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About The Oregon Argus. (Oregon City [Or.]) 1855-1863 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 29, 1857)
f t THE OREGON ARGUS. ruiLKiiru tvaar truuv mosxixq, BY WILLIAM L. ADAMS. tsr r TERMS-Tht Atom irtf fnrniiktd tl Tkrtt Vtllnrt tnd t'iiln Ctnlt per annum, in ndrtnct, In tin fit lulteriuoriTknt Dollar I tnek In elnli of ten nl nm nffietin ndmnet. Vktn Ikt money it ntl fid in ndonntt, four Vounrt mil no tMrgta if pntd Kilkin lit mtnint, nna rite luiinn al I He tnd of lit near. ty TV VolUrt for tit monlktSo tubtcrip- utmt rvcvipra jor n ittt pertou, Pler ditennlmned until nil trretrntet wiu, unien ti int option tt Ito puminer. or TUB HON. ABEAM LINCOLN, (or iiiiooi.,) ttLIVr.RCD AT Sntl.VOFlELD, JUNE 2(1, 1957 Zo Reply to Soa. S. A. Douglas. tta,1Uaas,Tks Drt Hcell Dcclslo Fellow Citizh.ns : I am here to.nighl parity by I lie invitation of some of you. und partly liy my own inclination. 'I'wu week at:o Judga Duiir-ln spoke tier on Ilia tevrrnl tuliject of Kaiioun, the Dred Scol decision, i iid Utah. 1 listened 10 the speech nl ilia time, and have read ihe re port of it since. It Ma intended to ton trovei l opinion which I ihiuk jml, and to unit (politically, iiui porunnlly,) those man who, in common with nm, entertain ihwo opinions. Fur this reason I wished then, ami still wi.h, to ninke somo answer to it, which I now take llm opportunity of tlOlllg. ! Win wlili Umli. If it prove to be I'll, a in probable, iliat the peoplo of Uiah are In open rebellion to llm tinted Statcn, thru Judge Douglas is in favor of repealing their territorial organization, and attaching; them to the adjoining Stale lor Jailiclal pnrposea. I any, ton, if they ar in rebellion, they ought lit be. vainelinw co erced lo obedience ; nml 1 am not no rrn pared lo admit or deny that I he Judge's nioM ul coercing tlmni in an good a imv. Tim licjuiMicaii can full in with it without taking back iniV Ihmg I hey have ever said To be. sure, it would bo n considerable backing down by Judge Douglas from hi much vaulted iloctntiu ofsvlt-govcrnmenl lor tlif territories but this i only adJi tional proof of what was very plain fiom the beginning, lhal thai doctrine was mero deceitful pretctisa for llio benefit of alavrry. Jliue who could not son thai much in the Nebraska act ilsi-lf, which forced Governors, and Secretaries, and Jud'cn on llio people nf llio tcrritoric, without thrir vIioicm ami coimrnl, cnild not It miidotoaee, iboujjli one shouM rite from the dead lo testify. Hut in all thi, il in very plain ti e Jii.lge rvadci the only rjueliin the ltqiiiblicnn have ever pimaed upon t lie Deniucraey in regard lo Utah. That niipstion the Judge nt-II know to be this : ' If ihe proplo of Ltah aliull pcaceliilly form a biate unisti. tution loliTHlinjf polygamy, will ilie Dem. ucraey admit iliciu inl llio Union?" There ii nothin;.' in the United States Con- itution or law aaintii polygamy ; and why in it not n part of the Judge's "tncred rihl of elf jtnvernmetit'' for that peoplo to liava it, or rather in k'cp it, if liiey ulinng' Tlisne qiiextiomi, o Inr na I know, llm Jud;e tiuver wiinneri). It might involve the be inoeracy to anmver them cither way, nnd they go unanswered. A lo Kaina. Tho 8-jUtanccof the Jude'a xpreidi on Kansao u nn cITort to put the frc Slate men in tlm wron fur not vo'.in! at the election for tiulegatet to the Conttitillional ('oiivunlion., JIu aaya : " Thcrt it rverij renson In hopt and believe thai the laa will hr fairly interpreted ami impartially executed, to at to iiwui e lo (very bona file inhnbilmit the free and quiet exer cise rif fie elective franchise." It appr-UM exiruordintry ihat Judjre Doii'liK fthould niuko nich n siaUmrnt. llu know that, by llm law, no ono van voin who lias not been registered ; nnd he knowa that the free Stale men plitco there refund to vote on the ground that but fw of (hem have been reinlcred. It in potsi Lie thin is not I rue, but Judge bought known it ii niTted to bo trim in elii-r, newapnpera ami puMiu pccho and Inirao by every mail, and blown by every breeze to the eyes and cars of the wo; l.f. fp know a it is boldly declared that the ptoplu of many whole cuumieii, and many whole neij;hburlioodii in othvis, are left iinrrgia tered ; yet he does not venture to contradict the declaration, nor to point nut bow they ' can vote wi.houl being registered ; but he just ftlipa nloiin, not seeming lo know there. it any such question of fact, and compla cently di-ctareu : "There is every reason to hone and believe that the law will bo fairly .and impartially executed, vo n to insure to every bona fide- inhabitant Ihe free nnd quiet exercise of ths elective franchise. " I readily n'ee that if all had a chance to vote, they uti;:ht lo have voted.. If, on the cmitinry, n they allege, nnd Jude JJoiiirlaa ventures not lo particularly enn- rtradict, few only of the free State men had :a chance to vuie, they were jn fectly riybl in staying from t ho polls in a body. llj the way ainco thajndi.'e epoke, the Kansas election has come off. The JtidgH expressed hi confidence thai all the Demo craN in Kansas would do their duty in eluding "Free State Democrats" of c ourse. J'he returns received here arc na yet very incomplete; but so far as they po, they indicate that only about one ai.xih of the registered voters have really voted; and this too, when not mjre, perhaps than on 4talf of the rightful voters have been regis tered, thus showing the tiling to have been ltoelhar the most exquisito farce ever enacted. I am watching will) considerable interest to ascertain what figure ihe "Free Slate Democrats" cut in ihe concern. Of course they voted all Democrats do their duly and of cnurso they did nut vote for slave-state candidates. We soon shall know how many delegates they elected, how many cand'ida'es they had pledged for a free State ; and how many voles were cast for them. Allow me to barely whisper my suspi cion that there were no such things in Kansas as free State Democrats that they were altogether mythical, good only to figure in newspapers'and speeches in the feeStalri. If there thould be one real, living, free State Democrat in Kansas, I suggest that il might be w!l to catch him, and stuff and preserve bis skin, as an inter esting specimen of that soon to U extinct variety of ihe genus D?mo-ra!. mm mi AM'KUTMINQ JUTUS. On wjiiari (I J Unas or kt on insertion, t3fl0 " " two iiwrtliiiu, 4'0 " " tlias Irmntins, 6,U9 1-ach .liiinit inaoiitoii, IO lUasonabla dMlnrtlotj to lliu tU tdvertUs by lbs yiar. -A Weekly Newspaper, devoted to tlio Principles of Jeil'crsonian Democracy, and advocating the side of Truth iu every issue.- Vol. III. OREGON CITY, OREGON, AUGUST 29, 1857. No. 20. JOB PRINTING. Tn a raorairrns or tiis AHRl'S is lurrr lo inform ilia pub!ie lint ha lias just recthtd a iar( stona otjuu 1 ) 1'it and o:l,r urw r,r.iit inir matrral, and will be la the n eedy rreelpt of sdililiona miitrd lo all the reuirmir t ( lies lo eai'ty. IIAXDIJII.lit, I'(Ti:i!M, IlI.ANKM, CAItas, tllMJl LAItH, rAMI'lll-KT-WOJiK and other kinds, dune la ordrr, on short notice. . Ami now nstott oDri d Scot decision. That decision declare iwo proportions: hrst, that a negio cannnt sue in the U. S. Courts ; and secondly, that Congress can not prohibit slavery in llio Territories. It waa made bv a divided court diWdini diir-reiilly on tliw diirreiit points. Judge IMuplas dues not discus the nierilt or Ilia di-cUinii , and in thai respect, I shall follow his example, believing that I rould no more iiiipruvn on McLean nnJ Curtis lhau he Could n Taney. ltd denounce all who nutation ihe cor rectness of 1I1M decisinn, as offering violent resntencs tn it. Jim w ho resists it I ho hn, in sidle of ihe decision, declared Died Sent free, and resisted ihe authority of his master over him I Judicial decision liavo two uses first, to absolutely det' rmino llio cne ('eciiM, and secondly, tn indicate to the public how other similar casra will be decided when ier arise. for Ilie lalter use they lire cal ed "precedent" nnd "aulhoriliea. v o believe a much a Jurigu Dnualas, (perhaps more,) in obedience to, nnd res pect tor, the judicial department of tioverii- nient. e think its decision rni Censlitti liolial qtiestiutis, when ful'y settled, should control, not only the particular eves, but tne geneml policy finite country, ulij-ci lo be disturbed only by amendments of the Oiislitutiiiu as provided in that instrument tselt. Morn than this wott'd be revolution. Hut we think the, Dred Siot decision is er roneous. We know lite comt that inane il, ha ofisn over ruled its own decisions, and we shall do what we rnn lo have it "rer-rulo Ibis. Wo ofl'er no resistance toil. Judicial decision nre of grenter or leas uthbriiy n precedent, according lo cir cutnstnnce. Hint thisshouhl be so, nc cords both with common sense, nnd the customary understanding of llio legal pro fesinn. Ifthis imno'tant decision had been made by the unanimous concurrence of the iutlg es, and without any apparent partisan bias, and in accordance with legal public cxreo totion, ami with the steady prncilue of the lepartinents throughout our history, nml had been in no pari based on numed hi torical lact winch are not really true; or it wnnlin'' in some of these, it bud been before the court more than once, nnd had there been affirmed nnd re nflirmed through course of veai. it then might be, perhaps would bo, ructions, nar, even revolution arv, not to acquiesce in il as precedent. Jiul when, as il i true, we litnl it want' ing in all these claims to the public ciinfi- riice, it i tint resistance, il n nm fsclioup, r not even disrespectful, to treat n as not having yet quite established a fettled loot nne tor the country. Iut Jintgo ttnng las consider this view awful. Hear him: "The con t Is are the tribunals prescribed I'T ihe Constitution and created by the au thority of ihe people to determine, expound and enforce the law. Hence, whoever resist the final decision of the highest in- diciid 'tribunal, nimsn deadly blow at our whole Republican system of government a blow, which it aticcesstul would place nil our rights and liberties at the mercy of passion, anarchv nnd violence. I rrpen, therefore, that if resistance to the decision oftho Supreme Court of ihe United Siates, n mailer like Iho points deemed in the Dred Scott case clearly within their jurisdic tion a (Mined by Ihe Constitution, shall hn forced upon the country a u political issue, it will become a distinct and naked issue between I ha friends and the enemies of the Con' itution the friends nnd the en emies of the supremncy of ihe laws." Why this tamo Supreme Court once decided a national bank to be constitution al ; but (ien. Jackson, as President of the United States, disregardvd ihe decision, add Vetoed a bill fur u re-charter, partly on constitution ground, declaring that each public functionary mutt support the Con stitutinn, "o he vndertlands it." But hear the General's own words. Here they are, taken from his veto mcssago ; 'It is maintained by the advoca'es of the bank, lhat its constitutionality, in till its features, ought to be considered aa settled by precedent, and by ihe decision of the Supremo JJotirl. To this conclusion I can nut assent. Merc precedent is a dangerous source uf authority, and thotild not be re garded as deciding questiens of constitution al power, except where thj acquiescence of the people and the State can bo consid er! d as well settled. "So far from this being the c.io on (his subject, an argument auiiinst (he bank might be based on precedent. One Con gress in 1 791 , decided in favor of a bank ; another in ISU.deciJed against it. One Congiesa in 1815 decided against a bank ; another in 1810 decided in its favor. Prior to thn pr. sent Congress, therefore, the precedent drawn from llial source were equal. If we resort to the States, Ihe ex pression of legislative, judicial and execu live opinions against the bank have letn probably tn thoe in its favor as four to one. There i nothing in precedent, therefore, w hich if ii authority were admitted, onuhl to weigh in fa ot of the act before me." I drop iLe quotation merely to remark, that all I here ever whs in Ihe way of prrce his recent speech and see Imw exactly his fie i ce phillipic against ua for resisting Su premo Court decisions, full upon hi owe bend, (twill en II in hi mind a loner and fierce political war in ibis country, ujon an issue which in hi own Innuuaze, end, of course, in his own changeless estimation wu " a distinct and naked issue between the friend and the enemies of tbo Con dilution," and in which war he fought the ranks of the enemies of the Coiistitu lion. I have said, in stilm'anco, that the Dred Scull ileci-iori wn, in part, based on as siniieu historical tact which were not real ly I rue ; end I ought not to leave ilia sub ject witlimit (jiving some renon for say ing ibis ; I therefoie give nn instance or two, which I think fully sustain me. Chief Jii'tice Taney, in delivcrini; the opinion ol the majority of the Court, insists ut great length that negroes were no part of th peoplo who inado or for whom waa mad the Declaration of Independence, or Ihe Constitution of the United states. Un llio contrary, Judge Curtis, in his dissenting opinion, show thai in five of ihe then thirteen btales, to wit, New I lamp shire, Massachusetts, New York, New Jer sey mid North Carolina freo iirgrue ware voters, and in proportion to their numbers had Km same part in making tbo Constitu lion that iha white people had. I la shews ibis with so much particularity as to leave noUouhtof iih truth : aud it a sort of con elusion on that point, liulda the following language : " The Constitution was ordained and ea. lablishej by the, people of the United Slates ilirntigli llm action in each Slate, of those persons uho.cru qualified by its lu tu act ihereon in behalf of themselves and all other citi.em of tho Slate. In some of tho States, as wa have seen, color ed poisons wero among those qualified bv law lo net on tho subject. These colored persons wore not only included in ihe body of the people of the United Stales,' by whom the Coiisiitutiun was ordained and established ; but in at least five of the Stales thev had the power lo act, and doubtless, did act, by their suffi-ages, upon the question of t'a adoption." Asain, Chief Justice- Taney says ; " It is dillicittt, nt this day, to realize ihe atntc or public opinion In relation lo that unfor tunatu race, which prevailed in civilized and enlightened portions of ilia world at tho Inno uf tho Declaration of Indepeiid ence, and when Iho Cnnsttliiiinn of the Luiied States was framed and adopted." And again, niter quoting I mm the Decla. ration, he save : " The generol words above quoted wuuld seem to include the wholo human family, nnd, if they were used in a similar instrument at tit io day, would be so understood. In theso ihe Chief Justice docs not di rectly assert, but plainly assumes, as a fact, that Iho public estiiualo of the black man is more favorable now than it wna in iho day of the Ilc-rulution. This as sumption is a mistake. In some trifling particulars, the condition of that rice has been ameliorated ; but, as a whole, in this country, tho change between then and now is decidedly iho other way, and their ulti mate destiny has never appeared so hopeless as in the last threo or four years. In two of the live Slates Now Jersey nnd North Carolina that then pave iho free negro the right of voting, the right has since been taken away ; end in n third New Voik it hn been greatly abridged; while it has not been extended, so fur as I know, to a single additional Stale, though the number of the States has more than doubled. In those days, as I understand, master could, nt their own pleasure, email- cipatu iheir slaves; but, since then, such i Ctrl i restraints nnvo ueen made upon emancipation as to amount almost lo pro- hlliilton. in those days, Legislature held ihe unquestioned power lo abolish slavery in tttoir respective states ; but now it is becoming quite fashionable lor State Con stitutions lo withhold that power from the l.egislaturea. In those days, by common consent, the spread of tho black man's bonduga lo new countries was prohibited ; but now, Con gress decides that it will noi continue thu prohibition, and the Supreme Court de cide that it could not if it would. In those days, our Declaration of Independ ence " its held sacred by all ; but now, to aid in making tho bondage of the negro universal and eternal, il is assailed, nnd sneered at, and construed, and hawked at, and lorn, till, if its frnmers could rise from their grave, ihey could not recognize, il. All the power of the earth eem rapidly combining against him. Mammon is after him; ambition follows, and philosophy follows, and the theology of the day is fast joining ihe cry. They bay him in his prison house; ihey have searched hi person, and left no prying instrument wiih bun. One after another Ihey Lave closed the heavy iron door upon him, and now they have him, as it were, bolted in with a lock of a hundred keys, which can never be unlocked wilhoul the concurrence of every key ; the keys in the hands of a hundred ihlF. rerit men, and they scattered lo a hundred ditl'erent and distant places ; and they stand musing as to what inven- dent up to the Dred Scott di ciston, on the j 'ion in all the dominions of mind and mat ter can u produced to make ihe impossi bility of his escape more complete than it I. It is grossly incorrect to say or assume that the public estimate of 'the negro is more favotabl now thin it was at the ori gin of the government. 1 hreo year and a half ago, Judge Dou gin brought fbrwarj bis famous Nebraska hill. The country was at once in a blaze. He scorned all opposition, and carried it through Congress. Since then he has a-en linnse'f superseded in the Presidential nomination, by one indorsing the general doctrine of the measure, but at ihe tame time standing clear of ihe odium of it un timely acritaiion, and il cross breach of point therein decided, had been against that decision. But hear Gen. Jackson further "If the opinion of the Supreme Court covered tho whole ground of this act, il onghl not to control the co-ordinate author ities of this Government. The Congress, the executive and the court must each fur it.'elf be guided by its own opinion of the Constitution. F.ach public r.flicer, who takes an oath to support the Constitution, swear that he will support il a be under stands it, and not aa it is understood by other." Azain and again navel heard Judge Douglas denounce that bank decision, and : national faith; and he has aeen that sue applaud Uen. Jackson for disregarding lL;cesful rival constitutionally elected, not It "u!d bo iotcrMliog for him lo look over by tne strength of frieods, bat by tb di vision of adversaria, being In a popular minority or nearly four hundred thousand voles. Ha has seen hi chief aid in hi own State, Sliiold and Richardson, polit ically speaking, successively tried, convio- led and executed, for an offence not their own, but hi. And now he ee Ins own case, standing next on the docket for trial There is a natural disgust in the inindi of nearly all white people, to the idea of an indiscriminate amalgamation of the while and black races ; and Jmhie Dotielas evi dantly i basing bis cliiif hop upon the chance or oeinc able to appropriate Iha benefit of thi disgust to himself. If h can, by much drumming and repeating, fasten ihe odium of ibat idea upon his ad veraaries, he thinks he can struczle Ihrougli the storm, lie therefore) clintr to this hope, a n drowning man to the last plank. He make an occasion Tor lugcing it in Irnm the opposition to the Dred Scot I de cision, lie linds the Kepublican insisting that the Declaration ut Independence in clude ai.I, men, black as well as whit; and forthwith he boldly denies thai it include negroes ntnll, and proceed lo ar gue gravely lhal all who contend it doe, do u only becauae they want lo vote, and eat, and deep, and marry with negroes! lie will have it that Ihey oannot b consist- ent also. Now I protest against that coun terfoil logic which conclude thai, because I do not want a black woman for a avr I must necessarily want her fur a riir I need not have her for either; I can just leave ker alone. In some respect h cer tainly i not my equal ; but in her natural right to eat tlm bread she earns with her own hands, without askiag leave of any one else, she is my equal, and the equal of all other. Chief Justice Taney, in hi opinion in the Dred Scott caso admit that the language of the Declaration i broad enough to include the who human family, but ho and Jtiilgo Douglas aruua lhal the author of that instrument did not intend to include negroes, by the fact that ihey did not at once place them on an equality Willi the whiles. Now this grave argu. nietit come to just nothing at all, by ihe other fact, that they did not at once, or ever afterward, actually place all the white people on an equality with one or another. And this i the ttnple argument of both Ilia Chief Justice and Iho senator, fur doing thi obvious violence to the plain, unmistakable language of the Declaration. I think the author nf that notable instru ment intended lo include all men, but ihey lid not intend to declare all men equal in II respects. I bey did not intend to say all were equal in color, size, intellect, moral levdlnpments, or social capacity. I hey defined with tolerable distinctness, in what respects they did consider all men created equal equal in "certain inalienable right among which aro lifo, liberty, and ihe pur suit of happiness." This ihey said, and us they meant. They did not mean to assert tho obvious untruth, that all men were then actually enjoy ing that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant symply to declare tbe right, so that the enforcement of it might follow up as fast as circumstances should permit. I hey meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which should be luimliar tn all, and revered by all ; constantly looked to, constantly labored for, nnd even though never perfectly attained, constantly ap proximated, and thereby constantly spread g and deepening its influence, aud aug menting tho happiness and value of life t nil people of all colors, everywhere. Ihe assertion that "alt men are created equal," was of no political use in electing our sep aration frum Grent llrituin ; and it was placed in the Declaration, not for that, but for future uso. Its authors meant it to ba, thank God, what it is now proving itself, a stumbling block la thoso who in after times might seek lo turn a free people back into iha hateful paths of despotism. They knew the pronenessof prosperity to breed tyrants, and they meant when such should reappear in thi fair land and commence their vocation, they should fin J left for them nt least one hard nut lo crack. I have thus briefly expressed my view of tbe meaning and object or that part of the Declaratiun of Independence which declares thai "all men are created enu:il." Now let us hear Judge Douglas' view of the same subject, as I find it in the printed report of his lata speech. Hero il i t "No man can vindicate the character, motives and conduct of iha lignars of the Declaration of Independence, except upon the hypothesis that they referred to ihe white race alone, and not to ihe African, when they declared all man lo have been created equal that they were speaking of Kriiish subject on this continent being equal to British subjects born and residing in Great Britain that they were entitled to the same inalienable rights, and among them were enumerated life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The Declaration was adopted for ihe purpose of justifying the colonist in tho eye of the civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance from the LiritMi crown, and dissolving their con nection with ihe mother country." My good fiiends, read that carefully over some leisure hour, and ponder well upon it see what a mere wreck mangled ruin it make of our once glorious "Dec laration." "They were speaking of British subjects on this continent being equal lo British subjects born and residing in Great Brit ain r Why, according lo this, not only negroes, but white people outside of Great "Britain and Amaricaara not spoken of in that instrument. The English, Irish, and Scotch, along with while Amoriean, were included lo ba aura, but the French, Ger man, and other white rtaepl of th world are all gone to pot with tba Judge's inferi or races. I bad thought th Declaration promiaad crretbing bettor than the, OQfitioo of Brit ish subject ; but no, it only meant that wt i now dolnij anything for colonization. should be equal to lliam in their owa op- Parly operation at present only favor or pressed and unequal condition. According retard colonization incidentally. The en. lo that, ii gave no promise ihnt having tCrpn' is a diflicult one; but " where kicked ofT the King and Lord of Groat there i a will there i a way ;" and what Britain, we should not at once be saddled caloniztiu'on need meat i a beany will. with a King and Lord of our own. Will spring from th two element of I had thought the Declaration content- moral sense nnd idf-iiilersl. Lot ut b plated the progressive Improvement in the brought lo believe it i morally right, and condiiion of all men every where ; but no. at the sumo lime, rVorabl lo, or, at lean, it merely "was adopted for Ihe purpose of not arant eur int. rest, to transfer iha justifying the colonists in the eye of th African lo hi native clitn. and wa shall civinzeu woriu in wniuirawing tnur aiiegi- Ond a way to do it, however great las ta;k anee from the British crown, and dissolving mj be. The chihlr.n of Isral, lo luch their connection with the mother country number us to includ six hundred ihauiand Why, that object having been effected fi-jhtinir men. went out of Ivntia bond. some eighty year ago, the Declaration is 2e in body. of no practical uso now mere rubbish- old wadding left to rot on the battle-field after the victory i won. I understand you are preaarins to cele brate the "4lh" tomorrow week. What for I The doings of that day had no refer- How differently the rpe(ive eoursa of the Dvmocraiio and Republican, par tie incidentally bear on the question of form ing a will a public sentiment for colo nization, i esy to see. The Kepublican inculcate, with whatever ability they can, ence to ihe present ; and quite half of yoo thai the Negro is a man ; thai his bondage are noteven dosccndanisef those who were is cruelly wrong, and that tho field of hi t i - il.. .1 T1. I . " . . .. reierreii io ai loni uay. iiui i mpposo onnrtss ion onebt nol lo be en artred. The you will celebrate ; and will even go so far Democrat deny hia manhood J deny, or at to read the Declaration. Suppute after dwirf lo insignificance, th wron of hi. you read it once in the old fashioned way, bondage ; so far a possible, crush all ym. you read it once more with Judge Dongla' pathy for him, and cultivate and excft vrion. It will ihen rnn this: "W hold hatred and disgust against him ; omnli. these troth to be lf vidnt, that all British subject who wereea ihi continent eighty-one year ago, were created eqnal to all British uhjaci born and then resid ing in Graal Britain." And I now appeal lo all Democrat as tncnl ihamaelve a Unien vra for doias o; and aalltb indefinite outspreading f hit bondage " crd right f solf jorra. mnt." The plainest print cannot ba raid through a gold oagle, aad it will ba aver wall a other are you renlly willina-that I hsra" to find monv men who will und the Declaration ahall be thus frittered slave l. L'.beri and pay his passage while away I thu left no mora at rood, than an interesting memorial of the dead past I thus shorn of it vitality, and practical value ; and led without the verm or even thn tug- (cti'on of the individual right ol man. in ill ' Bui Judge Douglas ii especially horri fied at ihe thought of tho mixing blood by the white and black races: agreed for once a thousand times agreed. There are white men enough lo marry all the whita women, and black men enough to marry all the black woinon ; and to let tham be married. On this point we fully agree with the Judge; and whan he shall shew they can aeaJ him to a new country, Kansas lor insianc", and sell bim for fifteen hundred dollars, and ilia rise. 'ftoiraixDxzi'Ga PF TUB CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. Salem, August 17, 1807. The member elected to the Convention met at the Caurt liouse, and ware tempo rarily organized by the election of A. L. Lovejoy to the chtir tod Cbettar N. Tirry that his policy is better adapted to prevent secretary. amalgamation than our, w (hall drop Mr.KclIey of Clackama then propoted ours, and adapt hi. Let us .. a. In 1850 , rollltion , organize p.rm.n.aily on i here were in the United Stale, 405,7.) 1 , , , b, . . . mulatloe. Very few of these are the ofT- l h the election of a Trident, spring of white andre bl.icks; neatly all Secrslary, Sergeaul at-Arms, Doorkeeper, I II I. I I-. I Yl. .A I l . ... nnvo sprung nom uisck ttavet anu wuiie anu itepoucr. Alter uenaie, in wuicli a master. A separation of the race! Ihe number nf eantl.msn n.niein.u.l ik. only perfect preventive of amalgamation, but a an immediate separation is impossi ble, the next best thing I to keep them apart where they are not already together, if while and black people never come to gether in Kansss, they will never mix blood in Kansas. That is at least on self-evident truth. A few free colored per sons may got into the free States, in any event ; but their number i too insignificant to amount to much in the way of mixing called to order by the Tresident vro tern. word "doorkeeper" aud " reporter" ware itrickeu out and the resolution pass1. A committee of five on credential was then on moiion appointed Ly the chair. The members next drew lot for ats, and iLcft adjourned lo meet to morrow at 10 a. M. Tuesday, Aug. IS. Convention wa blood. In 1800 there were in th free Slat, 60,019 mulattoes ; but for iha most pari, they were nol born there they came fiom the slave State ready made up. In the same year the Slave States had 1-13,874 mulattoes, all of home production. mi . . f e a I... t. ins propoiuono. iree muuu.oes io iree t , Constitution and faithfully di.. b'acks the only colored classes in the fre , . Siate-ismuch creater in the slave than charge their dutic, &c, which elicited in tbe free Slates. Il is worthy of note ""D0 debate between Mcssr. Smith of too, that among ihe freo Stntes I hose which Linn, Dryer, IVdymire, Olney, Walking make the colored man Iho nearest equal lo anj foey, The resolution wa laid ott in wiine, nave prupuriiunuuiy uiu iwesi i ue, muiaiiocs, mo least ei uniaigainuiiwii. A. L. Lovejoy. Ths proceeding of the preceding day were rod, and, after eor rictien, were approved. Mr. hlelsey introduced a resolution re quiring the delegates to be sworn to tup- In New Hampshire, the Stale which goes farthest toward equality between the race, there nre just 184 mulatloe, w hile ihere are in Virginia-how many do you think ! 70,770, being 23,120 more than in all the f reo State together. Ihese statistics show that slavery i tbe On moiion, the Convention proceeded to elect permanent officer. Tho result wo published last week-Judge Deady was elected President. The Convention having fully organized, on motion of Wnymire, tho resolution of greatest source of amalgamation i and next rCalsey requiring Ike delegates to bo to it, not the elevation, but the degenera tion of ike free blacks. Yet Judge Doug las dread the slightest restraints ou the spread of slavery, and the slightest human recognition el the negro, at tending horri bly to amalgamation. twern, dtc, wa taken from the table, and on tho motion to adopt, wa lost, Iha vote standing ayes 7, nor CI. On motion, (he rules of the Inst Legist, live Assembly wero adopted for the gov. This very Dred Scott case affords a strong Lrnment of the Contention until rules lost as to which parly most favors amalgn- Herotigviled j,. t19 j- matinn, the Republicans or the dear Un ion saving Democracy. Dred Scott, his wife and iwo daughters were all involved in the suit. We desired the court t j have held that ihey were cilinens so far at least as to entitle them to a hearing as lo wheth er they wero free or not ; and then, also, that they were in (act and in law really free. Could we have had our way, the chances of these black girls' ever mixing their blood with that of whita people, would have baan diminished at least to the extent that it could not have been without their cement. But Judge Deuglaa is de lighted lo have them decided to ba tlave, and not human enough to have a hearing, evn if Ihey were free, and thus left sub ject to the forced concubinage of their matters, and liable lo become the mothers of mulaltoee in tpile of ihemialve the very date of case that produces nine-tenths of all the mulattoes all rhe mixing of blood in the nation. Of course, I itats thi case a an illus tration only, not meaning to aay ar intimate that ihe master of Dred Scott and his On motion, a committee to report per munant rule for the government of the house was appointed. Mr, Reed of Jackson introduced a reso lution restricting members to fifteen rain, utt lime in any oik speech, and givicg them the liberty of speaking not mere than Iwie on ths same subject. Laid ea the tabU. Mr. William Introduced reset uliea previding for the appointment of commit, taaa an different (ubjects. Smith ef Linn proposed to insert an amendment providing far lb appointment of a committee on a "Bill of Kighls." Auondment adopted, and ihe resolution referred lo the select committee on rules. Adjourned to 2 o'clock. jlftcrnoon. Met puriuant to adjourn ment. Mr. Aprilerato Introduced a resolution family, or anymore than a per centage of hith aflirmed, first, that tho msjotity of master generally, are inclined lo exercise Ihia particular power which they hold over their female slave. I have said that the separation of the races is the only perfect preventative of amalgamation. I have no right to say all the member of the Republican party ar in favor of this, nor to say that aa a party they are in favor of it. There i nothing in their platform directly on the subject. But I can ay a very large prejortion of it member are for it, and that the chief plank in their platform opposition to the spread of slavery is most favorable to that separation. Such eprlion, if ever 3ecied at ail mutt be effected by col onization ; aad a felittal party, a such, the Convention had pledged Ihemsclve to leav the question of slavery to be decided by the people a a distinct issue and then ressNfd, that at ihi convention would rat decide th question, that its discattioa is th body upon it merit should be de clared out of order. Aleng debate ensued Dryer, Smith of Linn, Wtymire, William, Logan, Wat kins, Shatiuck, Applegate and Lovejoy participating in il. At 3 o'clock the Convention adjourned, without finishing the tSiscusion. WiDsnsDAY. Cocreotioo ears to or-