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incur unu whil inluuL, mcurunU. utiLkiOM
, "Everyone'lirsoutheriroreffon"
Reads Tile Mail Tribune"
published Daily except Saturday by
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' ROBERT W RUHL. Editor
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Mnrcn 3. 1897
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Flight o' Time
Medford and Jackson County
History from th files of The
Mail Tribune 10, 20, 30, 40
and 50 years ago.
10 YEARS AGO
Jan. 13, 1953 (Sunday)
A second 24-hour skywatch
station has been set up in
Jackson county, according to
civil defense officials.
Dick House elected chair
man of the Salvation Army's
advisory board.
20 YEARS AGO
Jan. 13, 1943 (Friday)
Sheriff reports only four
prisoners in county jail; low
est winter month total for sev
eral years.
From Arthur Perry's "Ye
Smudge Pot" column: "A mob
in the Deep South nearly
lynched the wrong man. This
would have been quite a joke
on the mob."
30 YEARS AGO
Jan. 13, 1933 (Sunday)
Dr. Henry Hartman tells lo
cal orchardlsts that "Medford
is rapidly losing its reputa
tion for first quality pears."
Anton Cermak, mayor of
Chicago, critically wounded
when Guiseppe Zangara at
tempts to assassinate President-elect
Franklin Roosevelt.
40 YEARS AGO
Jan. 13, 1923 (Monday)
Oregon Jones, held In
Grants Pass jail, confesses
holding up couples leaving
dance at Medford fairgrounds.
Local minister, speaking on
third anniversary of national
prohibition, tells Medford au
dience there Is no chance of
repealing prohibition.
SO YEARS AGO
Jan. 13, 1913 (Wednesday)
W. W. Eifert, longtime
member of Medford city coun
cil elected mayor by margin
of 100 votes over C. E. Gates.
First persons cross near
Bear creek bridge at Main
St. when foot plank laid over
concrete floor of span.
What's Your I.Q.?
Nina or fen correct is superior;
seven or eight is axcallentf live or
sm il good.
1. Which U. S. President
was a tailor by trade?
2. Was the novelist George
Eliot a man, or a woman?
3. Who played the movie
role of Babe Ruth in "The
Babe Ruth Story"?
4. Correct the following: A
basket of flowers were pre
sentcd to the patient.
5. Of which state is Olym
pia the capital?
6. What land was ruled by
the House of Orange?
7. Does the male mosquito
bile or sting?
8. Was Niccolo Machlavclli
a writer, painter or musician?
9. What do these men have
In common: John Jay, Salmon
P. Chase, William Howard
Taft, Charles E. Hughes?
10. Is there a limit to (he
number of pennies that con be
used in paying a debt?
Answers: 1. Johnson. 2.
Woman. 3. William Btndix.
4. A basket of flowers was , . .
3. Washington. 6. The Nether
lands. 7. No. Writer. 9. All
chief justices of the U. S. 10.
No.
GUEST SPEAKER
Ashland - Dr. Arthur Kreis
man of the humanities divis
ion at Southern Oregon col
lege, was guest speaker at the
American Association of Uni
versity Women's chapter
meeting recently In the Ash
land Trinity Parish house.
The Case for Clemency
Three Oregon daily newspapers the Eu
gene Register-Guard, the Coos Bay World, and
the Portland Reporter have called upon Gov,
Mark Hatfield to commute to life imprisonment
the death sentence of Jeannace Freeman.
Various others are of the opinion that the
death nenaltv should be earned out.
This division reflects the division among the
populace at large over this highly emotional ques
tion. Those who believe in capital punishment
believe in it strongly; those who disapprove, do so
equally strongly.
UR opposition to capital punishment is a mat-
w ter of record
But the Freeman case has elements to it
which would cause us to oppose this particular
execution even if we believed in capital punish
ment in principle.
The Register-Guard, in a closely reasoned
editorial, reviews most of the reasons given for
commutation, and rejects them. These include
the "sob-sister" arguments, that she is a woman,
that she is a weirdie, that she s had a fantas
tically burdened and deprived life, that she need-
eu ucip aim uiun l get, il.
In rejecting these, the R-G then comes to its
. i ; i I 11 .1 ...i
point; uiai a simple injustice nas resuueu, wnen
of two women, equally guilty, one is given life
imprisonment, the other death
t
THE Register-Guard gives this brief review of
the case :
"The mother of the (dead) children confessed, im
plicating the Freeman girl. Her confession supplied
the evidence of premeditation that was essential for a
capital case. Using this confession and the mother's
additional testimony, the state tried the Freeman girl
for first degree murder before a jury that was under
standably angry and shocked. She was convicted, with
no recommendation for mercy. Death was mandatory.
"Then, after the Freeman girl was on her way to
. the death house, the mother was brought back inlo
court, But she was not tried before a shocked and
angry jury. She was permitted to plead guilty (and to
throw herself on the mercy of the court.) She was
sentenced to life imprisonment ...
"The evidence against the Freeman girl, especially
the evidence of premeditation, came from a woman
who said she was equally Involved. How can the state
of Oregon believe that one committed a premeditated
crime, the other a (lesser offense)? Why, if the evi
dence of premeditation was so strong in the Freeman
case, was it so conveniently forgotten in the mother's
case?
"... Ordinarily ... we would not appeal to the
governor to use his special authority in a specific case.
The first time we have urged its use is now, in the
case of Jeannace Freeman.
"The governor has the power of executive clemency
for use in cases like this. No legal errors are apparent,
so in law there is no remedy. Yet, it is apparent, equal
justice under the law was not achieved . . "
THE provision for executive clemency was
nlotorl in tVio Cvarrrn P.nnof if:if inn fni a VOQ.
son. It is there to be used in cases where the
Governor feels an injustice has occurred.
Thus, in 'employing that power to prevent an
execution, he is "upholding the laws" just as he
would be if he allowed tne execution to take
place.
Thomas E. Gaddis, author of "Birdman of
Alcatraz." writintrin the Orerronian. ouotes noted
crime writer (and lawyer) Erie Stanley Gardner
as follows:
"It is true that a governor is elected to enforce the
law, not as he would like to have it but as the citizens
have enacted it. Where a state maintains the death
penalty, a governor has no right to extend clemency
simply because he or a large group of his constituents
may be against the death penalty.
"The moral obligation upon a governor, therefore,
to extend clemency in cases where the equities require
it is just as great as the obligation to see that any
of the other other laws are enforced."
ET it be said that, for a conscientious and
1 PtViipiillv-mntivfltprl rrnvprnnr. siioh as Mark
. . . . , - ,
0. Hatfield, a decision such as the one he must
make is an agonizing one. The responsibility for
saving, or not saving, a human life is awesome.
Nor will we linn it possible to be unduly crit
ical of him should he withhold executive clem
ency in this case.
Still, on the basis of the facts as they have
come to light in the past few months, we believe
that, flip Paso for pxppntivp pIpiupiipv is rlpar cut
and iron ciaa. it is our nope mat ijovernor nat-
r:t-i ...mi : :i n a
iiuui win uxui 1'ise it.
The Times' Unreported Story
No newspaper in the world does a better job
of covering the news than the New York 1 mies. It
takes very seriously its boast of being the "news
paper of record," and of printing "all the news
tl,.,(V. fit ,,.,(
Hint, o ill. in jm nil.
But there is one story a fascinating one
which it hasn't even hinted at in its own columns.
Thiu is tlto stnnr nf flip Wnnr Yiil'L- Timna iteolf
and particularly of its western edition, during
the New York newspaper strike.
1 he western edition was started a few months
ago to make the Times truly a national news
paper. It had a circulation of several thousand,
but it was not a profitable operation.
.
llITH the "mother paper" in New York closed
down, one would expect the western edition
to close, too. But no. It has continued printing
each day (except Sunday) since the strike started.
A llil tl liltTl'llrT Kv tlm aviilnnon It i"o i In inn iiiejt
about as monumental a job as before. Most of
j I .! 1 t 4 mi . .t
tne laminar oy-nnes 01 i lines writers continue to
"Gee, That Wai Exciting Some Day, Let'a
Actually Go In"
n
P f
tJi,auc. .. I'i,
Matter of Focf , By j0..Ph auop
(c) New York Herald Tribune Syndicate
1 vf Z t
A SOLID GAIN FOR
KENNEDY
Washington- The members
of the House of Representa
tives registered their opinion
of the out
come of the
f i'tJjJm 1982 election
I I in votes on
Tuesday and
U7 a A a .Jo..
fMvj ' 4?! The House
m e m De r s
plainly think
that the elec
1 1 o n result,
Mmp t n e meaning
of which has been much dis
puted, was really a major
win for the President.
After that kind of election
result, It is hard to imagine
the younger Republican mem
bers successfully challenging
the super-partisan and ob
structionist leadership of Rep.
Charles Halleck of Indiana as
they did on Tuesday. And it
is almost Impossible to ima
gine a major victory of the
House Democratic leadership
in the battle over the Rules
Committee on Wednesday.
INSTEAD, Hallcck's aging
henchman, Rep. Hoeven of
Iowa, was replaced as chair
man of the House Republican
Conference by Rep. Ford of
Michigan, as a result of a
well-planned junior Repub-
1 1 c a n insurrection against
their party's dictatorial House
leader. By the same token,
the liberalization of the Rules
Committee was voted the next
day by a majority of 235-196-
a far better showing than two
years ago.
The vote on the composition
of the Rules Committee,
which was also a vote againts
the conservative despotism of
Committee Chairman Howard
Smith of Virginia, was the
more important and more
interesting of the two tests.
Broken down, It first of all
showed an increased Repub
lican group in opposition to
the Southern Democratic-Republican
coalition headed by
Reps. Halleck and Smith. In
1062, only 22 Republicans
voted for enlargement of the
Rules Committee (and hence
for dilution of Chairman
Smith's control), and the en
largement was approved for
one session only. This time.
28 Republicans voted for
permanent enlargement.
In adition, the Rules Com
mittee vote showed an equally
striking decline of Southern
Democratic support for the
conservative coalition. Last
time, 64 Democrats, all South
erners of course, voted down
the line for Howard Smith.
This time, he was only able
to muster the votes of 48 of
his colleagues, or one-quarter
loss than ill 1HISU. For Howard
Smith, the bell has begun to
toll.
rpHE INCREASED Republi
can vote against the Hal-leck-Smlth
combine Implies a
rejection of the Southern
leaning Republican strategy
advocated by Halleck and
Sen. Barry Goldwater of
Arizona. The declining South
ern support for Smith, ironi
cally enough, also indicates the
Southern Democrats, reaction
to the Republican gains in the
South, which are the grand
Laim of Halleck and Gold-
water.
The shrewder Southerners
like Sen. Herman Talmadge
of Georgia have long predict
ed that important Republican
advances in the South would
drive the average Southern
Democratic politician to aban
don the extreme conservative
posture, and to make a
stronger show of party loy-
lty. It is difficult to see any
thing but a fulfillment of this
prediction in the recent
House vote, occurring just
after a significant Republican
pick-up of Southern House
scats.
Still anoUier feature of
deep interest, in the Rules
Committee vote was the proof
of the extreme efficiency of
the new leadership team of
Speaker McCormack, House
Majority Leader Carl Albert,
and Reps. Hale Boggs, Wilbur
Mills, and Richard Boiling.
rTHEY HAD their bases so
precisely ana completely
covered that Speaker McCor
mack, at breakfai. at the
White House on Wednesday
morning, was able to tell
President Kennedy just what
the vote would be that after
noon despite the last-minute
Republican attempt to throw
all into confusion by demand
ing a vote on the previous
question. Even the great
Speaker Rayburn did not do
this kind of meticulously de
tailed Job.
Over-all, however, these
House votes mainly prove that
nothing succeeds like success.
President Kennedy and his
supporters did far better at
the polls in November than
the wiseacres anticipated. The
result was a solid win for the
President at the opening of
the new Congressional session.
This win in turn forecasts
a more successful session for
the President than most peo
ple have been expecting. The
forecast is reinforced by the
highly significant fact that
the crucial House Ways and
Means Committee has two
vacant seats, which will be
filled with men pledged to
Kennedy's views on medicare
and tax reform and reduction.
On Wednesday evening, the
President was reported as
downright cock-a-hoop, and
with some reason.
Today & Tomorrow
By Walter lippmtnn
(cl 1983. The WaihlnfUn Post
Kip
PROGRESS WITHOUT
CRISIS
'the new Congress is meet
ing in a time of letdown
from a prolonged crisis.
There has
come a pause
in world af
fairs. For the
first time in a
number of
years - say
since the chal
lenge over
Berlin in 19158
- the threat of
uppmann thermonu
clear war has receded some
what into the background.
From Berlin, the Congo, the
resumption of nuclear testing.
and finally to the imax in
Cuba, the crisis mounted.
Now, for the time being at
least, in both halves of the
world, the pause which has a
faint resemblance to peace
has relaxed the tension
enough to release the rival
ries and ambitions of normal
and unfrightened men.
After the armistice which
ended the fighting of the
First World War, Winston
Churchill wrote that the bat
tle of the giants had ended
and that the wars of the pyg
mies had begun. In the after
math of mortal crisis, there
are removed the unifying
pressures to hang together
lest we hang separately, the
urgency to rally around the
leader lest everything should
fall apart. Thus, with the Cu
ban crisis behind him, Mr.
Khrushchev can turn on his
Chinese rivals. In the West.
dispute has broken out over
the leadership of the alliance.
The dispute is possible, in
deed it is conceivable, only
since the alliance no longer
feels that it is seriously chal
lenged by the Soviet Union.
WE may expect that the new
Congress will refWr th
pause in world affairs. In our
American constitutional ex
perience, the power of the
President to lead is, generally
speaking, a function of some
kind of national crisis, abroad
in time of war and -it home
in a time like the great de
pression of the 1930s. Presi
dent Kennedy's problem in
this Congress is how to lead
it when there is no apparent
national crisis.
There is, to be sure, plenty
of trouble and danger in the
world in which we are so
deeply involved. But trouble
which does not carry with it
the danger of nuclear war is,
for this case-hardened genera
tion, not a real crisis.
At home, there are many
problems. But there is no
crisis remotely resembling
that of the Thirties which
generated the stear" behind
the New Deal. While a great
many Americans are very an
gry about a good number of
things, more people are wor
ried that the government may
lake away something that
they now have, than are hop
ing that it will provide them
something which they do not
now enjoy. This is the feel
ing of a satisfied population.
A ND yet, under the compla
cent surface, there are
great matters which need to
be attended to. These matters
do not show their conse
quences immediately, but
only in the long run.
A prime example of this
is the weakness of American
education. As we fail to edu
cate one generation of school
children, the rvll result nf
this failure do not appear
tuny until these children
grow up and become the un
educated parents of a still-less-educated
generation.
It is hard to arouse dem
ocracies about the long run.
This is the President', diffi
culty in dealing with the cru
cial mailer ol overcoming the
chronic slupffishnpsfi nf th
American economy. The
American economy Is not do
ing what it could to provide
the means for meeting the
long-time needs of our ex
panding urbanized popula
tion. But the American econ
omy, sluesish thnush it is
does nevertheless provide a
remarkable defense and a ris
ing standard nf nrivnti liv.
ing. The President must try
io rany me support ol a peo
ple which does not feel it
self under the nressure of a
crisis.
TIE has to try, because he
is not President for this
day but for the many days to
come. As there is no crisis
which drives the people to
follow him, he must lead: by
persuasion. He has to prove
his .case not only in a court
of impartial judges, but in
the arena where prejudice
and passion and special in
terests contend.
Thus, he has to be not only
persuasive, but overwhelm
ingly persuasive, which is
impossible with a very big
and complicated program of
measures, but may be pos
sible with a program which
is concentrated on some great
issue, as for example and in
particular, the expansion of
the American economy.
To achieve overwhelming
persuasion where there is no
great surge of emotion behind
him, he will have to take the
risk of boring the public by
saying the same thing over
and over again, if possible in
different words.
That has not been in the
Kennedy style. But it may
be indispensible.
In the Day's News
By FRANK JENKINS
The news?
As this is written, there's
nothing on the wires to cause
one's hair to stand on end.
Nor are there any develop
ments to lead one to cry "ho
sanna!" It looks like a good time to
go along with Lewis Carroll,
who put it this way:
"The time has come," the
Walrus said,
"To talk of many things:
"Of shoes -and ships -and
scaling wax-
"Of cabbages-and kings-
"And why the sea is boiling
hot-
"And whether pigs have
wings."
THEN
In the news
There's the director of the
Baltimore zoo, who-intrigued
by Old Kroosh's crack that
asbtract art looks to him like
it was painted with a donkey's
tail - took an actual donkey's
tail, dipped it in ink, and
watched while the cooperative
jackass swished his tail up and
down over a square of canvas,
producing a design of feathery
black lines.
He then framed the picture
attractively, hung it on a wall
in the zoo's art gallery among
other examples of abstract art,
titled it "Black Wisk," and
called in an art critic for an
appraisal of its artistic worth.
The critic praised it highly,
called it a new contribution
by a hitherto unknown artist.
(The signature on the picture
was JACK.)
BUT that isn't all.
The nieturi ant inln ihp
papers. A San Antonio (Texas)
man saw it, was intrigued
by it, and wrote the director
of the zoo as follows:
"I would like very much to
own 'Black Wisk' by Jack. I
am enclosing a check for $50,
and also $5 for packing, insur
ance and postage."
To which Zoo Director Ar
thur Watson replied: "Black
Wisk being packaged for ship
ment to you. Received check.
Thank you."
Try and Stop Me
By BENNETT CERF-
A WINDY, UNRECONSTRUCTED Southern senator put
Jn an unexpected appearance at a big country picnic
one late summer aiternoon and announced that if a plat
form could be provided.
he happened to have a
few words to say to his
constituents.
Reluctantly, somebody
pulled up a farm wagon
which the Senator mount
ed. He then whipped a
long speech out of his
pocket and began to read
it, while some two hun
dred picnickers, slices of
watermelon or ears of
corn in their hands, gath
ered reluctantly to hear.
. When he reached the
bottom of Page Twelve,
the Senator looked up for the first time. His audience had
simply melted away with the exception of one bedraggled,
pop-eyed farmer who stood motionless before him. The out
raged Senator bellowed, "1 thank you, my good friend, for
being the one voter in this county who is sufficiently inter
ested in world affairs to stay and listen to my comments.
I am grateful to you, sir."
The farmer shook his head vehemently. "I don't care a
hoot for your comments on international affairs," he ad
mitted, "but you're standing on my wagon!"
Have you haard about the odd-ball who kept throwing his dog
at a pie and missing? He couldn't mutt the custard.
They've discovered another of those fabulously rich Texans.
This one has an unlisted telephone company!
C 1963, by Bennett Cert. Distributed by Kins Features Syndicate
COMMENT?
Well, Puck put it about as
well as it can be put when in
Midsummer Night's Dream he
said to Oberon:
"Lord, what fools these
mortals be."
TO PUCK'S Immortal crack,
Especially these mortals who
pretend to see something
wonderful in abstract art.
That would be Intolerant.
Let's go along with Voltaire
and put it this way: "I dis
agree, sir, with everything
you say, but I am willing to
die in defense of your right
to say it."
Personally, I wouldn't give
a plugged nickel for the Black
Wisk. but I'm willinu to on
quite a way in defense of the
Baltimore zoo director's right
to collaborate with the donkey
in maKing it - and later sell
ing it for what any admirer
of abstract art is willing to
pay for it.
Communications
Under His Banner
To The Editor: We have re
ceived one of the brochures
entitled "Challenge To Ameri
cans," sub-title - "The Strug
gle We Face And How To
Help Win It."
Its content: First the re
marks of our President; then
the recommendations of our
past President.
They seem to agree that
something must be done, and
that it is high time for the in
dividual American to be cog
nisant of that fact.
There are some 29 listed
methods where in various in
stitutions are involved, to pro
mote, from different angles,
knowledge of what Commun
ism really is.
Now dear friends, Fellow
Americans: After all these
years of rubbing elbows with
Communism, should it take us
another period of time to es
timate its root, its foundation,
its actions, and its results?
The subjugated peoples of
Poland, Slovakia, Austria,
East Germany, and all China
witness to the actual death of
liberty within their borders
and the enthronement of sla
very there. No worship of
God our Creator, unless done
secretly or to their dictates.
Now, what kind of weapons
would you use going into bat
tle with the atom?
To be victorious we must be
intellegent in our defense and
selection of weapons.
Again we make mention to
you that we are in warfare to
the death, and that we are
waging a spirtual war; our
enemy is an anti-Chirst, and
his plan is to destroy with
eternal death every living per
son; his logic and course is to
catch and kill man burdened
with unconfessed, unforgiven
sins, which are recorded in the
books in heaven. Rev. 20:12
Christ is our cover up. Wo
are all sinners. The blood of
His innocence is sufficent,
when accepted by faith, t o
achieve our victory and to
blot out of the books, those
sins.
This is practical warfare "
for His blessed Word says, "is
God be for us who can be
against us?" Rom. 8:31
Let us not delay but get
under His banner today.
"Wherefore He is able to
save them to the uttermost
that come unto God by Him."
Heb. 7:25.
James Williams
P.O. Box 441
Jacksonville, Ore.
U.S. Withdraws From Popularity Contest
appear. If the news and editorials are being pro
cessed as before the strike, it is all being done
xt r i. .. j.. ii . ... ...I. .
iu'w i ui k it mil siau putting mil a gnosi
iwspaper," which is being published nearly
000 miles away.
We'd like to read the story of this operation
-some time, if not immediately. E.A.
51 j ft
mm
-iiil
3 C-J
"It's part of tht training for tht nsw phase of the cold
war. They hava to stand yeball-to-tytball without
blinking!"
By ERIC SEVAREID
It would require a candle
larger than any realist dares
light in this naughty world to
produce a re
flection from
the newly
minted coin.
Anno Domini
1963, bright
enough to
blind the
wicked; but
a dull glow
of hope is per-
Sevareld CCpllOle JUSl
the same.
Perhaps the glow will never
truly sparkle as long as the
seven-league stride of this
armaments race is not broken,
yet both sides of the coin
give off a new light. On the
one side are the new prob
lems of the Communist camp,
now so fragmentized and
quarrelsome that Moscow
fairly surely has been forced
Into an extended period of
reticence for reconsideration
of its strategies of indirect ag
gression which have failed in
so many places.
e
The light of hope from the
other side of the coin - our
side - is a reflection of new
confidence in Washington, but
also, so it seems to me, new
understanding of how the m
At the risk of appearing of
fensively smug, I must say
that the thinly disguised
"background" comments by
the President in Florida, con
cerning his decision to strike
out more boldly as the allied
leader, came as both relief
and justification for some of
us who have long been plead
ing for precisely this posture.
There are, after all, a few
axioms that can be firmly
fixed even to the shifting
swamp of inlernatonal con
duct. Two of them would go
about as follows:
e
1. It is not possible for any
alliance to follow a line of
conduct that is alien to the
policy of the major power
within the alliance, which
policy must necessarily serve
the ultimate security ends of
the major power.
their conventional forces, on
which they have been default
ing for domestic reasons, and
in discouraging ideas of in
dependent, national nuclear
arsenals.
This is not to say that the
United States will. In fact,
prove to work Its will; but
the whole logic of the situa
tion obliges it to try. It is not
to say, either, that the areas
in which Washington can suc
cessfully strike out on its own
are unlimited. Berlin carries
a built-in limitation upon uni
lateral action. So docs the
Congo, given the present state
of the U.N. involvement, pos
sible as it may be that we
will become chief supplier of
manpower and strategies as
well as of money and materi
als - a prospect this observer
contemplates with dread.
I realize the size and Influ-
21 In a peacetime alliance encc of the opposing school of
of democratic governments, it thought, those convinced that
unless an alliance moves all
in step it will break apart.
My own answer would be
that the true test of an alli
ance is whether it can act ef
fectively In a true crisis. 1 1
see little evidence that any I
of our systems of alliance can I
do this even with the push i ship comes to this sooner or
alone in the Caribbean; ad-1 from behind: what is inherent-1 later, whether In a domestic
vance agreement from our I ly required is the pull from ! family or in a family of na
Latin American allies would In front. j tions. It must - in the name
jnr power is historically ; never have come. For these! I believe these axioms can j of the final good for the great-
is impossible to achieve ad
vance agreements on actions
that will cause serious and im
mediate pain to any of the
members, even though the dis
tant goal appears of over
riding importance.
For these reasons the Uni
ted Slates was obliged to act
the Alliance for Progress. I
doubt very much that even a
country of such good purpose
as Brazil, now half drowning
in inflation, will act to save
itself unless we act first, even
though our action is negative.
We are obliged to convince
Brazilian leaders that we real
ly will cease our periodic bail
out unless they act to over
master their domestic ailment,
excruciatingly painful though
the cure may bo. In this case
and in others we are now
obliged to establish, so to
speak, the credibility of our
economic deterrent.
In acting upon the foremen
tioned principles, we are go
ing to undergo an intellectual
and emotional crisis ourselves.
The prevailing pyschology of
20 years encrustation is not
to be changed without suffer
ing; and if we think we have
an "unpopular image" now,
it is nothing to what it will
be, and in places where we
very much want to be liki'd.
But the President has now
finally and frankly stated
what some of us have long
waited for - we are withdraw
ing from the popularity contest.
Morally responsible leader-
obliged to behave not only I reasons the President now j and must be applied even In
towards the common enemy feels obliged to put the the case of our ad hoc alii
but towards the commonality screws to our European allies ances for economic uplift and
of friends and allies. 1 in pressing for a build-up of stability, meaning particularly
cr number.
(Distributed 1963 by
Th Hall Syndicate. Inc.)
(All Rights Restrvtd)
r