'ecanousness
of Middle
last
Peace
Is
Recent Skirmishes
Remind World of
Unsettled Area
(Editor's note: This is an
other in series of discus
sions in the Great Decisions
... 1960 program. Material
is furnished by the Foreign
Policy association of New
York City. Today's discus
sion is on the subject: "War
or Peace in the Middle
East?")
Recent Arab-Israeli mili
tary skirmishes - on Israeli's
border with the Syrian prov
ince of the United Arab Re
public - remind the world of
the precariousness of Middle
Eastern peace. -
War has, in fact, broken
out twice in this region in the
past 12 years. In mid-Febru
ary of this year UN Secretary
General Dag Hammarskjold
suggested that "deteriorating
conditions might justify Se
curity Council intervention to
prevent a third Middle East
ern conflict.
Military units of the UN
Emergency Force have been
stationed along Israeli's bor
der with Egypt - the other
half of the United Arab Re
public since the Israeli in
vasion of the Sinai Peninsula
In 1956. The UN presence is,
however, largely symbolic.
If full-scale hostilities were
to break out, either through
aggression or through the ac-
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cidental expansion of raids
and skirmishes, existing UN
forces would no doubt be help
less.
Peace Maintained
Arab-Israeli peace will be
maintained, experts agree,
only if the Arab and Israeli
governments have the will to
keep it - or, in the last resort,
if the great powers intervene
and enforce peace at the point
of a gun.
The United States has made
it clear, as recently as the
summer of 1958, that it is will
ing to use its military power
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to maintain a degree of bal
ance and stability in the area.
The yet-to-be-invoked "Eisen
hower Doctrine of early
1958, and the landing of U.S
troops in Lebanon in July of
that year, were both design
ed to discourage international
Communism or Communist in
spired Arabism from subvert
ing such relatively weak Arab
states as Lebanon or Jordan.
Earlier U.S. policy state
ments, made jointly with Bri
tain and France, suggest that
the U.S. would similarly use
its power to prevent an Arab
conquest of Israel.
Intentions Less Clear J
Soviet intentions are less
clear. Generally, in recent
years, the Soviet Union has
sided with the Arab states in
their disputes with Israel.
Most authorities feel, on the
other hand, that the Soviet
Union would not, at this time,
welcome another Arab-Israeli
war.
Two reasons are advanced
for this view. First, the Soviet
Union probably gives a
higher priority to its negotia
tions with the U.S. and its al
lies, particularly on such deli
cate questions as Berlin, Ger
many and disarmament.
War in the Middle East
would only distract from a
diplomacy of peaceful co
existence. A Middle Eastern
war which involved the great
powers might disrupt the
whole Communist timetable
for East-West negotiations.
Second, an Arab-Israeli war
might upset the Communist
time table for the Middl East.
According to this view, the
Soviet Union recognizes the
instability of rival Arab re
gimes and would rather work
with the existing power bal
ance, however precarious,
than risk a new power struc
ture in which Communist in
fluence might be reduced.
If these interpretations are
sound - if both the Democratic
and Communist powers prefer
to see the Middle East at
peace then the question of
peace or war rests primarily
with the governments of Mid
dle Eastern countries, Arab
and Israeli.
Arab-Israeli Issues
The issues dividing Israel
and its Arab neighbors are
deep and emotion-laden. The
brief 1948 war, in which Is
rael's armies won nationhood
against enormous odds, has
technically never ended Only
an armistice has been signed.
The Arab states have refus
ed to accept UN resolutions
which led to the establish
ment of an Israeli nation, and
have rebuffed all subsequent
: attempts, by the UN and the
great powers, to conclude a
peace treaty recognizing Is
real's sovereignty and terri
tory.
It is Arab policy to boycott
Israel diplomatically and eco
nomically. Ships bound to and
from Israel are barred from
the U.A.R. - controlled Suez
Canal.
Regional development plans
for joint use of the waters of
the Jordan and other rivers
have been frustrated by Arab
save by the 10th
and earn from the 1st
0
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refusal to negotiate these
questions with Israel,, and by
Israel's plans to go it alone
in utilizing the Jordan waters.
The problem of the Palestine
Arab refugees (who fled what
is now Israel during the 1948
hostilities) continues to fester
as the two sides fail to find
any mutually agreeable basis
for negotiation.
Compensate Boycott
Israel has, in part, compen
sated for the Arab boycott.
Since the 1956 Sinai war, Is
rael has had the use of the
port and gulf of Aqaba, lead
ing into the Red Sea, in addi
tion to its original ports on the
Mediterranean.
It has also developed trade
and technical assistance rela
tions with African and Asian
nations, such as Ghana and
Burma, and has growing ac
cess to foreign goods and cap
ital needed for the develop
ment of the Israeli economy.
Peace, and time to build the
nation as an integral part of
the Middle Eastern economy,
are apparently fundamental
goals of Israeli policy.
Yet war is an ever-present
threat. Persistent Egyptian
border raids triggered Israel
in 1956 into a major military
campaign on the Sinai Penin
sula. Skirmishes, such as re
cent clashes on the Syrian
border, could again explode
into major hostilities, some
observers fear.
Equal Deep Interest
The Arab states, on the
other hand, may have an
equally deep interest in avoid
ing war, and for some of the
same reasons. The fundamen
tal needs of all the peoples of
Benevolent Firms
Believed Formed,
Operated Illegally
i -
The Portland Better Busi
ness Bureau feels' 14 benevo
lent societies operating in Ore
gon were illegally organized
and operated, according to
Don McNeil, Medford Cham
ber of Commerce manager.
In July, 1959, as a result of
complaints filed with various
state offices, Attorney Gener
al Robert Y. Thornton com
menced actions in the Marion
county circuit court involving
these benevolent societies, the
bureau reported in its month
ly bulletin to McNeil and oth
er chamber managers.
Organizations listed were
Benevolent Order of America,
United America, Inc., Home
State Benevolent association,
Pioneer Pacific, Inc., Benevo
lent Order of Countrymen,
The Countrymen Society, Inc.,
The. Independent Country
men, American Countrymen
association, Inc., Oregon Ben
evolent Society, Inc., West
ern Benefit Society, Western
Mutual Benefit . association,
Western States Services, Inc.,
Order of the Golden Cross,
and The United Benevolent
Society.
Receives Inquiries
The Medford Chamber of
Commerce has received the
most inquiries on the Benevo
lent Order of America, Benev
olent Order of Countrymen,
Oregon Benevolent Society,
Inc., and Western Mutual
Benefit association.
The Portland Better Busi
ness Bureau said the com
plaints alleged were that the
organizations were not frater
nal benefit societies, had no
lodge or ritualistic system, vi
olated the law which says no
person shall be paid commis
sions, salary for obtaining
members, fail to qualify un
der the insurance law, but
claim to do so, corporate funds
had been misused, multiple
corporations had been formed
to evade the $300 insurance
limit, irresponsible ageatt had
been hired and great numbers
of elderly people were being
wrongfully deprived of lim
ited means, and the insurance
schemes offered were not
sound and were outside of any
govern mental supervision
needed for protection, of the
public.
Richard Allen, Masonic
building, Salem, has been ap
pointed by the circuit court as
a monitor to supervise the so
ciety activities, the attorney
general reported.
Anyone having a dispute
with these organizations
should first try to settle his
difficulty with the organiza
tion before taking it to the
monitor, he said. Individuals
may also take legal action on
their own, but should try to
settle the problem with the
organization first, the attor
ney general suggested. -
u 111 "
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the area can be met only with
some acceleration of economic
growth to provide food, jobs
and better living standards
for growing populations.
, The United Arab Republic
of Egypt and Syria is. placing
increased , attention on inter
nal economic development,
and has begun to mend its dip
lomatic and. economic rela
tions with the Western dem
ocracies during the past year.
In doing so, the UJV..R. ap
parently hopes to reduce its
heavy dependence on the
Communist bloc for trade and
aid, and - to "normalize" its
economic and political rela
tions with the rest of the
world.
' Many observers thus feel
that U.A.R. President Gamal
Abdel Nasser also wants
peace, and time to develop the
linked economies of Egypt and
Syria. According to this view,
Nasser's economic gro.wth
goals take precedence over
any ambitions he may have
for expanding his Pan-Arab
empire. ; 5 - -.
Similar Arguments -
Similar arguments are ad
vanced to show that other
Arab leaders also need peace
in order to meet the economic
demands of their peoples -particularly
in Lebanon, Jor
dan and Iraq. ,
Yet all this may be wishful
thinking, says another school
of thought. Economic develop
ment may be a widespread
Middle Eastern goal, and
peace may be a necessary
condition for reaching this
goal. But the bitter issues di
viding Israel and the Arab
states, and the sometimes
equally bitter rivalries among
such Arab leaders as Nasser
and Kassim, are too explosive
to be dismissed.
Even if no one in a position
of responsibility wants war,
war can still come - by acci
dent, miscalculation, misman
agement of an incident, or
fear. And, experts warn, an
Arab-Israeli war might well
explode into something larger.
One possibly is a sideline
war among Arab states jock
eying for spoils or territory.
Another possibility is great
power involvement, in an ef
fort to protect Democratic or
Communist "interests" in the
region.
The whole world, according
to this view, has vital stakes
in preserving Middle Eastern
peace, however precarious
this peace may be. The alter
natives are too dangerous.
Arab Rivalries '
The chief Arab rivalry, ac
cording to most observers, is
that between Nasser of Egypt
and Kassim or Iraq. The 1958
Iraqi revolution, which
brought Kassim to power, had
several significant effects on
the Middle East power bal
ance. First, Iraq withdrew . from
the Western - sponsored, anti
Communist military alliance,
the Baghdad Pact (now Cen
tral Treaty Organization). Up
to this point Iraq was the only
Arab country with member
ship in the pact. Second, and
as a possible corollary, Iraq
turned to the Communist bloc
for military and economic as
sistance, and allowed Iraqi
Communists to operate above
ground.
These developments repre
sented a net gain for Com
munism and a net loss for
democratic interests in the re
gion. In addition, these devel
opments represented a set
back for Nasser's Pan-Arab
goals.
Principal Symbol
Up to the point of the Iraqi
revolution, Nasser was the
principal symbol and spokes
man for "Arab unity.',' He ap
peared, to be making progress
toward federation-or at least
greatly increased cooperation
-among some of the Arab
states. v -
The unification of Egypt
and Syria in the U.A.R. was
one step in this direction. Ye
men's "association" with the
U.A.R. was another. A top lev
el shift in the Saudi Arabian
government brought that na
tion into closer harmony with
Nasser's Pan-Arab policies.
Topic for Discussion
During the summer of 1958,
Nasser was intensifying prop
aganda pressures on Lebanon,
Jordan and Iraq, and contrib
uting to the instability of the
governments in these coun
tries. Then came the Iraqi revolu
tion. Kassim flatly rejected
Nasser's invitation to join the
U.A.R., turned to the com
munist bloc for aid, and now
steers an independent policy
in Arab affairs. An import
ant element of this policy is
ridicule and hostility toward
Nassers Pan-Arabism.
Kassim, has, in fact, re
vived the old "fertile cres
cent" version of Pan-Arabism.
This would be a federation of
Arab peoples stretching from
what is now the Syrian prov
ince of the U.A.R., along the
valleys of the Tigris and Eu
phrates, to include Iraq.
Two Capitals
The goal of Pan-Arabism
thus has two capitals, Cairo
and Baghdad. The rest of the
Arab world is now attempting
to deal with the realities of
this rivalry, Nor is the choice
an easy one. To some Arab
peoples the chief danger is the
role that communism is or
may be playing in the Kassim
government.
(Recently Kassim has cur
tailed communist activity in
Iraq.)
To others, such as Jordan's
political leaders, the problem
is how that country can pre
serve its identity midway be
tween the Nasser-Kassim pow
er centers.
In some respects Middle
Eastern politics have grown
more, not less, complex in the
past two years; cold war rival
ries create a whole new di
mension; the explosiveness of
some new issues is more, not
less, dangerous. The unan
swered question is whether
or not this trend will eventu
ally bring a greater restraint
and maturity to the govern
ments of the region.
Until this millenium ar
rives, many observers now
agree, the great powers have
an inescapable responsibility
to buy time and enforce
peace in the area-through co
operation, through direct pres
sures, or through the UN.
Furthermore, whatever the
great powers do to reduce
tensions, encourage Middle
Eastern cooperation, and pro
mote economic and social de
velopment in the area may be
no more than a gamble on the
uncertain future stability of
the region. The justification
for taking the gamble may be
that, to fail to do so, is to
court disaster for Middle East
ern peace, and perhaps for
world peace.
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