4 A.
" "Ivaryono In Southern Oregon
R..d The Mail Tribune",
PublliMd Dltly except Saturdw by
MEDFORD PRINTING CO.
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' MARRY CHIHMAN, Teleg Editor
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DALE ER1CKSON. CircjdaUonJji!
tntered second class ' mftt'r
Medford. Oregon under Act ol
March 3. IBM ,
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NATIONAL EDITORIAL
Memner California Newtpaper
PubUthert Auociatlon
Flight o' Time
Medford and Jackson County
History from the files of The
Mail Tribune 10. 20. 30. 40
and 50 years ego.
10 YEARS AGO
August 4. 1953 (Tuesday)
Approximately 100 men are
battling a "good-sized" forest
iire near Tiller in the Ump
qua area. Rogue River Nation
al forest officials reported to
day. About 8,000 persons Jam
med the historic community
of Jacksonville yesterday dur
ing the grand parade of the
final day of the Gold Rush
Jubilee celebration.
20 YEARS AGO
i. 1843 (Wednesday)
Steve Crippen hurls Med
ford Craters to 16-3 victory
over 81st General Hospital
team for sixth victory in row.
Prnm Arthur Perry's "Ye
Pot" column: "Shot
gun shells will be scarce this
fall for bird nunung. mis
means trespass signs in rural
areas will not be blasted
oftener than Hamburg."
30 years Ago
August 4, 1933 (Friday)
The trial of Jackson county
judge charged with complicity
in the tneft last February of
10,000 ballots from the court
house there, was expected to
reach the Jury today.
Final arrangement are
being made in preparation for
the formal opening Saturday
of the new, enlarged Safeway
store at the corner of Main
and Holly sts.
40 YEARS AGO
August 4, 1923 (Saturday)
Move launched for new
high school.
Movies taken of trout fish
ing in Rogue River.
50 YEARS AGO
August 4. 1913 (Monday)
Articles filed with corpora'
ilon commissioner for Unlver-
sity of Southern Oregon at
Medford.
County court enters into
contract with Southern Pa-
cific and Sunset magazine to
advertise Jackson county.
What's Your I.Q.?
Nine or ten correct Is superior;
seven or eight is eicellent; five or
six Is good.
1. Napolean Bonaparte was
defeated at Waterloo; va It
in France. Belgium, or The
Netherlands?
2. Is an amphibious plane
designed to take off from
land or from water?
3. He was the thirteenth
President of the U. S. and his
initials were M. F.; name him.
4. Is chemically pure saeh
arin 5, 50, or 550 times sweet
er than sugar?
5. If a heavy explosion oc
curs outside a building, will
the windows be blown out
ward or inward?
6. From what is casein glue
derived?
7. In the Roman numeral
system. MCMXXX indicates
what number?
8. Albert Einstein is famous
for his formulation of the
Theory of R ?
9. In what major British
sport are the terms bov.lcr
and wicket and over used?
10. Is barnyard golf played
with golf balls?
Answers! 1. Belgium. 2. Wa
fer. 3. Millard Fillmore. 4.
550. 5. Outward. 8. Skimmed
milk. 7. 1930. 8. Relativity. 9.
Cricket. 10. No (horseshoes).
--jjSf NEWSPAPIK
5I"AilOCIATION
A Decade of Rivalry
The agreement to ban atomic tests, if rati
fied, will mark the end of a decade of hydrogen
bomb rivalry. Having destroyed the atomic mo
nopoly of the United States in September, 1949,
the boviet Union announced to a dubious world
on Aug. 8, 1953, that it had achieved the hydro
gen bomb.
The word came at the end of a long speech
by Georgi M. Malenkov, then Soviet Premier,
to the Supreme Soviet, Russia's parliament. He
spoke of the "solace" the United States "the
trans-Atlantic enemies of peace" had enjoyed
in a monopoly of a still more powerful weapon
than the atom bomb, the hydrogen bomb.
This was no longer true, he went on: "The
government deems it necessary to report to the
Supreme Soviet that the U.S. has no monopoly
in the production of the hydrogen bomb either.
. . . Convincing facts are shattering the wagging
of tongues about the weakness of the Soviet
Union."
A MERICAN and British scientists were skepti
" cal. It was pointed out that evidence of a
Russian H-bomb explosion would inevitably be
carried through the atmosphere to the U.S. detec
tion devices that had recorded three Russian
atomic blasts between 1949 and 1951.
The doubt was short-lived. The Soviet gov
ernment on Aug. 20 announced that it had tested
a hydrogen bomb within the past few days. The
announcement was confirmed by the U.S. Atomic
Energy Commission.
The AEC said that on
an explosion in the Soviet Union that involved
both fission (uranium-plutoniuin) and thermonu
clear (hydrogen) reactions similar to those in
U.S. tests of H-bombs.
.OREAT BRITAIN, as
amount of backing and filling, did not ex
plode its first hydrogen bomb until May 15, 1957,
France is reported to be
irom completing work on
dent Kennedy obviously
26 when he spoke of the
powers." Several other nations are believed near
ly capable of setting off an atomic explosion, but
they would still be several years away from a
hydrogen bomb.
Sen. Hubert H. Humphrey (D-Minn.), chair
man of a Senate disarmament subcommittee, said
early in 1962 that Communist China might ex
plode an atomic device
year."
Under secretary of
man brought back from
tic point of view. On July 29 he told reporters
that Soviet Premier Khrushchev was "not overly
concerned" about Red China's nuclear capabili
ties in the foreseeable
that since 1960 the Soviet Union had discon
tinued all technical assistance to the Chinese
nuclear development program.
A SIMILAR view is expressed by The Times
of London in analyzing a statement by Kuo
Mo-jo, chairman of the China Peace Committee,
that the present attempt of a small number of
countries to control the
means of monopolizing
be smashed in the not too distant future.
The newspaper argues that in the light of
China's revised priorities
nuclear program, Kuo's
tant future, was by no
A Petition In Boots
More than 1,000 persons are expected in
Washington for a legislative conference of the
National Association for
Colored People, but this
curtain-raiser for the huge march on Washington
scheduled for Aug. 28.
Mass petitioning is
NAACP, which calls a
the nation's capital at least once a Congress. Two
years ago, when the NAACP held its annual con
vention in Philadelphia,
of freedom train from
Where delegates from more than 40 states spent
the day button-holing senators and representa
tives and urging immediate action on civil rights
measures.
The NAACP is of course one of the sponsors
of the march on Washington in late August. This
"petition in boots" is beginning to take on some
thing of the aspect of an assembly rather than a
demonstration of protest.
PRESIDENT Kennedy
the sting of protest out
stration by his endorsement of the "peaceful as
sembly" which he said flatly was "not a inarch on
the Capitol." Sen. Barry Goldwater on July 29
said he regarded the civil rights demonstration
as "perfectly proper" as
ful."
The sponsors of the
greatest pains to insure
ing the use of 1500 nvii-shals specially trained by
the "Guardians," a private association of New
York policemen skilled in crowd control. Wash
ington police and other lav.' nforc ottktt
began planning six weeks thtewl.
Nevertheless, with, raoit thin SS8,tt townee
and Whites expected to demonstrates, tAt itirtti
of violence continues to be real if 8a$fwi ti
marchers from the inevitable crowds tB iH
draw. And for all the drama of the denied)-
tionvhether it will have as much effect on legi
lation as the energetic lobbying of thgNAACP
and similar groups is highly dubious. E.R.R.
Aug. 12 it had detected
the result of a certain
at least three years away
an H-bomb, but rresi
meant France on July
"four current nuclear
"anytime within this
State W. Averell Ham-
Moscow a more optimis
future. Hamman added
destiny of the world by
nuclear weapons would
and the costs of a crash
phrase, the "not too dis
means casual. fcj.K.K.
the Advancement of
will be only a kind of
nothing new for the
legislative conference in
it organized a new kind
that city to Washington,
on July 17 took much of
of the Aug. 28 demon
long as it "stays peace
assembly are taking the
against violence, includ
w&utOnu
"Naturally, 1 Would Have Ts Consider Carefully
Any Limitation in
Outer
Today & Tomorrow
By Walter
) 1963. The
THE GENERAL'S PRESS
CONFERENCE
Although, as expected,
General De Gaulle will not
himself sign the test ban, in
his press
conference on
Monday
he gave it his
blessing:
"The Moscow
agreement . .
which has
been conclud
ed between
the Anglo
Saxons and
. appears sat
Llpnmana
the Russians
isfactory to us, and we even
share in the joy so eloquent
ly expressed by President
Kennedy . . . concerning this
event." The rest of the press
conference was an explana
tion of why he can rejoice in
an event in which he will not
participate.
The explanation began
with an acknowledgement,
more explicit than any pre
vious one, that at the present
time and for some years to
come the peace of the world
rests on the balance of nu
clear power between the So
viet Union and the United
States. That is why the Mos
cow agreement to stabilize
the existing balance of forces
is an event in which every
country, including France, is
bound to rejoice.
IT IS within the shelter of
the USSR-USA nuclear
truce that the general is con
ducting French policy. Giv
en the nuclear truce, the cri
tical question for him is how
subsequent relations within
the Western alliance and re
lations with the East are to
be conducted. The burden of
the general's remarks was
that while the specific nu
clear agreement 'could be
made, indeed had to be made,
by the "Anglo-Saxons" and
the Russians, nothing else
pertaining to the future ol
Europe should be left to the
British and the Americans to
negotiate. The general, there'
fore, is opposed to a non
aggression pact and to any
thing else relating to accom
modation or settlement in
central Europe.
This rejection of British
and American leadership in
European affairs arises from
the general's experience with
that leadership since the
early days of World War II
The principal disqualifica
tion of the Anglo-Saxons as
leaders of Europe is that,
since they are not Europeans
they do not understand
Europe and cannot be relied
upon to defend and promote
European interests.
The general, who has the
memory of an elephant, has
not forgiven or forgotten the
unhappy story of our rela
tions with France during and
after World War II. Al
though he acknowledges that
the United States has pro
tected Western Europe since
the end of that war, and is
still for some ears to come
an indispensible protector of
Western Europe, he is con
vinced that the time is ap
proaching when the United
States cannot be relied upon
to provide adequate protec
tion to Western Europe.
fN this crucial point, the
" convictions of General De
Gaulle and the assurances of
President Kenedy conflict.
When the President an
oaccd in Germany that the
Uaiteel States would risk its
aties to defend Euncan
arise, the response of Gen
eral Gaulle was that no
mBrttl) Prcsid- nt can'
ut a promise of that kind
thi$ bind-.his successor.
v must remember that
t aiykWi'al is not talking
aetoauD l&t or even about
ltjt. Ha is thinking about
the lsersFKMi after, and sure
ly he 4g jjW ifgd In saying
asssaA ftafceai
Ihaiu imsuuii, miiifiuniJ, Onc.GGi'i
the Atmosphere or
Space"
lippmann
Washington Post
that John F. Kennedy today
can make no effective pro
mise for that far In the
future.
Nevertheless, it is that
somewhat distant future
which must concern a French
statesman who is only doing
his duty by looking ahead.
General De Gaulle is not
worrying about the Kennedy
administration even if It goes
into a second term. He is
looking beyond John F. Ken
nedy for several reasons. For
one reason, at least 10 years
will be needed to devlop a
respectable French nuclear
force, but that force must be
worked on now. For another
reason, France cannot blind
ly trust its future to the
American statesmen of the
1970s, because no Frenchman
can possibly know what
United States relations with
Europe will be 10 years
hence.
I70R my own part, I can
x find no fault in the logic
of the argument. There is,
however, a serious blaisk
space in the policy which
goes with the argument.
Supposing that it will take
France 10 years to become an
important nuclear power.
what is to happen to East
West relations during the 10
year interval? Does the West
have to stand still, does it
have to remain diplomatical
ly immobilized, until France
and the Europe she leads arc
properly armed? Are the
Anglo-Saxons, working with
the West Europeans, forbid
den to explore and if possible
to negotiate about the secur
ity of Europe? Jf the general
says that we may not do this.
will he take the initiative in
exploring and negotiating?
As I read the general's
press conference with its ar
ray of things which he will
not do and of the things he
docs not want us to do,
wish someone at the press
conference had had a chance
to ask him whether he thougt
East-West relations could re
main frozen and in suspense
until he is ready to deal with
them.
Difficult Access as Admission
By ERIC SEVAREID
Aspen, Colo. - An aus
landcr from the steaming
cities and the baking plains
is a little
startled when
i -j ,i
SURl - Ulllt- IL
idents in this
8000 - foot
high valley
say, "Hot
enough for
you?" as the
mercury bare
ly creeps past
Sevareld Clgniy. in 11115
dry climate nobody sweats
and at night one hears the
thcrmostai controlled heat go
on and reaches for an extra
blanket.
Aspen is one of many
American Shangri-las. above
not only the sweltering of
summer, but for many of its
people, beyond the Age of
Anxieties. The air-strip is be
ing lengthened to accommo
date DC-3's, and the dusty
gravel road winding over the 1
gref,t divide at Independence
Pass is likely to be entirely
paved, so one cannot vouch
for space and serenity in the
future. But there remains a
certain peace in this kind of;
)ite and it dawns on one at
lsl that a reason for it is
that so many of the permanent
residents are here by deli -
berate, often difficult choice,
Not all American profes-
sionai,ind business people are
-i . 1 1 ... -1
mm
' .LekeaT
i the rat-race of I
O
INUfAl up lit 111
Matter of Fact
(CI Nw York Herald
(Editor's note: Joseph Al
sop will be on vacation this
month, and gathering ma
terial both in this country
and abroad for future col
umns. During his absence,
lop members of the staff of
the New York Herald Trib
une will substatuie for
him.)
By ROBERT BIRD
FUND FOR EQUALITY
Washington - A new racial
issue which seems to be shap
ing up for the Presidential
campaign next year is a de
mand from the Negroes for
sizable special federal funds
to help them achieve the
equality they are seeking. The
idea is being referred to as
a kind of Negro Marshall
Plan.
The Issue could be a touchy
one for the candidates, be
cause the proposal in the form
it will be taking by next
year probably will carry with
it a price tag with a figure
much too big and specific to
be easily talked off in cam
paign oratory.
And it will be rjrtain to
arouse hot opposition in cer
tain white quarters where it
will be denounced as a Negro
grab for special treatment.
and as discrimination in re
verse.
UP TO now no specific fund
figure has been mentioned,
and the only thing that has
taken shape in concrete form
has been a ten-point policy
statement by the National Ur
ban League and the appoint
ment by its annual convention
in Los Angeles this week of
a committee to draft a plan.
But all the Negro civil
rights leaders have talked por
tentously about special fund
demands to be made on the
Administration, Negro intel
lectuals have discussed the
matter extensively, and there
has been amassed a powerful
and diverse body of rationale
for it. Unquestionably there
is great pressure for such a
proposal.
The Urban League's policy
statement embodied many of
the arguments being advanced
in the Negro world for what
is frankly acknowledged to
be indeed a demand for spe
cial treatment. In effect, the
Negroes are saying that the
gap in their educational, so
cial, and economic environ
ment is so great compared to
the white population's that
most of them could not grasp
equal opportunity even if it
were honestly offered to
them.
rpHE words that are being
used by Negroes to de
scribe the financial assistance
which they want are "com
pensation" and "indemnifica
tion," the idea being that Ne
groes have been subjected to
such an inferior status for
so many hundreds of years
that they are entitled to spe
cial funds to catch up.
Dr. Martin Luther King has
likened the position of the
American Negroes to that of
the Untouchables cast in In
dia before it was emancipated
in 1948, and compares the de
mand for federal funds to the
situation where the Indian
government appropriated mil
lions of rupees in order to
prepare the Untouchables to
live in the society from which
they had been excluded.
Negro writers and intellec
tuals have been calling for
payments to the Negroes not
only on ordinary moral
grounds, but as a special
our time. Here one finds a
group of exceptionally able
young doctors who have de
liberately turned their backs
on far more lucrative big
city practices to build their
little frame houses here, keep
their Jeeps in gas and grease,
their fishing gear cleaned and
find time to sit on a verandah
at evening and watch the gold
turn to purple on the peaks.
One meets the man who
quit Wall Street and started
the title abstract business on
Main Street, the ?nnple who
sold their prosperous busi
ness in upper New York,
headed west in a trailer with
no specific destination and
ended here in the real estate
business. None is likely to
get rich; all are likely to live
longer, have a lot more fun
watching their tanned and ac
tive children grow, and all
seem to wear the air of people
who know they have won the
battle.
In time, of course, even the
Aspens of this country can
create their own rat race and
there are signs of it now.
' Here one confronts the deep
dilemma of this onoespac-
, ions country: the affliitnt pp-
ulation grows while the open
! spaces cannot grow. How -ay
! more and more Amcritjslis to
j make use of their national
heritage without spoling the
the heritage for everyone?
The good plaies where one
may breathe cannot be left
By Joseph Alsep
Tribune Syndicate
method whereby the white
majority and the nation itself
might find a way of "redeem
ing'' itself from the guilt in
curred through the enslaving
of the Negroes and afterwards
from the denial to them of
their full rights and privi
leges as American citizens.
The Negro position is, in
short, that they have suffered
from a negative kind of spe
cial treatment for so long that
it is now time they got posi
tive special treatment.
The problem for the candi
dates next year will be to
deal with these forceful argu
ments from the Negro side
while at the same time offer
ing some equalizing satisfac
tions to the underprivileged
whites. For in a city like De
troit, where white workers
from the South and Negro
workers from the South com
pete for the same jobs, the
special treatment accusation
could stir up trouble. That
is why this racial issue is
beginning to loom large for
the Presidential year,
(c) 1963 New York Herald
Tribune Inc.
In the Day's News
By FRANK JENKINS
From Washington:
Secretary of State Dean
Rusk and a bipartisan delega
tion (meaning a delegation
composed of members of two
parties) left for Moscow Fri
day night to attend the formal
signing of the nuclear test ban
treaty.
The White House announc
ed the plan Wednesday and
named the senatorial dele
gates as Democrats J. W. Ful
bright of Arkansas, Hubert
Humphrey of Minnesota and
John O. Pastore of Rhode Is
land. The Republicans named
are Leverett Saltonstall of
Massachusetts and George
Aiken of Vermont.
WHY the delegation of sen
ators? The answer is quite simple.
Before it can become ef
fective, the nuclear test ban
treaty will have to be ratified
by the U.S. Senate. Since the
Senate must either ratify or
reject the treaty, it seems log
ical that members of the U.S.
Senate should sit in on the
final sessions at which the
treaty will be signed thus
getting an opportunity to
draw their own conclusions
as to the rightness or the
wrongness of it.
"Whartya mean, if you didn't do ii, somebody else
would? You're rationalizing and you know ill"
eternally to the private rich,
yet they cannot be permitted
to be overrun in the ghastly
manner of Coney Island. Who
is to decide whether or how
the few shall enjoy a major
good or the many enjoy what
then becomes a very minor
good?
I would not pretend to know
all the questions, let alone
all the answers. But the more
I have pondered this dilemma,
the more it seems to me that
the basic rule of thumb ought
to involve a test of the in
dividual visitor's or settler's
will to enjoy the open places.
The benefit must not be hand
ed to him on a platter, by
state or commercial facilities:
he must prove himself will
ing to endure some hardship
for the privilege. The govern
ing ought to be difficulty of
access.
This is a very different
price of admission from the
money price. It is not an un
democratic principle, since
the means of access, whether
, the human foot, the pack
i horse, the Jeep or the car are
i as available to the millions
of moderate means as they
are to the limited number of
; rich. Only those willinej to
utdcrje Uejl tue) tonBjej (nd
! siine fajtij'je e snter the
n04-pa) of rrnaj ejtt
i likely to trtt t&e bhrrt-
I las with th)lov:fti (cT:t) tiy
I must have if theyare to eh-
dure for posterity. The polity
GREAT IDEAS...
From
(c) 1963,
SEGREGATION AND
INTEGRATION
Dear Dr. Adler: On of
this country's most mo
tional, perplexing, and ma
jor internal problems is
segregation and integration.
Was the mixing of races a
problem in earlier times?
What have been the main
arguments for and against
segregation? Has segrega
tion been maintained only
on the basis of race or col
or, or have other' factors
been the reason for the
separation of people?
George Korman.
64 Belvidere Way.
Akron 2. Ohio
Dear Mr. Korman: The cen
tury between the Dred Scott
THE dispatches add that the
list notably omitted Sen
ator Everett M. Dirksen, the
senate Republican leader
from Illinois, and Senator
Bourke Hickenlooper of Iowa,
senior GOP member of the
senate foreign relations com
mittee. Both of these Republicans
have indicated that they did
not want to attend the Mos
cow signing and have left it
open as to how they might
vote on the atomic test ban
treaty when it comes before
the Senate for ratification.
WHICH is to say:
They weren't LEFT out.
They STAYED out.
QUESTIONS:
Were they right?
Or were they wrong?
THOSE are difficult ques
tions. The treaty, of course, has
political overtones. It was in
itiated (from our side) by a
Democratic President. If it
turns out to be highly success
ful, it will be a feather in
President Kennedy's cap.
Price
cian's banel bleat about "pro
gress" has to be re-defined: it
can no longer mean the best
for everyone because the best
then automatically and inev
itably tends to become the
worst. It has to mean the
best for those who prove their
love of the best, and proof of
that is willingness to pay not
in money but in effort.
I do not see what other
principle can be applied. So I
would join those who oppose
paving the rocky, dusty and
dangerous road that winds
over Independence Pass and
those who would leave the
Aspen airstrip for the little
planes that fly with some
hazard and many sickening
blimps. For entering the moun
tainous West, as for raising
a child, the old rule of wisdom
must prevail: what is easy
to get is not worth the having.
The Aspen region is not an
exclusive problem; it is dup
licated all over this country.
One matching example is that
precious strip of sand near
Manhattan called Fire Island.
Thousands enjoy it now, with-
out discrimination, because
! they arc willing to make
; long trip by ferry. Connect it
i to the mainland by highway.as
kglne authorrtits have wished
to do, and millions will then
enjoy it. But what they will
then have to enjoy will be
paltry indeed, a poor thing.
i worthy only of the poor in
111
Spirit.
r)
o
the Great Books
By Mortimer J. Adler
Publishers Newspaper Syndicate '
decision in 1854 and the
school desegregation decision
in 1954 witnessed a revolu
tionary transformation in the
legal and social position of
Negro Americans. In the
Dred Scott case, Chief Jus
tice Taney commented that
the fathers of our country
shared the prevailing view
that "Negroes were beings oJ
an inferior order and alto
gether unfit to associate with
the white race, except in a
servile role. When the authors
of the Declaration of Inde
pendence, many of whom
were slave-owners, spoke, of
all men being created equal
and having equal rights, they
obviously did not mean to in
clude Negroes.
The Civil War decided ths
issues raised in the Dred
Scott case. Through the 13th,
14th, and 15th Amendments,
enacted in the period imme
diately after the war, slavery
was abolished and Negroes
were given civil and political
equality. Federal civil rights
acts broadened the sphere of
equality to guarantee equal
treatment of Negroes in pub
lic places and protection from
violence in the exercise of
their rights.
However, a series of Su
preme Court decisions nulli
fied federal civil rights legis
lation and permitted stata
and local governments to in
stitute segregation. Afteii the
Court declared the Feleral
Rights Act of 1875 unconsti
tutional in 1883, many South
ern states proceeded to estab
lish segregated facilities in
transportation, education,
nfedical care, and recreation.
And in 1896, the Court deci
sion sanctioning segregation
in railroad travel provided
segregationists with the "sep
arate but equal" doctrine.
In that case, the Court
ruled that segregation does
not violate the 13th and 14lh
Amendments, so long as
equal facilities are provided
to both Negroes and whites.
It held that state laws whic'i
separate Negroes from whites
do not violate their political
and civil equality or stamp
them with a "badge of inferi
ority." Such laws, the ma
jority said, merely recognize
an obvious physical and so
cial fact, and take account
of racial distinctions and the
customs which have grown
out of it. It insisted that so
cial equality between the
races cannot be established
by law, and that racial prej
udices cannot be overcome by
legislation.
Justice Harlan, however,
dissented in a famous opinion
which became the doctrine of
a unanimous Supreme Court
almost sixty years later. The
13th Amendment, he argued,
not only abolishes the institu
tion of slavery, but also "any
burdens or disabilities that
constitute badges of slavery
or servitude." Segregation, in
public facilities, is undoubt
edly one of the badges of in
ferior status. It is instituted
to prevent a race that'is re
garded as inferior from com
ing into contact with a race
that is regarded as superior.
Such an arbitrary discrim
ination, he maintained, is a
violation of the personal lib
erty and equality guaranteed
to all citizens under the law.
If it were allowed, it might
be extended to other categor
ies, such as Protestants, Cath
olics, and Jews. However, un
der our system, "there is . , .
no superior, dominant ruling
class of citizens. There is no
caste here. Our Constitution
is color-blind ..." So-called
separate but equal facilities
put "the brand of servitude
and degradation upon a large
class of our fellow citizens,"
and are therefore unconstitu
tional. The majority in the 1898
case cited the common accept
ance of segregation in the
schools as an argument of its
acceptance in other areas of
"social commingling." But it
was this kind of segregation
which was adjudged uncon
stitutional in the Supreme
Court decision of 1954. and
which has led to action
against segregation in other
areas. The Court relied on
psychological and sociological
findings to establish the fact
that segregated schooling has
a detrimental effect on the
personal and mental develop
ment of Negroes, and hence
denies them equal protection
under the law.
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lr. Adler to rontiffr for inclu
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will select as (lrt prle wln"ra
the wruers of the three het t
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ters as a basis for a future rnliirrr
and will answer It in terms n
the Intellectual her Hare of th
Great Boks 443 works by 7
authors, ipannlnr 38 centuries of
thouthL Address xkt letters to !r.
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