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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 7, 1904)
-6 THE HORNING OREGONIAN, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1904. Entered a th Pcstofne at Portland. Or., as second-class mattter. REVISED SUBSCRIPTION RATES. Sr all (pottage prepaid In advance Dally, with Sunday, per month f0.85 Daily, -with Sunday excepted, per year 7.50 Dally, with Sunday, per jrear 0.00 Bandar, per year . . 2.00 The weekly, per year 1.30 The "Weekly, 3 months .50 Dally, per week, delivered, Sunday ex cepted 15o Dally, per -week, delivered, Sunday In cluded 20o POSTAGE RATES. United States, Canada and Mexico 10 to 14-page paper.. ....................lo 14 to 30-page papo ....................So Z2 to 44-page paper ....3c Foreign rates, double. The Oregonlan does not buy poems or stories from Individuals, and cannot under take to return any manuscript sent to It without solicitation. No stamps should be Inclosed tor this purpose. EASTERN" BUSINESS OFFICES. (The & C. Beckwith Special Agency) New York; rooms 43-50, Tribune Building. Chicago: Rooms 510-512 Tribune Building. KEPT ON SALE. Atlantic City. N. J. Taylor & Bailey, Sews dealers, 23 Leeds Place. Chicago Auditorium annex; PostoSlca .News Co., 178 Dearborn' street. Denver Julius Black, Hamilton & Zend Tick. 006-812. Seventeenth street. Kwnsan City, Mo. Rlcksecker Cigar Cx, iiintb. and Walnut. Los Angeles B. F. Gardner, 259 South Spring, and Harry Drapkln. Minn capo lis M. J. Kavanaugh, 50 South Third; L. Regeishurger, 217 First Avenue Eouth. New Trk City Xu Jones & Co Aster iHouse. Ogden I. R. Oodard. . .Omaha Barkalow Broa, 1612 F&rnam; jMcLaughUn Bros, 210 Eouth 14th; Megeath Stationery Co, 1308 Farnanv Salt Lake Salt Lake News Co., 77 "West lEecond South street. St. Louis World's Fair News Co., Joseph Copeland, Wilson & Wilson. 217 N. 17th St.; Geo. Ik Ackermann, newsboy. Eighth and Olive sU. San Francisco J. K. Cooper Co., 748 Mar ket, near Palace Hotel: poster & Orear. Ferry News Stand; Goldsmith Bros.. 238 Sut ter; L. E. Lee, Palace Hotel News Stand; F. W. Pitts, 1008 Market; Frank Scott. 80 Ellis; N. WheaUey. 83 Stevenson; Hotel St. Francis News Stand. Washington, D. C. Ebbltt House News Stand. TESTERDAT'S WEATHER Maximum tem perature, 82 deg.; minimum, 55. Precipitation, cone. TO DATS WEATHER Fair; slightly cooler. Northwesterly winds. PORTLAND, WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 7, 1904. THE BEST IS NOW. The industrial and economic condi tions of the United States of today can not be carried back to the conditions of the early life and time. It is useless to refer to conditions as they existed then, and to long- for their return; for they never can return, and if they could return or be brought back, they would be rejected. They who picture a golden age of past times, and sigh for return of .it, are victims merely of illu sion. The present times are better than any that have preceded them, and if experi ence is sought, and antiquity to ap prove it, the present age is the oldest and wisest. If we think of the United States as they were in 1789, occupying a narrow strip of the Atlantic seaboard, engaged xnly In agriculture, with no city larger than Portland, Oregon, or perhaps Sa vannah, Georgia, now is; with so little capital and that still so far in the hands of individuals that there were probably less than two dozen corporations in the whole country; with mails carried through on horseback, or if in coaches only between the principal towns, and that at irregular Intervals all must agree that the President of such a peo ple could not, except in name, be the President of the United States today. Yet President Jefferson's view of per eonai felicity and of National power was based on this state of things, which he thought ought to be continued, as the permanent condition of the country. Already in his time the signs of growth or departure from these conditions had begun to alarm him. With deep appre hension and concern he noted that the conditions of simple and primitive life had begun to change. The whole re source of the people no longer was agri cultural; the towns were beginning to grow. Customs were changing. Cities 'were building, though as yet no city was as large as Portland is now. But in the growth of cities Jefferson saw danger. The city was an. "ulcer" on the body politic. His conception of every thing that was desirable was rural life. Of the future industrial and commercial world, as seen now, he had no concep tion whatever. Nor had Abraham Lincoln much larger forecast. He had come up wholly in the narrow conditions which Jeffer 'eon had cherished as the flower and fruit of human felicity; and when he talked about labor and industrial and social conditions his conceptions were still as primitive as those of Jefferson, and his philosophy of not much wider range. However, this is not surprising. One appeared in Galilee nineteen hundred years ago who laid down rules and maxims of life not at all suited to, and impossible to be followed, in an Im mensely wider and more varied state of society and civilization. Besides, the simplicity of that life Is not only not to be desired, but would be rejected everywhere in our time, with impa tience or contempt Such narrow, hard, meager life, isolated and poor, from which maxims are drawn nowadays by those whose thought and talk revert to that imaginary golden age which they lament as lost, ,or which they . urge those who hear them to strive to bring hack, would be intolerable at this day were it possible to realize it That imaginary golden age is gone fortunately gone, for we have a better. We can no more accept the political economy of the Gospels than we can the physics of the Book of Genesis. Labor now gets more than ever be fore. Almost every real luxury is within reach of it. . Rightly, too; and this marks and accentuates the growth and excellence of our modern Industrial civ ilization. But there is a pessimism that eees no progress, no bow of promise, in all the arching skies. If, however, it could see and know and feel, from Actual contact and experience today, how Inadequate the past would be for today, how lean. -hopeless and scanty, it wouldn't sigh lor that past, but twould be thankful to have escaped it THE "REASONABLE "VIEW. When Agulnaldo attacked the forces jof the United States, in endeavor to ex pel them from the Philippine Islands, The Oregonian said the rising ought to Ibe and would be put down, and later it would appear what course we should take; but, by the time the people had iecome accustomed to the sovereignty of the United States they wouldn't wish tis to leave them. The tendency toward this condition Jaow is very, rapid. It is the policy of the United States to assure in the Phil ippines a firm, stable government and to enlist the best class of the people fin support of it This can be done only by enlisting their Interest and participa tion in it It is not probable that abso lute Independence will ever be granted, for it will not be desired. But the islands may have such relation to this country as Australia or Canada has to England, or perhaps as Cuba has to the United States. But time and experience only can tell what coerseoughtto be adopted. We can not say now what subsequent genera tions of our own people will deem wise, or what succeeding generations of Fil ipinos, benefited by experience in self government and advised of the advan tages of association with the United States, will desire. This Is the reasonable view. No other will get the attention of the country. Even the Democratic candidate for the Presidency does not call for any other policy. He admits that we must wait and see. CAPITAL'S SERVICE TO LABOR. An able and eloquent champion ad dressed a large audience In Portland on Labor Day, and in the main his tribute to the workingman was well re ceived. But we do not understand that the most intelligent representatives of labor now believe in one doctrine enun ciated by Mr. Cotterlll: "And today I come to you with the truth which is as old as humanity, as new as Nature: Labor's Just share of the rewards of toil is the full measure of the product" If Mr. Cotterlll means what he says, he is outlining a proposal which means .the death-knell of wages and employ ment and the worst thing that could happen to the workingman. The Idea is that the men who put their manual labor Into a product shall receive all its value, while the man who puts his money into It shall receive nothing. This Is attractive enough on Its face, but a little reflection will show the dullest mind that under such a sys tem of division the employer would soon cease to exist. He will not put his money Into an enterprise unless he is assured of the possibility of profits; and in the long run, taking successful and unsuccessful employers together, busi ness will not go on unless these profits are certain. What really makes a great business with hundreds of employes is not labor or capital, either, so much as It Is the initiative and executive genius of the man at the head of the enterprise. Sometimes this man owns the property he manages and sometimes he does not But It would be a mistake to assume either that direction of great enterprises involves no labor, or that organization and Investment can be had without the inducements of profits. If the organizer and capitalist cannot take out the due share of the product, then we shall have to resort to a compulsory form of labor, equivalent to slavery. Two capitalists start rival factories employing several hundred men each. One makes a fortune, the other goes bankrupt. Will Mr. Cotterlll maintain that the unsuccessful manufacturer's losses shall be made up by his men or that the successful man's re ward shall be paid over to his men? The Illustration shows us how much is the part of the organizer In the product of labor, and how fixed, lim ited and ineffective is the part of the laborers. The fortune that tlie suc cessful man has made was the neces sary inducement for him to organize and employ; and it also served as the Inducement to draw the unsuccessful man also into business and to dissipate in wages for labor's benefit the fortune he possessed. But It is said that labor existed be fore capital; and so it did. And if cap ital were wiped out, labor would still be. here. If there were no capital, the laborer would still have to work, and work a great deal harder and for much less than he does now. There, are spots in China and India and 'even in the Scottish Highlands where labor contin ues to subsist independent of capital and to reap the full measure of the product But how vastly superior is the lot of labor in complex industrial civilizations like ours, where the differ ence between a body intelligently directed and an equal body of labor un lntelligently directed is apprehended at Its true value and rewarded accord ingly! Every great fortune is a reservoir of wages. It distills in a hundred ways, whether In direct employment by its owner In active business, to his profit or to Its dispersal among the masses, or whether utilized merely in gratification of the luxurious tastes of its owner: in grand houses, expensive furnishings, costly equipages, silks, laces, jewelry, automobiles, electric lights, travel. To do away with this system, and permit no more genius or resources to enter Into a product than labor can deviss and contribute for itself, Is simply to revert from a nation of highly paid op eratives in a thousand skilled trades to a state where each man supplies his own needs; to revert, In a word, from civilization to barbarism. "WHAT ROOSEVELT SAYS." In another column on this page we reprint, as a curiorlty of political lit erature, a Democratic campaign docu ment which Is being widely circulated. It is possible that there are minds that will account these sayings of President Roosevelt objectionable and even dam aging to his character as a man and a statesman; but we shall undertake to say that whoever reads them in fair temper, though he may -at times be amused at their frank and Impulsive nature, will be drawn to their author as a sincere, interesting and lovable personality. Mr. Roosevelt, It must be confessed, entertained at one time, and doubtless still entertains, an unfavorable opinion of the greatness of many of our Presi dents. It is one thing to reproduce hla criticisms of popular Idols and It Is quite another thing to prove they are wrong. His dicta are all debatable questions, except, we believe, as to Jackson's lack of education, and there are profound thinkers who share his views. Tet suppose we do not share his estimate of a single President is there anything about that to got ex cited over? Since when was political opinion a crime in this country? Since when have we come as Americans to disapprove a man because he speaks what he thinks without fear or favor? As to the President's view of the antls in Congress, and the politics of New York, and the utility of a citizen who can't or won't bear arms, and the self ishness of business men In politics, and as to his epigrammatic bits of homely philosophy, we commend them to hard headed citizens generally as good stuff. They are not the words of a coward, a sissy or a hypocrite. They will win votes, among men of sense, away from a candidate who is afraid to say any thing positive for fear of giving offense to somebody. The man of principles, fearless in their defense, will beat tho trimmer any day. TAGG AST'S CALL TO BRYAN. The intimation that the Democratic National Committee will have to appeal to Bryan to help out in the East need surprise no one who reflects upon the activity of the socialistic and popullstlc propaganda within the Democratic party for ten years past. Grover Cleve land was nominated and elected by conservative elements In 1892; but 'In the brief space of four years, partly due to the Chicago riots of 1894, the party changed front on all this class of questions. Probably it would not be too much to say that the radical elements In the Democratic party are not yet overcome and were not overcome at St Louis so much as they were persuaded Into tem porary Inactivity In view of the de feats of 1896 and 1900. He would be a very superficial observer who should fancy that the safe and Eane Democracy has accomplished the downfall o'f Bry anlsm within the party. It has secured the opportunity to see what can be done for once with a man like Parker. There will be no living with the Bryan men In the party if Parker is beaten. That Is why men like Mr. Eckels are striving so desperately to swell the Democratic vote this year in the East. They want to persuade the South that it should act with the -East rather than with Bryan. The fear of defection from Parker to Debs and Watson has been anticipated in these columns ever since the St Louis Convention, and there is good ground for it The annals of the past twelve years are full of evidence that the popullstlc, agrarian and socialistic content of the Democratic masses in the East is great and on the increase. Un der Bryan's leadership the Democratic National ticket gained In strength from 5,556,000 votes for Cleveland in 1892 to 6,502,000 in 1896. Nor was this gain made altogether in the Far West. In Wyoming Bryan secured a gain over Cleveland of 3000, in Oregon 11,000, in Nevada 1000, in Idaho 13,000, in Mon tana 25,000, in Washington 22,000. But small Increases like this do not make' a million. Look at the record of Demo cratic gains from 1892 to 1896 in some of the so-called doubtful states: Cleveland, Bryan, Bryan's 1892. 1806. gain. Illinois 420,000 474.000 48,000 Indiana 202,000 305,000 43.000 Kentucky .....175.000 217,000 42.000 Michigan 202.000 221,000 18.000 Tennessee 127,000 168,000 39,000 West. Virginia 84,000 93,000 9.000 Socialism is abroad, and its home is not so much on our Western farms as in the crowded centers of the East. In New York City and Chicago have gath ered some of the most earnest and vo ciferous of Bryan audiences. The so cialistic mood has greatly advanced among our people since Cleveland was, elected the second time. Eight years of Bryanite preaching have sown seeds whose harvest doth not yet appear. We do know that the socialistic vote of the Nation has grown from 21,000 in 1892 to 127,000 in 1900. In New York alone the 12,000 votes received by Debs in 1900 swelled to 40,000 for Hanford and De Leon In 1902; In Indiana 3000 Socialist voters In 1900 grew to 9000 In 1902; in Illinois 9000 grew to 28,000. The index this affords to the complexion of Demo cratic belief cannot be ignored. Bryan himself gained in following between 1896 and 1900 in many states, for exam ple: 1896. 1900. Gain. New York K51.000 678.000 127,000 New Jersey 123.000 164.000 41,000 Connecticut 66,000 74,000 18 000 Illinois 464.00 503,000 39,000 Maryland 104.000 122.000 18.000 Delaware 13,000 18.000 0.000 Kentucky 217.000 2S5.000 18.000 Massachusetts ......105.000 "156.000 61.000 Mr. Watson's demand for a specific declaration from Judge Parker on the race issue, made at Atlanta, is not de signed for Southern consumption, but for use in Northern States, especially in Eastern States, where he and Debs expect to make heavy Inroads on the Democratic strength. All the world knows that Bryan's entrance Into the Eastern campaign will mean a loss of conservative strength to the Parker cause. If he Is dragged Into the fight it will show that this danger Is not so. great as the danger of defection of the radicals from Parker to Watson and Debs. It is a. curious development In our politics that the popullstlc forces of society are at last recognized in their habitat In Eastern cities. It is a vindi cation of the agricultural population of the West WHEAT'S HOME-MADE STRENGTH. It is now more than six months since "dollar wheat" became an actuality in Chicago and other Middle West mar kets. There have been slight reces sions from that figure, but for the greater part of the time since February the price has held yery close on one side or the other of the dollar mark, and! for the past month has ruled well above that figure. During all of that period there has never been a time when this dollar wheat could be shipped to Europe and sold in the foreign mar kets except at a loss. This peculiar condition naturally demonstrated that the strength In the American wheat markets was a home-grown product that was receiving nourishment inde pendent of all the rest of the world. Months ago, conservative operators be gan predicting that the entire Ameri can crop could not be marketed in this country, and that unless Europe came Into the market as a buyer some of the 1904 crop would have to be sold on a basis of the European markets. The bullish speculators for the past six months have met this argument with the prediction that the European market would be forced to meet the figures established by the American markets, and yet the foreign market does not rally. Within ninety days the Argentine, which has shipped nearly 80,000,000 bushels from last year's crop, will begin shipping from a new -crop which thus far Is coming along In ex cellent condition. Exclusive of the "American visible" there was nothing in the wheat statistics appearing: yester day that indicated much strength. Even the visible, while resting at a pretty low ebb, showed an increase of 826,000 bushels, compared with an Increase of 47,000 bushels for the same week last year, 455,000 bushels In 1902 and 650,000 hushels in 190L It now stands at 12, 814,000 bushels, compared with 13,250,000 bushels last year. Quantities on passage were but 700,000 bushels less than for the preceding week, and world's shipments Increased from 8,276,000 bushels last week to 9,326, 000 bushels. Russia led all other coun tries with shipments of 3,672,000 bushels, compared with 3,016,000 bushels for the previous week, and India shipped 1,592, 000 bushels, compared with 1,432,000 bushels for the preceding week The United States and Canada are credited with shipments of 1,830,000 bushels, which are accounted for as due to early contracts made for flour and wheat, which are now going forward at a iocs to the shipper, who had sold the stuff early and engaged space for it Ameri can wheat and flour exports last year were 120,000,000 bushels, the smallest they have been since 1890, when they dropped to 102.000,000, although they were down to 126,000,000 bushels in 1895. Early con-tracts for wheat shipments to Europe, tbgether with the Oriental flour trade, can hardly fail to swell this sea son's shipments to more than 50,000,000 bushels, no matter how high the Ameri can markets are forced, for the most bulllshly inclined crop expert has not yet ventured an estimate as low as the bare amount needed for seed and home consumption. The lowest estimate yet made on the American crop htfs been about 500,000, 000 bushels, or 137,000,000 less than last year. If Europe fails to get within 70,000,000 bushels as much wheat from us this year as she had last, the short age must be made up from some other country. According to United States Consul-General Patterson, at Calcutta, India alone has for export 53,000,000 bushels more than she had last year, and the quality is excellent. Australia is still shipping fairly heavily from the largest crop on record, and has excel lent prospects for another good yield. Other countries are showing normal conditions. These are the foreign con ditions which necessitate nearly all of the strength In the American markets developing right here at home. It has already developed to such an extent that the farmers through the Middle West are confidently waiting for 51.50 and $2 per bushel, and wheat will con tinue to be scarce and high until they tire of waiting for these figures. The difference in the point of view In Europe and America is reflected in the course of prices yesterday. September wheat in Liverpool closed at a loss since Saturday of 2 cents per bushel. The same option In Chicago at the close yesterday was but one-half a cent lower than on Saturday. Europe has refused for more than six months to partici pate In . the strength in the American markets. If she maintains her bearish position, wheat in the American mar kets will suffer a decline. An astounding feature in the case of Charles Walton, the boy highwayman, Is his bold and unwavering denial of the crime, which was witnessed by" his cap tors. A cheerful liar, even if his tales are simply bombastic and relatively harmless, is one of the most discourag ing creatures with whom a sorely-tried community or family has to deal. One can lock his doors against a thief and rest In reasonable security, but against the chronic, unblushing liar there Is absolutely no defense except the shot gun, and that, unfortunately as In the case of the persecuted citizen aid the reckless automobillst one Is not fully justified in using, though the tempta tion to do so, upon occasion, Is unde niably great. As for this boy bandit, this singular pervert, this unconscion able liar, because of whose act the life of a brave officer and a good man hangs trembling in the balance, the door of evm Inconsiderate sympathy has been cloned upon him by his bold denial of his crime. The most sanguine reformer must admit that It is impossible, under any conceivable circumstances, to make a trustworthy citizen out of a lad who is so utterly devpld of truth. During the last four years the Re publican party in "Vermont has been racked by the liquor question. Local option, license and prohibition have all been engaged. Two years ago the Re publicans failed to elect the Governor by a majority vote, and the contest went to the Legislature for decision. Yet on other state officers there was a majority of 30,000. As between the two leading parties, the Republican vote of Vermont Is about 48,000 and the Demo cratic vote about 17,000. This will be about the result in the Presidential election.' But In local elections the liquor question, during recent years, has been a very disturbing factor. Un der the unreasonable demands of Pro hibition "Vermont is becoming more and more restive. Chief Hunt Is entirely right No man should be retained on the police force who drinks to intoxication, on duty or off. The demands of modern traffic have, to a great extent eliminated the drinking man, and entirely banished the drunk ard from this responsible branch of the public service. The demands of official life should do the same. This is espe "clally true of men who stand In the capacity of peace officers between the orderly and disorderly elements of so ciety. A drinking policeman fs a men ace to good order. A drunken police man is an Indictment of fraud against the authorities that maintain him In his place. The Republican majority In "Vermont Is high as ever. It Is up to the mark of 1900, and may exceed it. This is not conclusive, but it is a "straw." It Indi cates that the vote for Roosevelt in New England and New York will be about equal to that cast for McKInley. Arkansas Mas gone as heavily Demo cratic as Vermont has gone heavily Re publican. But National elections are decided in the Northern States. There are no elections In the South; no free dom of speech or of action there. Every thing is a foregone conclusion. The votes are all counted in advance. How long this will lastino one can tell. But it is a menace to the Republic. The latest Issue of Printer's Ink, dated August 31, contains a very hand some notice of the formation of the Oregon Development League, with a reproduction of Secretary Richardson's call. It Is a splendid tribute to a good piece of work. The Russian army Is "advancing" northward, on Mukden and Moscow. This is the latest war news from Rus sian sources. PRINCIPLES VERSUS TRIMMING. "We do not have to avoid a definite and conclusive committal on the most important Issue which has recently been "before the people, and -which may at any time In the near future be before them agrain. "Upon the principles which underlie the issue the convictions of half of our number do not clash Trlth -those of the other half. So long: as the Republican party is in power the sold standard Is settled, not as a matter of temporary political expediency, not be cause of shifting: conditions In the pro duction of gold In certain mining cen ters, but la accordance Trlth what we regard as the 1 Hndameatal principles of National morality and wisdom. Presi dent Reesevelt. "WHAT ROOSEVELT' SAYS' ''What Roosevelt Says!" Is the title of a little four-page leaflet which the Demo cratic National Committee is circulat ing throughout the country. The officials of the press and literary bureau of the committee have been busy reading the works of the President lately, and the quotations In the circular are all taken from various writings Of the Roosevelt pen during recent years. .The "keynote" of the Roosevelt policy Is taken from the President's "Oliver Cromwell," on page '52, being: "In great crises it may be necessary to overturn Congress, to disregard statutes," etc. This is given as the first quotation ba the pamphlet It then is shown that President Roosevelt in tho couse of his writings has taken occasion to excoriate each of our Chief Executives from Jef ferson to Lincoln, with the sole exception of John Quincy Adams, it being stated in the introduction to these quotations that the President's apparent disregard of our National precedents and tradi tions possibly may be explained by Ms opinions of those who created those pre cedents. Then comes the following list of quota tions, with the works and the pages o the works of Roosevelt where the sen tences occur: JEFFERSON "Timid and shifty doctrinaire" (Life, of Benton, p. 73); "The most Incapable Etxecutie who ever filled the President's chair" (Naval War of 1812. p. 455). MADISON "Incapable" (Naval War, p. 455); result of his Administration brought "shame and disgrace to America." in the War of 1812 (The Winning of the West, vol. lv, p. 196). MONROE With "no special ability"- (Ben ton. p. 47); as Secretary of War under Madi son, a "triumph of imbecility to the last" (Naval War, p. 456). JACKSON "Ignorant" (Benton, p. 73). VAN BUREN "Faithfully served the mam mon of unrighteousness. He succeeded because of, and not in spite of, his moral shortcom ings" (Benton, p 187). HARRISON TAYLOR FI LLMORE "Small Presidents" (Benton, p. 292). TYLER "He has been called a mediocre man; but this is unwarranted flattery. He was a politician of monumental littleness. His chief mental and moral attributes were peevishness, fretful obstinacy. Inconsistency," etc. (Benton, p. 239). POLK "Excepting Tyler, the very smallest of the lino of small Presidents who came In between Jackson and Lincoln" (Benton, p. 292). PIERCE "Small politician, of low capacity and mean surroundings" (Benton, p. 345). BUCHANAN One of the "small Presidents" (Benton, p. 292). Of the President's miscellaneous char acterization of men, things and Institu tions, the following are clipped: CONGRESS "Just at this moment Congress, In Washington, seems to have made up its mind that having provided for the fact that we must take care of the Philippines and of Cuba, there is not to be any Army with which te take care of it, and that the armed resistance Is to be made by proclamation. Well, it Is a little . soul-harrowing to have to deal with CATTLE who take that view of the respon sibility of the Nation." Speech as Governor of New York before Syracuse Chamber of Com merce, 1899. NEW YORK "New York has always had a low political standard, one or the other of Its great parties and factional organizations, and often both or all of them, being at all times most unlovely bodies of excessively unwhole some moral tone." Life of Benton, p. 81. THE QUAKERS "A class of professional noncombatantB Is as hurtful to the real healthy growth of a nation as Is a class of fire-eaters, for a weakness or folly is nationally as bad as a vice or worse, and In the long run A QUA KER MAY BE QUITE AS UNDESIRABLE A CITIZEN AS IS A DUELIST." Ben, p. 37. LABORING MEN "They (cowboys) are much better fellows and pleasanter companions than small farmers or agricultural laborers; nor are the mechanics and workmen of a great city to be mentioned in the same breath." Ranch Life and Hunting Trail, p. 10. "GOOD" LYNCH LAW "In many of the cases of lynch law which have come to my knowledge the effect has been healthy for the community." The Winning of the West, vol 1. p. 132. ALL SELFISH "A merchant or manufact urer works his business, as a rule, purely for his own beneftt, without any regard whatever for the community at large.',' Essay on "Ma chine Politics," In American Ideals, p. 100. OPPOSES PROTECTION "Political econo mists have pretty generally agreed that protec tion Is vicious in theory and harmful In prac tice." Thomas H. Benton, p. 07. AMERICA AN INTERNATIONAL CONSTA BLE "Any country whose people conduct themselves well can count upon our hearty friendliness. If a nation shows that It knows how to act with decency In industrial and political matters, if It keeps order and pays its obligations, then it need fear no inter ference from the United States." Latter to the Cuban dinner, May 20. 1904. "SOUND POLICY" FOR A NATION-"In old days, when I first came to Little Missouri, there was a motto on the range: 'Never draw unless you mean to shoot.' That Is a pretty sound policy for a nation la foreign affairs." Speech at Tacoma. Wash., May 22, 1003. CARRY A "BIG STICK" "There Is a homely old adage which runs: 'Speak softly and carry a BIG STICK; you will go far.' If the Amer ican Nation will speak softly and yet build and keep at a pitch of the highest training a thoroughly efficient navy, the Monroe Doctrine will go far." Speech at Chicago, April 2, 1902. NO PERMANENT PEACE WANTED "If we ever grow to regard peace as a permanent con dition, and feci that wc can afford to let the keen, fearless, virile qualities of heart and mind and body sink into disuse, we wilt pre pare the way for Inevitable and shameful dis aster In tho future. . . . Tho peace which breeds timidity and sloth Is a curse and not a blessing." Speech before Republican Club, New York City, February 13, 1S90. Further documentary evidence on Mr. Roosevelt's views is now being gleaned from tho President's writings, and will form a good part of the campaign liter ature of the Democratic campaign mana gers. Bryan's "Support'' of Parker. BRYAN'S VIEW OF NOMINATION. I have nothing to take back; I have nothing to withdraw of the things that I have said against the methods pursued to advance his candidacy. It was a plain and deliberate attempt to deceive the party. The New York platform was vague, and purposely so, because the ad vocates of Judge Parker were trying to secure votes from among the people who would have opposed his views had they known them. The nomination was se cured, therefore, by crooked and inde fensible methods. The Commoner, July 13, 1904. BRYAN'S VIEW OF PLATFORM. I shall not misrepresent the situation, or appeal for votes for the ticket upon false grounds. A Democratic victory will mean very little, if any, progress on economic questions so long as the party is under the control of the "Wall-street element. . . . The labor plank as prepared by Judge Parker's friends on the sub-committee was straddling and mean ingless. . ... The nomination of Judge Parker virtually nullifies the anti-trust plank. The Commoner, July 13, 1904. Good Advice to Bailey. New York "World. Not content with having nominated a candi date who has taught by his personal example the pernicious doctrine of social equality be tween Anglo-Saxon and the African races, tho Republican party has gone still further. Sen ator Bailey in his Brooklyn speech. Stick to the big stick, Senator. Stick to the tariff. Stick to the trusts. Stick to the extravagance of the administration and the impetuous ardor of Mr. Roosevelt. Let the race question severely alone. You cannot convlnco the people of the North that it Is a heinous crime for a President of the United States to lunch with Booker T. Washington, whatever the color of the "Washington's skin may be. They will no more worry about equal ity between American an'd African than about equality between American and Chinese, when the Present Invites the Chinese Minister to dinner. When you drag tho Irrelevant race ques tion into the campaign you crowd out im portant Issues that ought to be considered. WASHINGTON AND THE BIG STICK New York Tribune. In default of any fixed or logical pro gramme on which they can ask a return to power. Democratic leaders and mana gers are struggling to set In motion a bugaboo campaign against the personality of President Roosevelt. The American people are told that the President is an exemplar of the military spirit, an- advo cate of the rule of the sword, of un-American policies, of military ag grandizement and military aggression. Because he has constantly urged the maintenance of an efficient Army and the creation of a strong Navy he has been pictured as a "War Lord," eager to en force his flats on both hemispheres with a "big stick." But on what a ludicrous and shallow basis all this effort to create a "Man on Horseback" rests! We quote below some of the utterances used by Demo cratic bogie men to substantiate thelr claim that President Roosevelt is a "mili tary megalomaniac," eager to give rein to all the brutal passions of war. In speaking on various occasions of the need of armaments to defend our borders and to enforce, when necessary, the obliga tions we have assumed under the Mon roe Doctrine," the President said: "If we ever grow to regard peace as a permanent condition, and feel that we can afford to let the keen, fearless, virile qualities of heart and mind and body sink into disuse, we will prepare the way for inevitable and shameful disaster in the future." New York, February 13 1S99. "The Army and the Navy are the sword and the shield which this Nation must carry, if she is to do her duty among the nations of the earth." Chicago, April 10. 1S99. "In the old days, when I first came to Little Missouri, there was a motto on the range: "Never draw unless you mean to shoot.' That is a pretty sound policy for a nation in foreign affairs." Tacoma, May 22, 1903. "There Is a homely adage which runs: 'Speak softly, and carry a big stick; you will go far.' If the American Nation .will speak softly, and yet build and keep at a pitch of the highest training a thoroughly efficient Navy, the Monroe Doctrine will go far." Chicago, April 2. 1902. "We desire the peace which comes, as of right, to the just man armed, not the' peace granted on terms of Ignominy to the craven and the weakling." First message to Congress. Of these utterances and others sim ilar In vein, we are asked by Democratic leaders: "Was there ever before language so intemperate, so intolerant, so extrava gant, so unprecedented, so Inflammatory, uttered by a President of the United States?" Softly, softly, dear critics! Other Presi dents besides President Roosevelt have seen and urged the necessity of being armed agalnt contingencies, of "speaking softly, but carrying a big stick." George "Washington, Father of his- Country, for , instance. Here are some extracts from Washington's state papers: "To be prepared for war Is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace. A free people ought not only to be armed, but .disciplined, to which end a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite." First Annual Message, January 8, 1790. "Tho safety of the United States under Divine protection ought to rest on tho basis of systematic and solid arrange ments, exposed as little as possible to the hazards of fortuitous circumstances." October 25, 1790. ' "To have an active external commerce the protection of a naval force Is Indis pensable. To secure respect to a neutral flag requires a. naval force organized and ready to vindicate It from insult or ag gression." December 7, 1796. "I cannot recommend to your notice measures for the fulfilment of our duties to the . rest of the world without again pressing upon you the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of Com plete defence, and of exacting from them the fulfilment of their duties toward us. The United States ought not to Indulge a persuasion that, contrary to the order of human events, they will forever keep at a distance from those painful appeals to arms In which the history of every nation abounds. There Is a rank due to the United States among the nations which will be withheld. If not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If -we desire to avoid Insult we must bo able to repel It, if we desire to secure peace it must be known that we are at all times ready for war." Message to Congress, December 3, 1793.- Was Washington, too, a "military mega lomaniac." an Incendiary, a "Man on Horesback?" Yet in what respect do his warnings of 1790 and 1793 against the folly of unpreparedness for war differ from tho equally patriotic and earnest warn ings of President Roosevelt In 1902, 1903 or 1904? Each knew the value of readi ness to repel attack or Insult, and each was anxious to have a "big stick" in reserve, to defend imperilled National in terests. Hysterical critics of President Roosevelt's sane and practical utterances will do well to take a lesson or two In American politics and American history. Negroes Urged to Resist Arrest. Richmond News-Leader. St. Luke's Herald, of this city, a negro newspaper and the organ of the Grand Council of the Independent Order of St. Luke, a widespread industrial and bene ficial organization, published the follow ing editorial in its issue of Saturday. The police are greatly exercised about It. They are already experiencing trouble with negroes because of It. A special meeting of the Police Commissioners has been called tonight to consider what ac tion can be taken to punish the editor. Suppression of the paper is being dis cussed. Conferences are being held in the chief's office, in Judge Crutchfield'g cham bers and with the city and the common wealth's attorney: THE GEORGIA BURNING. The burning of two negro men at States boro, Ga., last week does not shock us. It used to, but now on arising each morn ing, we simply look to see how many negro men. women and children, the brave (?) Christian (?) white men of the South have murdered. "We have no comment to make. The whole South is being Mlsslsslppized. When a negro is arrested, he might Just as well, nay better, fight the officer who comes tp arrest him and kill him and get killed In return as to be locked up and die like a rat in a trap. It Is better to die fighting. It is less painful than to be saturated with oil, placed upon a woodpile, set on fire, burned to death and then have your bones sent by express to the President of the United States with the polite message: "You won't have a chance to eat with these two niggers." While some of the Southern papers see fit to denounce the murders, wo have not seen one which calls upon the Governor of Georgia to arrest the murderers and bring them before the law. Treatment for Reckless Chauffeurs. New York World. The action of a Newport, R. f.., magis trate in sending to jail for five days a chauffeur who had twice within a week been guilty of breaking the speed laws points out the way, and the only way, In which the terror of the road can be dealt with. When wealthy owners occu py cells near their hired men the prob lem will be near Its solution. The kill ing of two men at an automobile race track in St. Louis Is of less consequence and public moment than the killing and maiming that goes on upon the public roads. Humor of the Campaign. Salem Capital Journal. "We have been wrong eight years, and you have been right; therefore we ought to be placed in power," i9 the gist of the Democratic argument. Yet some people say there la no humor in a political cam paign. NOTE AND COMMENT. Oh, for the good, old rain. Everybody having got the worst of it, the meat strike has been amicably set tled. Possibly it has occurred to Mr. Fox that those Master Plumbers Association grapes are sour. Possibly General Miles called on Judge Parker to persuade him to withdraw in the interest of Dr. Swallow. Evidently the bomb-proof hotel accom modations at Mukden are not ample enough for General Kuropatkln. It certainly does look as if the Sheriff proposed to be the first, last and only Word in the anti-gambling dictionary. Possibly General Kuropatkln is merely trying to get out of the way and give Port Arthur an undisturbed attempt to fall. If the Browns will change their name from the Grays to the " Yellows, they might be able to lose about ten games In a week. Forty thousand hoppickers in Oregon hopflelds is a large number; but they're small in comparison with our other great company army of steincollectors. Colonel Bryan's ardent followers are careful to couple a declaration of loyalty to the ticket with a reservation that they have no hopo of success. That helps things a lot. Several Arkansas counties broke the record and went Republican right in face of the fact that Jeff Davis was running for Governor. Has the rebel yell lost its efficacy? The disputants in the fireboat contro versy might compromise by blaming it all on a thoughtless Providence which permitted a fire to break out when they were not looking for It. "We are advancing northward towards Mukden." Dispatch from Kuropatkln in this morning's war news. The victorious Russian General forgot to add that the Japanese army was now flee ing from Port Arthur in the direction of St. Petersburg. And still the most conspic uous feature of the campaign continues to be Kuropatktn's rear. Nicola Tesla, the student of electricity. Is an unusually tall man, with the flighty look of a genius in eyes, face and man ner. Although his inventions have made him rich, he is a tireless worker in his chosen profession. He looks to be about 37 years old. which Is just ten years less than the reality. His father was a priest of the Greek church. King Victor Immanuel of Italy has, en tirely unsolicited, sent a check for $2000 to the Italian hospital at the City of Mex ico. The hospital to which the unexpect ed gift was given Is not a separate in stitution in Itself, but part of a large hospital, and the Italian wards have here tofore been supported by contributions from the Italian residents of the Mexican capital. When Hamilton T. Scott, aged 72, ap plied to the Ohio State Pension Commis sioner for a pension under the age act, and was asked to furnish some proof of his age, he surprised Commissioner W. L. Curry by offering the affidavit of his mother. She is Mrs. Mary Scott. 933' Tree street, Philadelphia, where she cele brated her 101st birthday anniversary on August 12. Her affidavit will support her son's application for an age pension, he being past the three-score-and-ten point. The fact Is believed to be unprecedented. Three members of the New York State Militia have arrived In St. Louis after a walk of 1066 miles from home on a waper. They were to arrive in St. Louis before September 1, according to the terms of their engagement; were to live on 33 cents a day. carry their equipment, consisting of a blanket, rubber coat and haversack, and camp out at nights. At each station along the route the men telegraphed to New York. Two agents ot tho men who had made the wager with the soldiers watched the latter during their travels from point to point. Philadelphia was a good deal surprised on learning the great wealth of William Welghtman, the manufacturer of chem icals, who died there a few days ago. There will be another surprise, doubtless when Thomas Dolan dies, as he Is worth 5100,000,000, according to conservative esti mates. His interests are enormous and maiy in number. He is "the whole thing" in the great syndicate that controls the traffic in a dozen large cities of thi3 land. Ho Is the gasmaker of Philadel phia and tho largest Individual holder ot Consolidated Gas. And yet, "Tom" Dolan, as he likes best to be called. Is a quiet little man who may be seen any afternoon sitting In the cafe of the Belle vue Hotel watching other people taking drinks, willing to pay for the gratification of their tastes, but never Imbibing any thing himself. Bryan on Parker. S. E. Klser in Chicago Record-Herald. Friends and countrymen, let's trust him Though he's not a man to trust Let's endeavor to elect him. Though his cause Is far from Just; I have put away all rancor. As I promised them I would. I am for tho splendid ticket, Though it isn't any good. Let us gird ourselves for battle But I hope we cannot win Let us pray to be successful. Though success would be a sin; Let us give the people's banner Unto him to nobly bear. But It's dangerous to do it. For he isn't on the square. Let us wave our hats for Parker, The poor tool of foxy Dave; Let us rest our hopes upon him. Though he's Mammon's cringing slave! Let us raise him up to power. Help to send him whooping through. But remember here I warn you You'll be sorry If you do. On the Plains. Louis F. Callahan in Pittsburg Dispatch. The sun sinks low. The golden glow Falls slanting o'er the tawny plain; A gentle breeze From far oft seas Blows gently o'er the wagon train; A mellow beauty softly reigns Tis sunset on the Western plains. The twinkling stars. Through azure bars. Look down upon the darkened plain; The coyote's cry And night wind's sigh Are blended in a long refrain; A mystic, wild enchantment reigns Tis sunset on the Western plains. Long rays of light Dispel the night As slanting sunbeams span the plain; Wild flowers fair Perfume the air. Whilst Westward wends the wagon train The god of day In glory relgas TU sunrise on the Western ?rfa!n