollen fortunes which It 16 certainly of no benefit to this country to perpetuate. Hiatory Glvea Precedents. There can be no question of the ethical propriety of the Government thus determining the conditions upon which any gift or Inheri tance should be received. Exactly how far the inheritance tax would, as an incident, have the effect of limiting the transmission by devise or gift of the enormous fortunes in question It La not necessary at present to dis cuss. It is wiee that progress In this direc tion should be gradual. At first a permanent national inheritance tax, while it might be more substantial than any such tax has hither to been, need not approximate either in amount or in extent of the increase by gradu ation, to what uch a tax should ultimately be. This species of tax has again and again been Imposed, although only temporarily, by the National Government. It was first Imposed by the act of July 6, 177. when the makers of the Constitution were alive and at the head of affairs. It was a graduated tax; though small in amount, the rate wan Increased with the amount left to any individual, exceptions being made in the case ef certain kin. A eiinllar tax was again Imposed by he act of July 1, lbGii; a minimum sum of on thou sand dollars in personal property being ex cepted from taxation, the- tax then becoming progressive according to the remoteness- of kin. The war-revenue act of June I.J, louo, provided for an inheritance tax on any sum exceeding the value of ten thousand dollars, the rate of the tax increasing both In -accord ance with the amounts left and in accordance with the legatee's remoteness of- kin. The Su preme Court has held that the succession tax imposed at the time of the Civil War was not a direct tax but an Impost or excise wnicn was both constitutional and valid. . Morn re cently the Court, in an opinion delivered by Mr. Justice White, which contained an ex ceedingly able and elaborate discussion of the powers of the Congress to Impose deatn duties. sustained tne constitutionality or tne innen- t ante-tax feature of the war-revenue act of 1818.- Difficulty of Income Tax:. In its incidents, and apart from the main purpose of raising revenue, an income tax stands on an entirely different footing from an inheritance tax; because it involves no question of the perpetuation of fortunes swollen to an unhealthy size. The ques tion is in its esst-nce a question of the proper adjustment of burdens to benefits. As the law now stands it la undoubtedly difficult to devise a National income tax which shall be -constitutional. But whether It Is absolutely impossible is another ques tion; and K possible it is most certainly desirable. The first purely income-tax law was passed by the Congress in 1861, but the most important law dealing with the sub ject was that of 1S04. This, the court held to be unconstitutional. The question Is undoubtedly very intri cate, delicate and troublesome. The crecis ion of the court was only reached by one majority. It is the law of the land, and of course is accepted as such and loyally obeyed by all good citizens. Nevertheless, the hesitation evidently felt by the court as a whole in coming to a conclusion, when considered together with the previous de cisions on the subject, may perhaps Indi cate the possibility of devising a consti tutional income-tax law which shall sub stantially accomplish the results aimed at. The difficulty of amending the Constitution is so great that only real necessity can Justify a resort thereto. Every effort should be made In dealing with this subject, as with the subject of the proper control by the National Government over the use of cor porate wealth In interstate business, to de vise legislation which without such action shall attain the desired end; but if this falls there will ultimately be no alternative to a constitutional amendment. Technical Training In Schools. It would be impossible to overstate ( though it is of course difficult quantita tively to measure) the effect upon a Na tion's growth to greatness of what may be called organised patriotism, which neces sarily includes the substitution of a Na tional feeling for mere local pride; with as a resultant a high ambition for the whole country. No country can develop its full strength so long as the parts which make up the whole each put a feeling of loyalty to the part above the feeling of loyalty to the whole This Is true of sections and it Is just as true of classes. The industrial and agricultural classes must work together, capitalists and wageworkers must work to gether, if the best work of which the coun try is capable Is to be done. It Is prob able thut a thoroughly efficient system of education comes next to the influence of patriotism In bringing about National suc cess of this kind. Our Federal form of government, so fruitful of advantage to our people in certain ways, in other ways un doubtedly limits our National effectiveness. It is not possible, for instance, for the -National Government to take the lead x in technical Industrial education, to see that the public school system of this country develops on all Its technical. Industrial, sci entific and commercial sides. This must be left primarily to the several states. Never theless, the National Government has con trol of the schools of the District of Co lumbia, and it should see that these schools promote and encourage the fullest develop ment of the scholars in both commercial and industrial training. The commercial training should In one of .Its branches deal with foreign trade. .The industrial training is even more important. It should be one of our prime objects aa a Nation, so far as feasible, constantly to work toward putting the mechanic, the wageworker who- works with his hands, on a higher plane of ef ficiency nnd reward, so as to increase his effectiveness In the economic world, and the dignity, the remuneration and the power of his position in the social world. Unfortu nately, at present the effect of some of the work In he public schools is In the exactly opposite direction. If boys and girls are trained merely in literary accomplishments. to the total exclusion of Industrial, manual and technical training, the tendency is-to unfit them for industrial work and to make them reluctant to go into it, or unfitted to do well if they do go into it. This is a tendency which should be strenuously combated.- Our industrial development depends largely upon .technical education. Including In this term all industrial education, from that which fits a man to be a good mechanic,. a good carpenter, or blacksmith, to that which fits a man to do the greatest engi neering feat. The skilled mechanic, the skilled workman, can best becqme such by technical industrial education. The far reaching usefulness of institutes of tech nology and schools of mines or of engineer ing, is now universally acknowledged, and no less far-reaching is the effect of a good building or mechanical trades school, a tex tile or watchmaking or engraving school. All such training must develop not only manual dexterity, but industrial Intelli gence. Tn international rivalry this country does not have to fear the competition of pauper labor as much as it has to fear the educated labor of specially trained compet itors; and we should have the education of the hand, eye and brain, which will fit us to meet such competition. In every possible way we should help the wageworker who tolls with his hands and who must (we hope in a constantly increas ing measure) also toil with his brain. Un der the Constitution the National Legis lature can do but little of direct importance for his welfare save where he la engaged in work which permits It to act under the interstate commerce clause of the Consti tution; and this is one reason why I so earnestly hope that both the legislative and judicial branches of the Government will construe this clause of the Constitution in the broadest possible manner. We can. however, in such a matter as inrfustrial training. In such & matter as child labor and factory laws, set an example to 'the states by enacting the most advanced legis lation that can wisely be enacted for the District of Columbia. Nation' Help to Farmem, The only other persons whose welfare is as vital to the. welfare of the whole country as Is the welfare of the wageworkers are the tillers of the boll, the farmers. It is a mere truism to say that no growth of cities, no growth of wealth, no industrial development can atone for any falling off in the character and standing of the farm- ng population. LMirlng the last few de cades this faot has been recognized with ever-Increasing clearness. There is no longer any failure to realize that farming, at least in certain branches, must become a tech nical and scientific profession. This means that there must be open to farmers the chance for technical and scientific train ing, not theoretical merely, but of the most severely practical type. The farmer repre sents a peculiarly high type of American citizenship, and he must have the same chance to rise and develop as other Ameri can citizens have. Moreover, it is- exactly as true of the farmer, as it is of the business man and the wageworker, that the ultimate success of the Nation of which he forms a part must be founded not alone on material prosperity, but upon high moral, mental and physical development. .This education of the farmer--self-education by preference, but also education from the outside, as with all other men is peculiarly necessary here in the united Mates, where the frontier con ditions even In the newest states have now nearly vanished, where there must be a sub stitution of a more Intensive system of cul tivation for the old, wasteful farm -management, and where there must be a better business organization among the farmers themselves. Widen Farmer' Education. Several factors must co-operate In the improvement of the farmer's condition. He must have the chance to be educated In the widest possible sense in the sense which keeps ever in view the intimate re lationship between the theory of education and the facts of life. In all education we should 'widen our alms. It is a good thing to produce a certain number of trained scholars and students; but the education superintended by the State must seek rath er to produce a hundred good citizens than merely one scholar, and it must be turned now and then from tne class book to tne study of the great book of nature Itself. This Is especially true, of the farmer, as has been pointed out again and again by all observers most competent to pass practical Judgment on the problems of our country lire. All students now realize that educa tion must seek to train the executive pow ers of young people and to confer more real significance upon the phrase, - "dignity of labor." and to prepare the pupils so that In addition to each developing tn the highest degree his individual capacity for work, they may together help create a right public opinion, and show in many ways social and co-operative spirit. Organ isation has become necessory In the busi ness world; and It has accomplished much lor good in the world of labor. It Is no less necessary for farmers. Such a move ment as the grange movement is good in liseu and is capable of a well-nigh, infinite further extension for good so long as it is kept to its own legitimate business. The benefits- to be derived by the association of farmers for mutual advantage are partly economic and partly sociological. Moreover, while in the long run voluntary effort will prove more efficacious than government assistance, while the farmers must primarily do most for themselves, yet the Government can also do much. The Department of Agriculture has broken new ground in many directions, and year by year it finds how it can Improve its methods and develop fresh usefulness. Its constant ef fort is to give the governmental assistance In the most effective way; that Is, througa associations of farmers rather than to or through individual farmers. It is also striving to co-ordinate its work with the agricultural departments of ' the several states, and so far as its own work is educa tional, to co-ordinate It with the work of other educational authorities. Agricultural education Is necessarily based upon general education, but our agricultural educational institutions are wisely specializing them selves, making their courses relate to the actual teaching of the agricultural and kindred sciences to young country people or young city people who wish to live in the country. Great progress has alreadv been made among farmers by the creation of farmers Institutes, of dairy associations, of breed ers' associations, horticultural associations and the like. A striking example of now the Government and the farmers can co operate Is shown in connection -with the menace offered to the cotton growers of the Southern States by the advance of the boll weevil. The Department is doing all It can to organize the farmers In the threatened districts, just as It has been doing all it can to organize them In aid of Its work to eradicate the cattle fever tick in the Soutn. The Department can and will co-operate with all such associations, and it must have their help if its own work is to be done in the most efficient style. Irrigation and Forestry. Much Is now being done for the states of the Rocky Mountains and the great plains through the development of the na tional policy of . irrigation and forest pres ervation; no Government policy for the bet terment of our internal conditions has been more fruitful of good than this. The forests of the White Mountains and Southern Ap palachian regions should also be preserved; and they can not be unless the people of the states in which they He, through their representatives In the Congress, secure vig orous action by the National Government. I Invite the attention of the Congress to the estimate of the Secretary of War for an appropriation to enable him to be gin the ' preliminary work for the construction of a memorial amphitheater at Arlington. The Grand Army of the Republic in its national encampment has urged the erection of such an amphithea ter as necessary for the proper observance of Memorial Day and as a fitting monument to the soldier and sailor dead buried there. In this I heartily concur and commend the matter to the favorable consideration of the Congress. Katlounl Marriage and Divorce Law. I am well aware1 of how difficult it is to pass a. constitutional amendment. Never theless in my judgment tne wnole question of marriage and divorce should be rele gated to the authority of the National Con gress. At present the wide differences in the laws of the different states" on this subject result in scandals and abuses; and surely there is nothing so vitally essential to the welfare of the Nation, nothing around which the Nation should so bend Itself to throw every safeguard, as the home life of the average citizen. The change would be good from every standpoint. In partic ular it would be good because it would con fer on the Congress tne power at once to deal radically and efficiently with nolyg amy ; and this should be done whether or not marriage and divorce are dealt with. It Is neither safe nor proper to leave the question of polygamy to be dealt with by the several states. Power to deal with it should be conferred on the National. Gov ernment. When home ties are loosenedwhen men and women cease to regard a worthy fam ily life, with all Its duties fully performed. and all Its responsibilities lived up to, as the life best worth living; then evil days for the commonwealth are at hand. There are regions in our land, and classes of our popu lation, wnere the birth rate has sunk be low the death rate. Surely it should need no demonstration to show that wilful steril ity is, from the standpoint of the Nation. from the standpoint of the human race, the one sin for which the penalty Is national death, race death, a sin for which there is no atonement; a sin which ,1s the more dreadful exactly in proportion as the men and women guilty thereof are in other re spects, in character; and bodily and mental powers, those whom for the sake of the state it would be well to see the fathers and mothers of many healthy children, well brought up in homes maae nappy by tneir presence. No man, no woman, can shirk the primary duties of life, whether for love of ease and pleasure, or for any other cause. and retain his or her self-respect. Approves Ship Subsidy Bill. Let me once again . call the attention of the Congress to two subjects concerning which I have frequently before communi cated with them. One is the question of developing American shipping. I trust that a law embodying in substance the views, or a major part of the views, expressed In the report on this subject laid before the House at its last session will be passed. I am well aware that In former years objec tionable measures have been proposed in reference to the encouragement of American shipping; but it seems to me that the pro posed measure is as nearly unobjectionable as any can be. It will, of course, benefit primarily our seaboard states, such a Maine, Louisiana and Washington; but what benefits part of our people In the end ben efits all; Just as Government aid to irriga tion ana rorestry in tne west is really of benefit, not only to the Rocky Mountain states, but to all our country. If it prove impracticable to enact a law for the en couragement of shipping generally, then at least provision should be made for bet ter communication with South America, notabl for fast mail lines to ''the chief South American ports. It is discreditable to us that our business people, for lack of direct communication in the shape of lines of steamers with South America, should in that great sister continent be at a dis advantage compared to the business people of Europe. Currency Reform Weeded. I especially call your attention to the second subject, the condition of our cur rency laws. The National bank act has ably served a great purpose in aiding the enor mous business development of the country. and within ten years there has been an in crease In circulation per capita from $-1.41 to $33.08. For several years evidence haj been accumulating: that additional legis lation is needed. The recurrence of each crop season emphasizes the defects of the present laws. There must soon be a re vision of them, because to leave them as they are means to incur liability of busi ness disaster. Since your body adjourned there has been a fluctuation In the Interest on call money from 2 per cent to 30 per cent, and the fluctuation was even greater during the preceding six months. The Sec retary of the Treasury had to step in and by wise action put a stop to the most vio lent period of oscillation. Even worse than such fluctuation is the advance In commer cial rates and the uncertainty felt in the sufficiency of credit even at high rates. All commercial interests suffer during each crop period. Excessive rates for call money in New York attract money from the interior banks Into the speculative field; this de pletes the fund that would otherwise be available for commercial uses, and commer cial borrowers are forced to pay abnormal rates; so that each Fall a tax, In the shape of increased interest charges, is placed on the whole commerce of the country. The mere statement of these facts shows that our present system is seriously defect ive. There is need of a change, unfortu nately, however, many of the proposed changes must be ruled from consideration because they are complicated, are not easy of comprehension and tend to disturb ex isting rights and interests. We must also rule out any plan which would materially impair- the value of the United States 2 per cent bonds now pledged to secure circula tion, the issue of which was made under conditions peculiarly creditable to the Treas ury. I do not press "any especial plan. Various plans have recently been proposed by expert committees of bankers. Among the plans which are possibly feasible and which certainly should receive your- consideration is that repeatedly brought to your attention by the present Secretary of the Treasury, the essential features of which have been approved by many prominent bankers and business men. According to this plan. Na tional banks should be permitted to issue a specified proportion of their capital in notes of a given kind, the issue to be taxed at so high a rate as to drive the notes back when not wanted n legitimate trade. This plan would not permit the Issue of cur rency to give banks additional profits, but to meet the emergency presented by times of stringency. Avoid Spasms and Speculation. ' I do not say that this is the right system. I only advance it to emphasize my belief that there Is need for the adoption of some systora which shall be automatic and open to ail sound banks, so as to avoid all possi bility of discrimination and favoritism. Such a plan would tend to prevent the spasms of high money and speculation which now ob tain In the New York market; for at pres ent there is too- much currency at certain seasons of the year, and its accumulation at New York tempts bankers to lend it at low rates for speculative purposes; whereas at other times when the crops are being moved there is urgent need for a large but temporary increase in the currency supply. It must never be forgotten that this ques tion concerns business men generally quite as much as banker; especially is this true of stockmen, farmers and business men in the West; for at present at certain seasons of the year the difference in interest rates between the East and the West is from 0 to 10 per cent, whereas in Canada the cor responding difference is but 2 per cent. Any plan must, of course, guard the interests of Western and Southern bankers as carefully as It guards the Interests of New York or Chicago bankers; and must be drawn from the standpoints of the farmer and the mer chant no less than from the standpoint of the city banker and the country banker. The law should be amended so as specifi cally to provide that the funds derived from customs duties may be Treated by tne Secretary of the Treasury as he treats funds obtained under the internal revenue laws. There should be a considerable increase In bills of small denominations. Permission should be given banks, if necessary under settled restrictions, to retire their circula tion to a larger amount than $3,000,000 a month. Free Trade for Philippines. X most earnestly hope that the bill to pro vide a lower tariff for or else absolute fres trade In Philippine products will become a law. No" harm will come to any American Industry; and while there will be some small but real material benefit to the Filipinos, the main benefit will come by the showing made as to our purpose to do all in our power for their welfare. So far our action in the Philippines has been abundantly Jus tified, not mainly and indeed not primarily because of the added dignity it has given us as a Nation by proving that we are ca pable honorably and efficiently to bear the International burdens which a mighty peo ple should bear, but even more because of the Immense benefit that has come to the people of the Philippine Islands. In these islands we are steadily introducing both liberty and order, to a greater degree than their people have ever before . known. We have secured justice. We have provided an efficient police force and have put down ladronism. Only in the islands of Leyte and Samar is the authority of our Government resisted and this by wild mountain tribes under the superstitious inspiration of fak irs and pseudo-religious leaders. We are constantly increasing the measure of liberty accorded the islanders, and next Spring, if conditions warrant, we shall take a great stride forward in testing their capacity for celf-g vernment by summoning the first Fil ipino legislative assembly; and the way in which they stand this test will largely de termine -whether the self-T0vernment thus granted will be Increased or decreased; for if we have erred at all in the Philippines It has been in proceeding too rapidly In the direction of granting a large measure of self-government. We are building roads. We have, for the Immeasurable good of the peo ple, arranged for the building of railroads. Let us also see to it that they are given free access to our markets. This Nation owes no more imperative duty to itself and mankind than the duty of managing the affairs of all the islands under the Ameri can flag the Philippines, Porto Rico and Hawaii so as to make it evident that it is in every way to their advantage that the flag should fly over, them. Make Porto Rlcans Citizens. American citizenship should be conferred on the citizens of Portq Rico. The harbor of San Juan in Porto Rico should be dredged and improved. The expenses of the Federal Court of Porto Rico should be met from the Federal Treasury. The administration of the affairs of Porto Rico, together with those of the Philippines, Hawaii and our other Insular possessions, should all be di rected under one executive department; by preference, the Department of State or the Department of War. The needs cf Hawaii are peculiar; every aid should be given the islands; and our efforts should be unceasing to develop them along the lines of a community of small freeholders, not of great planters with coolie-tilled estates. Situated, as this terri tory is, in tht middle of the Pacific, there are duties Imposed upon this small com munity which do not fall in like degree or manner upon any other American com munity. This warrants our treating It dif ferently from the way In which we treat territories contiguous to or surrounded by sister territories or other states, and justi fies the setting aside of a portion of our revenues to be expended for educational and internal Improvements therein. Hawaii Is now making an effort to secure immigra tion fit in the end to assume the 'duties and burdens of full American citizenship, and whenever the leaders In the various indus rles of those islands finally adopt our ideals and heartily join our administration in en deavoring To develop a middle class of sub stantlal citizens, a way will then be found to deal with the commercial and industrial problems which now appear to them so serious. The best Americanism is that ' which alms for stability and permanency of prosperous citizenship, rather than immedi ate returns on large masses of capital. Reorganize Rule In Alaska. Alaska's needs have been partially met, but there must be a complete reorgan ization of the governmental system, as I have before indicated to you. I ask your especial attention to this. Our fellow cit izens who dwell on the shores of Puget Sound with characteristic energy are ar ranging to hold in Seattle the Alaska Yu kon Pacific EiLposlt ion. Its special alms include the upbuilding of Alaska and the development of American commerce on the Pacific Ocean. This exposition, in its pur poses and scope, should appeal not only to the people of the Pacific slope, but to the people of the United States at large. Alas ka since it was bought has yielded to the Government $11,000,000 of revenue, and has produced nearly $300,000,000 in gold, furs and fish. When properly developed It, will become in large degree a land of homes. The countries bordering the Pacific Ocean have a population more numerous than' that of all the countries or Europe; their annual foreign commerce amounts to over $3,000, 000.000, of which the share of the United States is some $700,000,000. If this trade were thoroughly understood and pushed by our manufacturers and producers, the In dustries not only of the Pacific slope, but of Vll our country, and particularly of our cotton growing states, would be greatly benefited. Of course, in order to get these benefits, we must treat fairly the countries with which we trade. Morality Among; Nations. ' It is a mistake, and it betrays a spirit of foolish cynicism, to maintain that all international governmental , action is, and must ever be. based upon mere selfishness, and that to advance ethical reasons for such action Is always a sign of hypocrisy. This is no more necessarily true of the action of governments than of the action of in dividuals. It is a sure sign of a base nature always to ascribe base motives for the ac tions of others. Unquestionably no nation can afford to disregard proper considerations of self-interest, any more than a private individual can so do. But It is equally true that the average private Individual in any really decent community does many actions with reference to other men in which he Is guided, not by self-interest, but by pub lic spirit, .by regard for the rights of others, by a disinterested purpose to do good to others, and to raise the tone of the com munity as a whole. Similarly, a really great naiion must often act, and as a mat ter of fact often does act, toward other nations-in a . spirit not in the least of mere self-interest, but paying heed chiefly to eth ical reasons; and as the centuries go by this disinterestedness in International action, this tendency of the Individuals compris ing, a nation to require that nation to act with Justice toward Its neighbors, steadily grows and strengthens. It is neither wise nor right for a nation to disregard its own needs, and it is foolish and may be wicked to think that other nations will disregard theirs. But it Is wicked for a nation only to regard Its own interest, and foolish to believe that such Is the sole motive that actuates any other nation. It should be our steady aim -to raise the ethical standard of national action Just as we strive to raise the ethical standard of individual action. Not only must we treat all nations fairly, but we must treat with Justice and good will all immigrants who come here under the law. Whether thy are Catholic or Protestant, Jew or Gentile; whether they come from England or Germany, Russia, Japan or Italy, matters nothing. All we have a right to question Is the man's con duct. If he Is honest and upright In his dealings with his neighbor and with the State, then he is entitled to respect and good treatment: Especially do we need to remember our duty to the stranger within our gates. It Is the sure mark of a low civ ilization, a low morality, to abuse or dis criminate ogalnst or in any way humiliate such stranger who has come here lawfully and who i conducting- himself properly. To remember this Is incumbent on every American citizen, and It la of course pecu liarly Incumbent on every Government offi cial, whether of the Nation or of the sev eral states. Praise for Japanese. I am prompted to say this by the atti tude of hostility here and there assumed toward the Japanese in this country. This hostility Is sporadic and is limited to a very few places. Nevertheless, it Is most discreditable to us as a people, and it may be fraught with the gravest consequences to the Nation. The friendship between the United States and Japan has been con tinuous since the time, over half a century ago, when Commodore Perry, by his expe- j j dltion to Japan, first opened the Islands i to western civilization. Since then the growth of Japan has been literally astound ing. There is not only nothing to parallel it, but nothing to approach it in the his tory of clvlzlled mankind. Japan has a glorious and ancient past. Her civilization Is older than that of the nations of north ern Europe the nations from whom the people of the United States have chiefly sprung. But 50 years ago Japan's devel opment was still that of the middle ages. During that 50 years the progress of the country in every walk of life has been a marvel to mankind, and she now stands as one of the greatest . of civilized nations, great In the arts of war and tn the arts of peace ; great In military. In industrial, in artistic development and achievement. Japanese soldiers and sailors have shown themselves equal in combat to any of whom history makes note. She has produced great generals and mighty admirals; her fighting men, afloat and ashore, show all the heroic courage, the unquestioning, unfaltering loy alty, the rd I en did Indifferent tn hnrd- 'ship and death, which marked the Loyal Konins; and they show also that they pos sess the highest Ideal of patriotism. Jap anese artists of very kind see their products eagerly -sought for in all lands. The in dustrial and commercial development of Japan has been phenomenal; greater than that of any other country during the same period. At the same time the advance in science and philosophy is no less marked. The admirable management of the Japanese Red Cross during the late war, the effl- ' clency and humanity of the Japanese offi cials, nurses and doctors, wen the respect ful admiration of all acquainted with the facts. Through the Red Cross the Jap ane-se people sent over S 100.000 to the suf ferers of San Francisco, and the gift was accepted with gratitude by our people. The courtesy of the Japanese, nationally and Individually, has become proverbial. To no otner country nas mere been such an in creasing number of visitors from this land as to Japan. In return, Japanese have come here in great numbers. They are welcome, socially and Intellectually, in all our colleges and Institutions of higher learning, in all our professional and social bodies. The Japanese have won In a single generation the right to stand abreast of the foremost and most enlightened peoples of Europe and America ; they have won on their own mecits and by their own exer tions the right to treatment on a basis of full and frank equality. The overwhelming mass of our people cherish a lively regard and respect for the people of Japan, and In almost every quarter of the Union the stranger from Japan is treated as he de serves; that is, he is treated as the stranger from any part of civilized Europe is and deserves to be treated. But here and there a most unworthy feeling has manifested It Belf toward the Japanese the feeling that has been shown in shutting them out from the common schools in San Francisco, and in mutter- Ings against them in one or two other places, because of their efficiency as work era. To shut" them out from the public schools Is a wicked absurdity, when there are no first-class colleges in the land, in eluding the universities and colleges of California, which do not gladly welcome Japanese students and on which Japanese students do not reflect credit, t We have as much to learn from Japan as Japan has to learn from us; and no nation is fit to teach unless it Is also willing to learn Throughout Japan Americans are well treat ed, and any failure on the part of Ameri cans at home to treat the Japanese with a like courtesy and consideration is by Just so much a confession of Inferiority In our civilization. Measures to Favor Japanese. Our nation fronts- on the Pacific, just as It fronts on the. Atlantic. ve hope to play a constantly growing part in the great ocean of the Orient. We wish, as we ought to wish, for a great commercial development In our dealings with Asia; and It is out of the question that we should permanently have such development unless we ireeiy and giaa ly -extend to other nations the same measure of justice and good treatment which we expect to geceiv in return. It is only a very small body of our citizens that act badly. Where the Federal Government has power it will deal summarily with any euch. Where the several States have power I earnestly ask that they also deal wisely and promptly with such con duct, or else this small body of wrongdoers may bring ehame upon the great mass of their innocent and right-thinking fellows that le. upon our nation as a whole.. Good man ners should be an international "no less than an Individual attribute. I ask fair treatment for the Japanese as I would ask fair treatment for Germans or Englishmen, Frenchmen, Rus sians, or Italians. I ask it as due to humani ty and civilization. I ask it as due to our selves because we must act uprightly toward all men. I recommend to the Congress that an act bo past specifically providing for the naturali zation of Japanese who come here Intending to become American citizens. One of the great embarrassments attending" the perform ance of our international obligations is the fact that the Statutes of the United States are entirely inadequate. They fail to give to the National Government sufficiently ample power, through United States courts and by the use of the Army and Navy, to protect aliens in the rights secured to them under solemn treaties which are the law of the land. I therefore earnestly recommend that the criminal and civil statutes of the United States be so amended and added to as to en able the President, acting for the United States Government, which Is responsible In our International relations, to enforce the rights of aliens under treaties. Even as the law now Is something can be. done by the Federal Gov ernment toward this end, and in the matter now before me affecting the Japanese, every thing that It is In my power to do will be done, and all of the forces, military and civil, of the United States which I may lawfully employ will be so employed. There should, however, be no particle of 'doubt as to the power of the National Government completely to perform and enforce its own obligations to other nations. The mob of a single city may at any time perform acts of lawless violence against some class of foreigners which would plunge us into war. That city by itself would be powerless to make defense against the foreign power thus assaulted, and if indepen dent of this Government it would never ven ture to perform or permit the performance of the acts complained of. The entire power and the whole duly to protect the offending city or the offending community lies in the hands of the United States Government. It Is un thinkable that we should continue a policy under which a given locality may be allowed to commit a crime against a friendly nation, and the United States Government limited, not to preventing the commission of the crime, but. In the last resort, to defending the people who have committed it against the conse quences of their own wrongdoing. Cuba's Last Chance an Republic. Tast August an insurrection broke out In Cuba which it speedily grew evident that the existing Cuban Government was powerless to quell. -This Government was repeatedly asked by the then Cuban (lovernment to intervene, and finally was notified by the President of Cuba that he Intended to resign; that his de cision was irrevocable; that none of the other constitutional officers would consent to carry on the Government, and that he was power less to maintain order. It was evident that chaos was impending, and there was every probability that if steps were not Immediately taken by thia Government to try to restore order, the representatives of various European nations In the lsiana wouia apply to tneir respective governments for armed intervention in order to protect the Uvea and property of their citizens. Thanks to the preparedness of our Navy, I was able Immediately to send enough ships to euoa to prevent tne situation from becoming hopeless ; and I f urt hermore dispatched to Cuba the Secretary of War and the Assistant Secretary of State, In order that they might grapple with the situation on the ground. All efforts to secure an agreement between the contending factions, by which they should themselves come to an amicable under standing and settle upon some modus vlvendi some provisional government of their own failed. Finally the President of the Republic resigned. The quorum of Congress assembled failed by deliberate purpose of its members, so that there was no power to act on his resigna tion, and the Government came to a halt. In accordance with the . so-called Piatt amend ment, which was embodied In the constitution of Cuba, I thereupon proclaimed a provisional government for the Island, the Secretary of War acting as provisional governor until he could be replaced by Mr. Magoon, the late minister to anama and governor of the Canal Zone on the Isthmus; troops were sent to sup port them and to relieve the Navy the expedi tion being bandied with most satisfactory speed and efficiency. The insurgent chiefs Im mediately agreed that their troops should lay down their arms and disband; and the agree ment was carried out. The provisional gov ernment has left the personnel of the old government and the old laws, so far as might be, unchanged, and will thus administer the Island for a few montns untu tranquility can be restored, a new election properly held, and a new government inaugurated. Peace has come in the island; and the harvesting of the sugar-cane crop, the great crop of the island. Is about to proceed. When the election has been held and - the new government Inaugurated In peaceful and orderly fashion the provisional government will come to an end. I take this opportunity of expressing upon behalf of the American peo ple, with all possible solemnity, our most ear nest hope that the people of Cuba will realize the Imperative need of preserving justice and keeping order in the Island. The United States wishes nothing of Cuba except that It shall prosper morally and materially, and wishes nothing of the Cubans save that they shall be able to preserve order among them selves and therefore to preserve their Inde pendence. If the elections become a farce, and if the Insurrectionary habit becomes con firmed In ths Island, it Is absolutely out of J the question that the Island should continue independent; and the United States, which has assumed the sponsorship before the civilized world for Cuba's career as a nation, would again have to intervene and to see that the go vernmen t was managed in such orderl y fashion as to secure the safety of life and property. The path to be trodden by those who exercise self-government is always hard, and we should have every charity and pa tience with the Cubans as they tread this difficult path. I have the utmost sympathy with, and regard for, them; but I most ear nestly adjure them solemnly to weigh their responsibilities and to see that when their new government is started it shall run smooth ly, and with freedom from flagrant dental of right on the one hand, and from insurrection ary disturbances on the other. . Fan-American Conference. The second international conference of American Republics, held in Mexico in th years 1901-2. provided for the holding of the third conference within five years, and com mitted the fixing of the time and place and the arrangements for the conference to the governing board- of the Bureau of American Republics, composed of the representatives of all the American Nations in Washing ton. That board discharged the duty im posed upon It with marked fidelity and painstaking care, and upon the courteous invitation of the United States of Brazil, the conference was held at Rio de Janeiro, continuing from the ri'ld of July to the 29th of August last. Many subjects at com mon Interest to all the American nations were discussed by the conference, and the conclusion reached, embodied In a series of resolutions and proposed conventions, will be laid before you upon the coming in of the final report of the American delegates. They contain many matters of importance relating to the extension of trade, the in crease of communication, the smoothing away of barriers to free intercourse, and the promotion of a better knowledge and good understanding between the different coun tries represented. The meetings of the con ference were harmonious and the conclusions wero reached with substantial unanimity. It Is interesting to observe that in the suc cessive conferences which have been held the representatives of the different Ameri can nations have been learning to work to gether effectively, for, while the first con ference in Washington in 1SS9, and the sec ond conference in Mexico in 1901-2, occu pied many months, with much time wasted In an unregulated and fruitless discussion, the third conference at Rio exhibited much of the facility in the practical dispatch of business which characterizes permanent de liberative bodies, and completed its labors within tho period of six weeks originally al lotted for Its sessions. Quite apart from the specific value of the conclusions reached by the conference, the example of the representatives of all the American nations engaging in harmonious and kindly consideration and discussion of subj-icts of common interest is itself of great and substantial value for the promotion of reasonable and considerate treatment of all international questions. The thanks of this country are due to the government of Brazil and to the people of Rio de Janeiro for the generous hospitality with which our dele gates. In common with the others, were re ceived, entertained and facilitated In their work. Secretary Root's Tour. Incidentally to the meeting of the con ference, the Secretary of Sta.te visited the City of Rio de Janeiro and was cordially received by the conference, of which he was made an honorary president. The announce ment of his intention to make this visit was followed by most courteous and urgent Invitations from nearly all the countries of South America to visit them as the guest of their governments. It was deemed that by the acceptance of these invitations we might appropriately express the real respect and friendship in which we hold our sister republics of the southern continent, and the Secretary accordingly visited Brazil, Uru guay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama and Colombia. He refrained from visiting Para guay, Bolivia and Ecuador only because fae distance of their capitals from the seaboard made it impracticable with the time at his disposal. He carried with him a message of peace and friendship, and of strong de sire for good understanding and mutual helpfulness; and he was everywhere received in the spirit of his message. The members of government, the press, the learned pro fessions, the men of business and the great masses of the people united everywhere in emphatic response to his friendly expressions and in doing honor to the country and cause which he represented. In many parts of South America there has been much misunderstanding of the attitude and purposes of the United States toward the other American republics. An idea had become prevalent that our assertion of the Monroe doctrine implied or carried with It an assumption of superiority and of a right to exercise some kind of protectorate over the countries to whose territory that doctrine applies. Nothing could be farther from the truth. Yet that impression con tinued to be a sericus barrier to good un derstanding, to friendly intercourse, to the Introduction of American capital and tho extension of American trade. The impres sion was so widespread that apparently It could not be reached by any ordinary means. Root Dispels False Impression. It was part of Secretary Root's mission to dispel this unfounded impression, and there is just cause to believe that he has succeeded. In an address to the third con ference at Rio on the 31st of July an ad dress of such note that I sena" It In, to gether with this message he said; We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and equal rights of .the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the -observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against' the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights or priv ileges or powers that we do not freely con cede to every American republic. - We wish to increase our prosperity, to extend our trade, to grow in wealth, in wisdom and in spirit, but our coneeptton of the true way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a com mon growth, that we may all becomo greater and stronger together. Within a few months for the first time the recognized possessors of every foot of soil -upon the American continents can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress at The Hague. This will be the world's formal and final acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American continents is to be deemed subject to col onization. Iet us pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of the duty to humanity which that accepted dec laration Implies, so that In time the weakest and most unfortunate of our republics may1 come to march with equal step by the side of the stronger and more fortunate. Iet us help each other to show that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have fought and labored is the twin sister of jus tice and peace. Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective an all American public opinion, whoso power shall influence international conduct and prevent international wrong, and narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free land from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the frontiers of Europe and bring us ever nearer to the perfection of or dered -ttherty. So shall come security and prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learning, the arts and happiness for us all. South America's Acclaim. These words appear to have been received with acclaim in every part of Soth Amer ica. They have my hearty approval, as I am sure they will have yours, and I can not be wrong in the conviction that they correctly represent the sentiments of the whole American people. I cannot better characterize the true attitude of the United States in its assertion of the Monroe doc trine than in the words of the distinguished ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina, No woman who uses "Mother's and danger incident to birth; tor it robs tne ordeal or its norror and insures safety to life of mother and child, and leaves her in a condition more favorable to speedy recovery. The child i3 also healthy, strong and good natured. Our book "Motherhood," is worth its wei frht in Fold to everv O J m woman, and will be sent free in plain envelope by addressing application to Bradfield Regulator Co. Atlanta, Ga. Dr. Drago. in his speech welcoming Mr. Root at Buenos Ayres. He spoke of "The traditional policy of the United States (which) without accentuating supe riority or seeking preponderance, con demned the oppression of the nations of this part of the world and the control of their destinies by the great powers of Eu rope." It Is gratifying to know that In the great city of Buenos Ayres, upon the arches which spanned the streets, entwined with Argen tine and American flags for the reception of our representative, there were emblazoned not only the names of Washington and Jefferson and Marshall, but also. In ap preciative recognition . of their services to the cause of South American independence, the names of James Monroe, John Qulmy Adams, Henry Clay and Richard Rush. We take especial pleasure In the graceful cour tesy of the Government of Brazil, which hem given to the beautiful and stately building first used for the meeting of tho conference the name of "Palaclo Monroe." Our grateful acknowledgements are due to the governments and the peopla of all the countries visited by the Secretary of State for the curtesy, the friendship, and tlie honor shown to our country in their gen erous hospitality to him. No Debt-Collertlnsjr Wars. In my message to you on the 5th of De cember. 1003. I called your attention - to the embarrassment that might.be caused to thls Government by the assertion by foreign nations of the right to collect by force of arms debts due by American repub lics to citizens of the collecting nations, and to the danger that the process of compul sory collection might result in the occupa tion of territory tending to become perma nent. I then said: "Our own Government has always refused to enforce such contractual obligations on behalf of I,ts citizens by an appeal to arms. It Is much to be wished that all foreign governments would take the same view." This subject was one of the topics of con sideration at the conference at Rio and a resolution was adopted by that conference recommending to tne respective governments represented to "consider the advisability of asking the Second Peace Conference at Tne Hague to examine the question of the com pulsory collection of public debts, and in general, means tending to diminish among nations conflicts of purely pecuniary origin." This resolution was supported by the rep resentatives of the United States in accord ance with the following instructions: "It has long been tne established policy of the United States not to use Its armed forces for the collection of ordinary con tract debts due to its citizens by other gov ernments. We have not considered the use of force for such a purpose consistent with that respect for the independent sovereignty of other members of the family of nations, which is the most important principle of International law and the chief protection of weak nations against the oppression of the strong. It seems to us that the prac tice Is Injurious in Its general effect upon the relations of nations and upon the wel fare of weak and disordered states, whoe development ought to be encouroged in the Interests of civilization: that it offers fre quent temptation to bullying and oppres sion and to unnecessary and unjustiriii Me warfare. We regret that other powers, whose opinions and sense of Justice we esteem highly, have at times taken a dif ferent view and have permitted themselves, though we believe with reluctance, to col lect such debts by force. It Is doubtless true that the non-payment of public debts may be accompanied by such circumstances of fraud and wrongdoing or violation of treat ies as to justify tne use of force. This Government would be glad to see an inter national consideration of the subject which shall discriminate between such cases and the simple non-performance of a contract with a private person, and a resolution In favor of reliance upon peaceful means tn cases of the latter clans. It is not felt, however, that the confer ence at Rio should undertake to make such a discrimination or to resolve upon euch a rule. Most of tne American coun tries are still debtor nations, while the coun tries of Europe are the creditors. If the Rio conference, therefore, were to take such action it would "nave the appearance of a meeting of debtors resolving how their creditors should act. and this would not Inspire respect. The true course Is In dicated by the terms of the programme, which proposes to request the Second Hague Conference, where both creditors and debt ors will be assembled, to consider tne sub ject." Mediation in Central America. Last June trouble which had existed for some time between the republics of Salva dor, Guatemala and Honduras culminated in war a war which threatened to be ruinous to the countries involved and very destruc tive to the commercial Interests of Amer icans, Mexicans and other foreigners who are taking an Important part In tne de velopment of these countries. Tlia, thor oughly good understanding which exists be tween the United States and Mexico enabled thin Government and that of , Mexico to unite In effective mediation between the warring republics; which .mediation result ed, not without long-continued and patient effort. In bringing about a meeting of the representatives of the hostile powers on board a 'United States warship as neutral territory, and peace was there concluded: a peace which resulted in the saving of thousands of lives and in the prevention of an Incalculable amount of misery and the destruction of ' property and of the means of livelihood. The Rio Conference passed the following resolution In reference to this action: "That the Third International Amerlrsn Conference shall address to the Presidents of the United States of America and of the United States of Mexico a note In which the conference whicn Is being held at Rio expresses Its satisfaction at the happy re sults of their mediation for the celebration of peace between the republics of Guate mala, Honduras and Salvador." This affords an excellent example of n way In which the influence of the United States can properly be exercised for the benefit of the peoples of the Western Hem isphere; that is, by action taken in con cert with other American republics and therefore free from those suspicions and prejudice which might attach if the action wore taken by one alone. In this way it Is possible to exercise a powerful Influence to ward the substitution of considerate action In the spirit of justice for the insurrection ary or international violence which has hitherto' been so great a hindrance to tne development of many of our neighbors. Repeated examples of united action by sev eral or many American republics In favor of peace, by urging cool and reasonable. In stead of excited and belligerent, treatment of international controversies, can not full to promote the growth of a general public opinion among the American nations which will elevate the standards of International action, strengthen the sense of Interna tional duty among governments, and tell in favor of the peace of mankind. I have just returned from a trip to Pan ama and shall report to you at length Inter on the whole subject of the Panama canal. Ratify Aljrerlras Treaty. The Algeciras Convention, which was signed by the United States as well as by most of the powers of Kurope, supersedes the previous convention of 18R0, which was also signed both by the United States and a majority of the Kuropean powers. This treaty confers upon us equal commercial rights with all European countries and does not entail a single obliga tion of any kind u rxm us. and 1 earn est I y hope It may be speedily ratified. To refuse to ratify it would merely mean that we for feited our commercial rights In Morocco and would not achieve another object of any kind. In the event of such refusal we would be left for the first time In a hundred and twenty years without any commercial treaty with Morocco: and this at a time when we are everywhere seeking new markets and outlets for "trade. The destruction of the Pribilof Islands fur seals by pelagic sealing still continues. The herd which, according to the surveys made In 1874 by direction of the Congress, numbered A 7OO.04 V). and which, according to the survey of both American and Canadian commissioners in 1S01. amounted to I.OOft.OOu! has now been reduced to about 1 8O.00O. This result has been brought about by Canadians and some other And many other painful and serious ailments from which most mothers suffer, can be avoided by the use- of "Mother's Friend " This 'great remedy H is a God-send to women, carrying I them through their most critical B rvrrlpal with safetv and no pain. Friend" need fear the suffering