Daily capital journal. (Salem, Or.) 1903-1919, September 06, 1919, Page PAGE EIGHT, Image 8

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Buy One On Easy Terms
Rural avenue. 2 lots 100x100. $600.
Make your own terms. This is a snap'.
ERN HOUSE; six blocks from Nation
al bank. A really good buy. $2500. $:100
cash; $20 monthly.
5-ROOM COTTAGE 3 blocks north
of State street, 2 lots. $1000. $300 cash,
$12.50 monthly.
Highlands. Good fruit. $2250. $300
down. -
. 7-ROOM HOUSE, 3 blocks north
of State street. Large lot. Good fruit.
$2000. $200 down, ' $18 monthly.
12th street. Bath, etc. Nice barn $800.
$200 down. Balance monthly.
em conveniences; city water in addi
tion to fine well; double corner lot in
Englewood. ; Splendid fruit. $1500
down. Balance to suit buyer.
on Saginaw street." Large lot. Good
fruit. Garage. $1750. 1-3 cash. Balance
Fully modern 7-ROOM HOUSE
opposite High school. Old but in good
condition. Good fruit. $2250. $500 cash.
Eight rooms with all modern conveniences. Two bathrooms; wash-basins and
toilets. Upper floor arranged for a double flat .with entrance from either front
or rear; and separate from lower floor . Paved street. 3 blocks to car, 5 blocks
to University; 10 blocks to postoffice. Upper floor can be easily rented at
$30 .a month, yet owner for quick sale will take $G00 down and $25 a month.
This is living rent free. Price $3500.
If It Is a House You Want,
The largest and best list in Salem bar none. Whether cash, terms or
I have a fine $8000 home (and a good buy at that) on Court street at a
snap price of $6000.
"Just Real Estate and High Class Investments''
y - 215-216 Masonic Building
Telephones 1000
Buy stock in Salem's dehydration plant I am not selling it. But it's good
for Salem and it's good investment for you.
(Continued from page one)
tiicy will never go to war without first
having done one or other of two things,
either submitted the matter id contro
versy to arbitration in whicbscase they
agree to abide by the- verdict, or aub-
is a pitiful arm stretched but to heaven;
: and there is no pity in the world. When
( shall we wake to the moral rcsponsibil-
ny oi mis gruub uccuaiuu, ,; -
authority everywhere in the world. We
wanted to see to it that there wtis no
place in the world where a small group
of men could use their fellow citizens as
pawns in a game; that there was no
ittimr' it t iim..,uinn in th . nnnooi nlaee in the world where a small srouo
of the league' of nations and for that of i without consulting .their fellow
purpose they .'consent to allow six citizens, eould send their fellow citizens
months for the discussion and whether j to the battlefield and to deal iu accom
they like the opinion expressed or not, plishin something dynastic, some polit
uirte months' disc.nmions and I want to ,al plan that lad been conceived In
remind you that is the central principle private, some oojeet that had ben pre
of some thirty treaties entered into be-'Prl for by universal, world-wide intri-tw-en
the United States of America tud ' fT"'- That ia what we wanted to .
some thirty other sovereign nations, all ; complisk.
of which are?, confirmed by the ten:, to I "The most startling that that de
of the United 8tutes.( Applause.) iveloped itself at the opening of our par-
rto bave such an agreement w:th
France, we have such anagreemcnt with
Croat Britain, we have such an agree
ment with practically every great ua
ticipation ia this war was not the niili
tary preparation of Germany we wi
familiar with that, though we had been
dreaming that she would not use it but
lion except Germany, which refused tojh" political preparation. To find that
ent.;r into such an agreement beca-.so.
my fellow citizens, Germany knows that
I sl.c intended something that didn 't bear
Uiiscussion and that if she had submit-
ted the purpose which led to this war
jtr ao much as one month's discussion,
she nc or' would have dared go into the
n:err,rjse against mankind, which the
tinaily did go into and therefore, 1 say
this principle of discussion is the princi
ple r.lrcady adopted by America and
what it the conipnsion to do thU The
t in-ulsion ia this, that if any member
state violates that promise to submit
either to arbitration or dismission, It is
tnercDy ipso facto deemed to have com
m;tle(f an. act of war against all the
"Then, you will ask, do we at once
take up arms and fight themt No. Wo
'do something very much more terrible
than that. We absolutely boycott them
(appluse). It is provided iu that In
strument that there shall be n, com-
munieation even between them and the
rest of the world. They shall receive
no goods; they shall ship no goods; they
shall receive no telegraphic messages;
they shall send none; they shall receive
no mail; no mail will be received from
them. The nationals, the citizens of the
member state will never enter their ter
ritory until the matter ia adjusted and
their citizens cannot leave their terri
tory. The most complete boycott crer
co:aceived in a public document. And
I want to say to you with confident
ijicuiviiuu tiiai mure win oe no miH
fighting after that.
'.' Gentlemen talk to you as if the
most probable .ouk-omo of this great
combination of all the fighting people
of tho. world, was going to be fighting,
whereas, as a matter of fact, the essence
of the document Is to the effect that
the processes shall be peaceful, and
peaceful processes are more deadly than
the processes of war. Let any mer
chant put up to himself, that he enters
into a covenant find then breaks it and
the people all around absolutely desert
his establishment and will have noth
ing to do with him, ask him after that
if it will bo necessary to send tho po
lice. The most terrible thing that can
linppen to an ndividual and the most
conclusive thing that can happen to a
nation is to be read out of decent so
ciety. (Applause.)
"There wna another thing that we
needed to accomplish that is accom
plished in this document. We want dis
armament and this document provides
the only possible" Way for disarmament
by common agreement. Observe, my fel
low citizens, that just now every great
fighting nation in the world is a mem
ber of this partnership except Germany
and inasmuch as Germany has accepted
a limitation of her army to 100,000 men,
I don't think for, the time being she
may be regarded as a great fighting
nation. ,; Here in the center of Europe,
great nation of more than sixty mil
lions, that has agreed not to maintain
mi army of more than 100,000 men and
all around her, the rest of the world in
concert to see that no other nation at
Jumes what she attempted and agree
ing among themselves that they will not
impose this limitation of armament up
on Germany merely, but that they will
impose it upon themselves.
"And you know, my fellow citizens,
that armaments mean great standing
armies and great stores of war material.
They do not mean burdensome taxation
merely, they do not mea-a merely com
pulsory military service, which saps the
economic strength of the nation, but
they mean the building up of a military
class. Again and again,-my fellow citi
zens, in the conference at Paris, we
were face to face with this situation:
that in dealing with a particular civil
government we found that they would
not dare to promise that their general
staff was not willing that they should
promise; and that they were dominated
by the military mar hi no which they had
J created nominally for their own defense,
every community in the civilized world
was penetrated by her i.itrigue. sThe
German people did not know that, but it
was known in Wilhelmstrasse, where the
central office of the German govern
ment were, and Wilhelmstrasse was the
master of the German people; and this
war, my fellow citizens, has emanci
pated the German people as well as the
rest of the world. .
"We don't want to ace anything like
that done again, because we know that
democracy will only have to destroy
that form of government; and if we
don 't destrov it now, the job is still to
be done, and by a combination of all
the great fighting peples of the world to
see to it that the aggressive purpose of
such government cannot be realized, to
make it no longer worth while for little
groups of men to corjtrivc the down
fall in civilization in private confer
ence. "But I want to say something abont
that. That has a different aspect, and
perhaps you will regard it as a slight
digression from the discussion which I
am asking yon to be patier.t enough to
' ' My fellow citizens, it docs not make
c-ny difference what kind of a minority
govern you, if it is a minority. Anil
the thing we must see to is that no mi
nority anywhere masters the. majority.
That is at the heart, my fellow citizens,
of the tragical things that arc happen
ing in that great eountry which we long
to help and can find no way thut is ef
fect to help I mean the great realm
of Russia. The men who are now meas
ureably in contrcl of the affairs ot
Kussia represent nobody, but themselves.
They have again and ag.au been cnal
leuged to call a constitutional conven
tion. They have again and ajjain been
challenged to prove that they nad some
kind ot a mandate even froit a single
class of their fellow citizens. And they
dared not attempt it, they have no ma.,
date from anybody. There are only d4
of them, I ain told, and there were more
34 men who used to control tho desti
nies of Europe from Wilhelmstrasse. '
There is a closer monopoly of power ia!
fetrograd and Moscow than tuere ever
was in Berlin, and the thing that is in
tolerable is not that the Russian people
are having their way, but that another
group of men, more cruel than the czar
himself, is controlling the destinies of
that great people. And I want to say
here and now that I urn against the con-
trol of any minority anywhere. Search
your own economic history and what you
been uueusy about; Aow and again you
have said there were small groups of
capitalists who were controlling the in
dustry and therefore the development
of the United States.
Seriously, my fellow citizens, if that
is so (and sometimes I have feared that
it was), we must break up that monop
oly. I am not now saying that there Is
any group of four fellow citizens -who
are consciously doing anything of' the
kmd, I ain saying that these alleg&t- j
tions must be proved. But if it is
proved that any class, any group, any
where, is without the suffrages of their'
fellow citizen in control of our affairs
then I am with you to destroy the pow
er of that group. We have got to be
frank with ourselves, however. If we
de not allow minority government in
Germany, we must see to it that we do
not have it in the United States. If
you do not want little groups of selfish
men to plot tat' future of Europe, nv
must not allow little groups of selfish
men to plot the future of America. Any
man that speaks for a class must prove
that he also speaks for all his fellow
citizens and for mankind; and then we.
will listen to him.
"The most difficult thing in a- de
mocracy, my fellow citizens, is to get
classes, where they unfortunately exist,
to understand one another and unite,
and yet you have not got a great de
mocracy until they, do understand one
another and unite. So that if we are
but really whether they willed it Or not, for seeing that there are no more czars
j for the provocation of war. And so, as
long as you have military elasa, it
does not make any difference what your
form of government is- If you are de
termined to be armed to the teeth, you
must obey the orders and directions of
the only men who ean control the great
machinery of war. Elections are of
miuor importance because they deter-,1
and no more kaisers, then let us do a
thorough job and see that nothing of
that sert occurs anywhere.
"Then there was another thing we
wanted to do, my fellow citizens, that
is done in this document. We wanted
to see that helpless people were ' no
where in .the world put at the mercy of
unscrupulous enemies and masters.
mine the political policy; and back of j There is one pitiful example which is in
that policy is the standing pressure of the hearts of all of os. I .mean the
the men trained to anna, enormous bod-, example of Armtnia. Thero arc Chrts-
les of disciplined men behind th. ni, un-jtian people, helpless at the mercy of a
limited supplied of military stores aud
wondering if .thev are never going to be
allowed to use their education and their
! skill and ravage some great people with
the force of arms. '
That is the meaning of amis-ruents.
Turkish government which thought it
in service of God to destroy them and
at this moment, my fellow citizen, It is
an open question whether the Armenian
people will not, while we ait here and
debate, be absolutely destroyed. When
I it is not merely tho cost of it.'althongnll think of words piled on words, of de
that Is overwhelming, but it Is the spirit i bate following debate, when these nn
jOf it mid America has never had, end spesknblc things that cannot be handled
i nope in the providence of God never ! until the debate is over arc happening
will have that spirit. (Great applause.) tin those pitiful parts of the world, I
"And there is bo other way to dis-jwonder that men do not wake np to
pense with great armaments except by j the moral responsibility of wht they
the common agreement of the fightingjare doing.
nations of the world. And here is the' "Great people are driven out upon a
agreement. They promise disarmament.jdesert where there is no food and ean
and promise to agree upon a plaa. Buibe none, and they are compelled to die,
there was something else we wanted,
that U accomplished by this treaty.
"We wanted to destroy autocratic
and then me, -wnraea and children
thrown into a- common grave, so imper
fectly covered up that tere and there
"Aad so, my fellow citizens, there are
other aspects to that matter.
"Not all the populations that are hav
ing something that is not a square deal
lived in Armenia. There are others.
And one of the glories of the great
document,' which I brought back wiL
me is this: that everywhere within to?
iarea of settlement covered by tne po
litical questions involved in that treaty,
'people of that Bort have been given
I their f redom, and guaranted their free
I dom. But the thing does not end there,
I because the treaty includes the cove
nant of the league of nations. And
what does that sayt .That says that it
is the privilege of any member state to
call attention to anything anywhere
that is likely to disturb the peace, of
the world or the .good understanding
between nations upon which the peace
of the world depends, and every people
in the world that have not got what
they think they ought to have is there
by given a 'world forum in which to
bring the thing to the bar of mankind.
An incomparable thing ,a thing that
never was dreamed of before, a thing
that was never conceived was possible
before that it should not be regarded as
ai unfriendly act on the part of the rep
resentatives of one nation to call atten
tion to something being done within the
confines of another empire, which was
disturbing the peace of the wo.M and
the good understanding between na
tion's. There never before has been pro
vided a world forum in which the legi
timate grievances of peoples entitled to
consideration can be brought to the
common judgment of mankind. And if
I were the advocate of any suppressed
ot oppressed people, I surely could not
ask any better forum than to stand up
before the world and challenge the other
party to make good its excuse for not
acting in that case. - That compulsion
is the most tremendous moral compv--sion
that could be devised by organized
mankind. I think I can take it for
granted, my fellow citizens, that you
never realized before what a scope this
great treaty has. You have been asked
to look at so many little spots in it
with a magnifying glass that you do
not know how big it was, what a great
enterprise of the human spirit it is, aud
what a thoroughly American document
it is from cover to cover. It is the first
great international agreement in .
history of mankind where the principle
adopted has been not the power of the
strong but the right of the weak.
"To reject that treaty, to alter that
treaty is to impair one of the first
charters Qf mankind. And yet there
are men who approach the question with
passion, with private passion, and party
passion, who think only of some imme
diate advantage to themselves or to a
group of their fellow countrymen, ana
wh look af the thing with the jaundiced
eyes of those who liave some private
purpose of their own.
"When at last, in the annals of man
kind they "are gibbeted they will regret
that the gibbet is so high.
I would not have you think that I
am trying to characterize -those who con
scientiously object to anything in this
great document. I take off my hat in
the presence of any man's genuine con
science; and there are men who are con
scientiously opposed to it, though they
wiu pardon me if I say ignorantly op
posed I have no quarrel with them.
"It has been a pleasure to confer with
some of them ,and to tell them as frank
ly as I would have told my most inti
mate friend, the whole inside of mv
mird, and every other mind that I know
anything about that has been concerned
m order that they might understand this
thing and go with the rest of us in the
confirmation of what is necessary for
tn tne conduct of affairs at Paris in
the peace of the world. " "
'I have no intolerant sprit in the
matter; but I also assure you that from
the bottenrof my feet to the top of my
head, I have got a fighting spirit about
it. And if anybody dares to defeat this
great experiment then they must eathe?
together the counsellors of the world
and do something better. . If there is a
better scheme, I, for one, will subscribe
to it, but I want to say now, as I said
the other night, it is a ca.se of put up
or shut up. Negation will not save the
world. Opposition constructs nothing.
Opposition is the specialty of those who
are boleshvistically inclined.
"Again I assure you I am not com
paring any of my respected colleague
to boleshvists; but I am merely pointing
out that the bolshevistic spirit lacks
every element of constructive opposi
tion. They have destroyed everything
and they have proposed nothing.
"And while there is a common ao-
horrence for political Bolshevism, I hope
mere win not De any such thing grow'
up in our country as international bi
shevism, the bolshevism that destroys
the constructive work of men who have
conscientiously striven to cement the
good feeling of the great peoples of t
world. And the majestic thing about
the league of nations is that it is to
include the great peoples of the world
all except Germany. Germany is one
of the great peoples of the world: I
would bo ashamed not to- say that.
These sixty million industrious, inven
tive and accomplished . people are. one
of the grent peoples of the world. They
have been set upon, they have been mis
led; their minds ha-ve been debased by
a false philosophy. They have been
taught, things that the human spirit
ought to reject. But they wiil come out
of that nightmare; they will come out
of that fautasm and they will again
be a great people; and when they are
out of it, when they have got over that
dream of eonquest and oppression, when
they have shown that their new gov
ernment relly is based upon new princi
ples and upon democratic principles, we,
there at Paris, all agreed that they
should be admitted to the league of na
tions. "In the meantime, her one-time part-1
ner, Austria, is to be admitted; Hub-1
gary, I dare say, will be admitted; and
the only nations outside cf the league
unless we chose to stay out and go in
later with Germany the only great na
tion left out is Germany; he only ac
tions left out, of any consequence, are
Germany and Turkey, and we are just
now lookhiz for thej nieces of Tumey.
She is so thoroughly disintegrated that
the process of 'assembling the parts ia
becoming increasingly difficult ana ,
chief controversy now is who shall at--tempt
that very difficult aud perilous
job. " "
"Is it not a great vision, my fellow
citizens, this of the thoughtful world;
combined for peace and this of all the
great peoples of the world assoeiated to '
see that justice is done, that the strong, '
who intend wrong, are restrained, aad
that the weak, who cannot defend them-
selves are made secure. We save sl
problem ahead of us that ought to inter
est us in this connection. We have
promised the people of the Philippine
islands that we will set them free.. It,
has been one of our plerplexities how
wo should make them safo after we set
them free. Under this arrangement they,
will be safe from the outset. They will .
become members of the league of na
tion, and every great nation iu tho
world will be obliged to respect ana
preserve, against external aggresmv.i
from any quarter, the territorial integ
rity and political independence of the
Philippines. It simplified one ot the
most perplexing problems that has faced,
the American republic.
"But it does not simplify our prob
lems, merely, gentlemen. It illustrates)
the triumph of .the American spirit.- I
do not want-to attempt any flight of
fancy, but I can fancy those men of the
firmst generation of Washington, Ham-'v
ilton, Jefferson and the Adamses 1 ean
fancy their looking on with a sort of
enraptured amazement that the Ameri- '
can spirit should have made conquest of
the world. v
' I wish you could have seen the faees
of some of the people that talked to us
over there about the arrival e-f tho
American troops. At first they did not
know that we' were going to bo able .
to send so many, but they caught some
thing from the first groups that etainged
the whole aspect of the war. One of the
most influential ladies in Paris, the wifo
of c member of the cabinet, told us that
On the Fourth of July, last year. sh
and others had attended the ceremonies
with very sad hearts and merely out of
courtesy to the United tntes, lecans
they did not believe the aid of tho Uni
ted. States was going to be effective. But
she said, after we had been there and
had seen the faces of those when in khaki-
and seen the spirit of their swing
and attitude and seen the vision that
was ia their eyes, we caine away know
ing that victory was in sight.
"What Europe saw in our beys was
n 't merely men under arms, indomitable
men under arms, but men with c-n idca
in their eyes. Men who had come a long
way from home to defend other people's
homes who had forgotten the conven
ience of everything that personally af-.
fected them, and that turned. them away
from the longing love of the people who
are dear to them, who came across the
broad sen to rescue the nations of the
world from an intolerable oppression, 4 -
"I tell you, my fellow eitiwns, the
war was won by the American spirit.
Orders were found were picked up on
the battlefields; German orders, direct
ing the commanders not to let the Amer
icans get hold of a particular position,
because you never could get them out
again, and you know that one of .our
of. our American wits said that it took
only half as long to train an American
army as any other because you only had
to- train themto go one way, and it rs
true that they never though of going
any other way. And, when they were
restrained because they were told it was
premature or dangerous, they were im
patient. They say, 'We didn't come
over here to wait; we came over here to
fight.' And their very audacity, their
very indifference to danger, changed)
the morale of the battlefield. They
wouldn't fight prudently. They were
going to get there, and Ameriea, in this
treaty, has realized, my fellow country
men, what those gallant boys we are so
proud of, fought for. The men who
make this impossible Or-difficult will
have a lifelong reckoning with the fight
ing forces of the I nited tntes. I have
consorted with those boys. I have been
proud to call myself their commander In
chief. I didn 't rua the business. They
didn't need anybody to run it. All I
had to do with to turn them loose.
"And now for a final word, my fel
low citizen. If anything that 1 hawt
said has left the impression on your
mind that I have the least doubt of the
result, please dismiss the impression.
And if you think I have come out on
this errand to fight anybody, please dis
miss that from your mind." I have ot
cometo fight or antagonize any individ
ual or body of individuals. I have, let
me say without the slightest affectation
the greatest respect for the senate of
the United tates, but, my fellow eiizens
I hs-ve, come out to fight for a cause.
That cause is greater than the senate;
it is greater than the government. It
is as great as the cause of mankind, and
I intend, in office r out, to fight that
battle as long as I live, ily ancestors
were troublesome cotchmea and among
them were some of that famous group
that wrc known as the Covenanters,
i cry well, here is the covenant of the
league of nations. I am a covenanter."
(Continued i.rom page one)
to be cut off and sent to the head office
with nelosures of from 85 to 50 cents
when ordering sample cartons of the
different dehydrated products. It is re
garded by the big advertising firm that
tho national campaign of advertising at
least 50,000 will take advantage of the
coupon offer to test dehydrated fruits '
and vegetables.
.vThBi.Umore hoM -Nw City,
the Blackstone and La SSalle hotels of
Chicago have already placed their orders
7ydra,ed eorn on th . total
of 6500 cartons aad the information is
given that if one wants genuine fresh
roasting ears at any of the bit? hotels
this winter, all that will be necessary .
w be to call for the dehydrated prod-
A little "Want" Ad SeBs It