4 B
Inluqh
(Editor's note: Briiain'i
labor party held it annual
confaranca in Brighton,
England. It attempted to
find a formula or victory
in the next national elec
tion, which mutl be held
before the fall of 1964. but
might be called sooner. La
bor's chances ride on the
man who leads the party
and who, in victory, would
be Britain's next prime min
ister Hugh Gaitskell. This
is a study of the man and
his party.)
By RICHARD H. GROWALD
United Press International
London - IUPH - The elderly
Victorian lady threw up her
hands when she read the let
ter from her nephew at Ox
ford university.
Hugh Todd Naylor Gaits
kell, then a bookish student
who enjoyed the ivory tower
life of the ancient university
In the mid-1 920's, had written
his aunt: "Henceforth, my fu
ture is with the working clas
ses." His aunt replied in a letter:
"I do not know what England
is coming to."
At that time Britian was in
the last stages of its first la
bor parly socialist govern
ment. Labor party leader Hugh
Gaitskell and his fellow so
cialists began their 1002 con
vention recently in high hopes
of returning to power.
Called A t'raitcr
Like Presiatui Franklin D.
Roosevelt, Gaitskell has been
called a traitor to his class.
Gaitskell was born April 9.
1D00, the son of a Colonial
civil servant.
While the baby Gaitskell
nestled in a crib in India
where his father served, the
Labor parly also was in its
infancy, feeling its way into
national British politics in a
time of penny beer, Edward
ian pomp and circumstance,
12-hour work days and gas
light. Gaitskell grew up during
World War I. The postwar
surge for "a better world,"
the decline of the once mighty
Liberal parly and a booming
labor union movement pro
duced the first Labor govern
ment while Gaitskell studied
economics and philosophy al
Oxford. Ramsay MacDonald's
Socialists enacted little social
ism and went out of office.
But the young Gaitskell had
glimpsed a new future, and
wrote of it to his aunt.
The Conservatives were
back In power. Big, burly,
tough Ernest Bevin-later lo be
a foreign secretary but now
the ham-fisted labor leader
helped direct a general strike
that began in the mine fields
and spread across the nation.
Drove Leaders' Cars
Many of Gaitskcll's fellow
students joined the volunteer
brigades (led by Winston
Churchill) who manned the
strike-hit food and fuel scrv-
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THURSDAY. OCTOBER IS, 1962
ices. Not young Gaitskell. He
drove the strike leaders' cars
and passed out strike litera
ture. The general strike failed.
Gaitskell and others said la
bor needed more education to
outthink and outsmart the
Tories. After being graduated
with honors Gaitskell stump
ed the grubby Midland mine
fields for two years, lecturing
miners on profit and loss, so
cial justice, capitalism, social
ism and the ways and means
of economic change.
"We regard the distribution
of the wealth and income of
this country as profoundly un
fair," Gaitskell was to say
later. But at this time he shied
from active politics and be
came an economics professor
at London university.
Gaitskell, ever the scholar,
took an American Rockefeller
fellowship and travelled to
Vienna where he watched a
semi Facist government de
stroy by artillery fire a so
cialist movement. Gaitskell
came home to London a little
more interested in politics.
Economic Advisor
He became an economic ad
visor to the union leaders. He
began helping their battle to
heave the Communists from
posts of power within the un
ion movement. Gaitskell was
a backroom brain. Then came
World War II.
Churchill summoned the La
boritcs into his Coalition gov
ernment. Gailskill was put
to work assessing scattered
spy data on German economic
operations. He ended the war
as Chief of Price Control. But
Inspection Unnecessary
Irv Lichtenstein Keeps His Bargain
To Play Russian Records
By DICK WEST
Washington - tUPli - Nego
tiations between Nikitu Khru
shchev and Irv Lichtenstein
urn mi lhf
Wl 1 ""B. ins MOl
jL ; c I e a r, How
ever, what
they are on
the brink of.
All thai can
be said with
certainty is
that Lichtcn
slem ft;els he
wi bus gone as
far as he can go. The next
move is up In Khrushchev,
who may hnve gone farther
than he can go.
Lichtenstein, I sliuulcl ex
plain for those of you who
came in late, is a local radio
station executive and do-it-yourself
diplomat. I assume
you know who Khrushchev is.
. Last mouth, by-passing such
traditional diplomatic chan
nels as 1 he United Nations, the
State Department and David
Susskiml, Lichtenstein wrote
4
oocsice
one London wartime night
when the German planes did
not come, Gaitskell talked
with an old friend until 3 a.m.
The friend was Hugh Dal
ton, a Labor party giant, who
talked and talked, hoping to
convince his young, tousled
haired friend to "go active"
Dennis the Menace
... AH' PLEASE TRV ID STOPAlK.
gtfgAKIN' SO EASY,'
a letter to Khrushchev pro
posing a cultural exchange.
He said he would have
his disc jockoys at station
WWDC broadcast Russia's
10 most popular songs if
Radio Moscow would, in
turn, broadcast America's
10 top tunes.
Subsequently, Lichtenstein
received 10 recordings from
Moscow, which were duly
aired. I heard some of them
and they sounded like they
needed airing.
Meanwhile, in keeping with
established international pre
cautionary principles, Lich
tenstein had it is engineers
monitor Radio Moscow to see
if Khrushchev was carrying
out the other end of the ex
change. This week, having received
no evidence that the U.S.
tunes were being played in the
the Soviet capital, Lichten
stein suspended broadcasting
of the Russian records.
He was careful, however, to
leave the door open for future
in politics. Characteristically,
Gaitskell asked time to think
it over. He did and he went
active.
The post-V-E-Day elections
brought a Labor landslide. U
also brought Gaitskell Into
Parliament, and he rose spec
tacularly. WlSCffc MOWS FRCrVi
on Radio
negotiations. He offered to ac
cept at face value a certifica
tion from Khrushchev that
the Soviets had been playing
our songs.
"We don't think that 'on
site inspection' poses any
problem in this case," Lich
tenstein said.
In other words, he waived
the right to send a team of
disc jockeys lo Moscow to
make certain the Russians
were complying with the
exchange agreement.
Lichtenstein may be crit
icized in some quarters for
having made such a conces
sion, but I think the latest
scientific information will
show that on-the-spot Inspec
tion no longer is necessary to
detect popular music.
If "Limbo Rock," the No. 3
U.S. tune, were played any
where in the Soviet Union,
the shock waves would be re
corded on seismographs
throughout the Western Hem
isphere. '
MEDFOHD MAIL TRIBUNE. MEDFORD, OREGON
itudy of A Main,
In less than two years under
Prime Minister Clement (now
Earl) Attlee, Gaitskell oecame
Minister of Fuel and Power in
postwar austerity Britain.
It was a measure of his sue-
cess that he became a frequent
target of Winston Churchill
Gaitskell stood up in the
House of Commons and tried
to tell the nation to use less
of the country's scarce fuel
supply. Save on bath water,
he said. "I've never had a
great many baths, and I don't
think it makes much differ
ence to health," Gaitskell said.
Churchill rose and sent ev
en the Labor benches into
roars of laughter by replying,
"When Ministers of the Crown
speak like this, they have no
need to wonder why they are
getting increasingly into bad
odor."
Feuding Blossoms
Attlee's austerity grated on
many Britons who wondered
if they indeed had won the
war. The ready acceptance
that Socialism would bring
prosperity for all was chal
lenged. Inside the Labor party
feuding blossomed. Aneurin
Bevan called for more and
more socialism. Gaitskell sid
ed with the more cautious Att
lee. Attlee shocked the old tim
ers when he appointed Gait
skell Chancellor of The Ex
chequer (or treasury secre
tary) in 1950. Gaitskell was
the youngest chancellor in 50
years. And he sparked a
Grand Canyon split in the par
ty when he ruthlessly held
Liz Taylor's Film
Faces Seizure
Rome-fUPD - Elizabeth Tay
lor's film "Cleopatra" faced
seizure today if it crosses the
borders of Italy-where it was
made according to a Rome
court ruling.
The labor section of the
Tribunal of Rome issued a
"precautionary sequestration"
order against the still urre
leased picture which cost an
estimated $35 million.
The ruling is connected
with a labor dispute by a
group of film technicians who
claim they were illegally laid
off by Twentieth Century
Fox, the film's producers.
Claiming five months loss
of wages, the workers got the
court order to attach the film
whenever it returns here for
viewing.
Cannon Beach Bowling
Alley Leveled by Fire
Cannon Beach - IUPD - A
one-story building housing the
Cannon Beach bowling alley
was leveled by flames early
Tuesday.
Damage was estimated at
between $25,000 and $30,000.
Cause of the fire was not
known.
down welfare spending to
spend more on rearmament in
a world of rising communism.
Nye Bevan quit the cabinet
and called Gaitskell "a desic
cated adding machine." In a
few months the whole govern
ment fell when Churchill's
Tories rode back into power
in 1051.
For four more years Attlee
remained in Commons but
finally took an earldom. Bev
an and Herbert Morrison, the
old party warhorse, became
favorites to succeed Attlee as
the opposition party leader.
The party picked Gaitskell.
Patch Up Feuding
Gaitskell managed to patch
up the party feuding before
the October 1959 general elec
tion and campaigned strenu
ously. But the Conservatives
told prosperous Britons "You
never had it so good." and
scored their biggest victory in
a generation. In defeat, the
Labor party knives came out
for Gaitskell.
Bevan died and his former
followers accused Gaitskell of
being "soft" on capitolism.
Gaitskell reckoned the old im
age of socialism was a loser at
the polls. He tried and failed
to get the party to dump its
almost sacred pledge to na
tionalize basic industries.
Gaitskell was in deep trouble.
Then along came Frank
Cousins.
Cousins is a dedicated union
leader whose heart belongs to
old - fashioned socialism. And
Cousins became an advocate
of banning the bomb. The
partnership of the egghead
socialist left and Cousins'
powerful union following pro
duced the anti-Gailskell party
convention two years ago. Af
ter a stormy day, the delegates
voted in favor of throwing
U.S. bases out of Britain and
of Britain dumping her nu
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clear weapons. At that mo
ment Gaitskell showed a new
"image."
Gone was the tweedy pro
fessor. Gaitskell rose before
the convention, shook his fist,
pounded the podium and
shouted he would "fight, fight,
fight, and fight again" to re
verse the party decision.
He organized commando
squads throughout the party.
Going over the heads of un
ion leaders, he convinced the
man in the ranks that Britain
must remain staunchly pro
Western, and a nuclear weap
ons partner. At last year's
party convention, he defeated
and dumped the ban the bomb
resolutions.
In doing so, Gaitskell be
came leader of the party in
fact as well as name. More
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than anything else, his tri
umph is credited with prob
ably dooming the ban-the-bomb
movement in Britain.
Meanwhile, "Tory prosperi
ty" had begun to lose some of
its shine. Macmillan's recent
"Little Austerity" program
lost the Tories much support.
Still Must Strive
Gaitskell believes Labor
still must strive for wider
support. As the average Brit
ish working man has gone
from bicycle to automobile,
he apparently has become less
interested in militant social
ism. Some Laborites openly
regard socialism as a politi
cally dirty word.
The fight goes on in the
party and the leftwing by no
means has surrendered to
Gaitskell's modern labor phil
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Party
osophy-more state planning
and less emphasis on nation
alization.
Now there is the added com
plicating factor of the uproar
over whether Britain should
enter the European Common
Market, which the conserva
tive leadership thinks it
should. The lines even within
Labor's ranks are not clear
cut on the Market issue.
Despite it all, Labor this
year senses that its turn may
be coming again in Britain.
The challenge to Gaitskell is
to channel the party's un
doubted strength in the elec
torate or, as one Labor party
authority put it:
"The problem is whether
Hugh can convince the people
that socialism is for good
times as well as bad."
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