Today & Tomorrow
By Walter lippmann -
INDIA AND CHINA
When we arrived in India
about the middle of last
month, the conflict with China
i had bec'ome
the main pre
occupation of
the govern
ment, the par
liament, and
the press. It
pushed into
thje back
ground of
Lippmann t n e supreme
question of India's capacity to
pull itself out of its fearful
poverty. It raised a new and
unexpected question. This is
whether India must mobilize
for war, and in doing so must
put off indefinitely the indis
pensible work of solving the
problem of how to feed its
people. For the Indian econ
omy is so desperately in defi
cit that if it had to shoulder
the burden of a big mobiliza
tion and an arms program,
the burden would be crushing
and the consequences might
well be catastrophic.
I use the word catastrophic
advisedly. The Indian stand
ard of life is already almost
insupportably low, and if it
becomes not better but worse,
no one can be sure that the
central government can main
tain the unity of India against
its great variety of languages
and races and of local nation
alisms and against the deep
historical tendencies towards
separation. What threatens In
dia if the internal develop
ment fails is not a general
lapse into Communism. It is
a breakup into separate states,
some of which would no doubt
be Communist, others which
would be right-ring Hindu,
and no one can know what
else.
The problems of India,
then, is to defend itself against
Chinese aggression on its bor
ders while concentrating its
main attention and energy on
its internal problem.
1
rllS means that India will
have to defend her inter
ests on the frontier by diplo
macy. She can man some of
the frontier posts and shoot
back at Chinese raiders. But
the pressure of Chinese expan
sion will continue. For the
problem of Chinese expansion
is not primarily an Indian
problem. Indeed, it is only in
cidentally an Indian problem
and, although no responsible j
official in any country can or
should say so, everyone who
has studied the situation in
central Asia knows that this
is true. '
In the years to come the
main issue- of global politics
will be the containment of
China. The Soviet Union,
which has much the longest
and much the most vulnerable
and much. the most controver
sial frontier with China has
the principal interest in con
taining China. Almost certain
ly Gen. de Gaulle was right,
though he was very tactless,
when he said the other day
that the Soviet Union's prob
lems in Asia are one of the
reasons for her seeking an ac
commodation with the West,
One can, however, only
hope and pray that Senators
and Presidential candidates
and other addicts to speech
making like Secretary Bru-
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cker and some of our more
fluent generals, will leave this
subject alone. Otherwise, they
will put Mr. K. on the spot
where he must reaffirm loud
ly his alliance with Peking
against Western anti-Commu
nists. It is a risk even for
journalists to talk about this
delicate matter. But they at
least can be ignored or dis
avowed.
njiHE proposition on the In-
A d i a n-Chinese frontier is
such that a permanent settle
ment between Chou En-lai
and Nehru is most unlikely.
For one thing, the Chinese,
and that includes the Nation
alists Chinese in Formosa
quite as much as the Commu
nist Chinese on the mainland,
do not recognize the legality
or the Tightness of the McMa-
hon Line as a frontier. They
assert that this line, which the
Indian government claims is
the legal one, was imposed on
Tibet by the British who dom
inated Tibet when China was
helpless and in the throes of
a revolution.
The old frontier was bound
to come into question when
China was strong enough, as
she is now, to reconquer Ti
bet. And it is true, I believe,
that most of the disputed terri
tory is inhabited by Tibetans
or is geographically related to
Tibet. What India is confront
ed with essentially is the de
termination of China to com
plete and to consolidate its
conquest of Tibet, which is
strategically the keystone of
Central Asia.
In this conflict with China
the terrain is on the whole un
favorable to India. The dis
puted places are much more
easily accessible to the Chi
nese who are on the Tibetan
plain than to the Indians who
must come across some of the
highest mountain passes in the
world to supply their out
posts.
striking illustration of
this is what happened on
the northwestern frontier in
that part of the territory , of
Kashmir which' India now oc
cupies. This territory is
known as Ladakh and the dis
puted part of Ladakh is an en
tirely uninhabited mountain
ous region, called Aksai Chin,
which juts out into the place
where Chinese Tibet adjoins
Chinese Sinkiang. Here there
has occurred a . most curious
thing. The Chinese have built
a road across Indian territory
to connect Tibet with Sinki
ang, and nobody knew they
had done it until after it was
completed.
It is evident that this road
is of no interest to India, ex
cept as a point of honor. But
what is mjre significant, the
road has no strategic or poli
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tical relevance to India, and Is
in fact designed to connect
two great Chinese territories
which are vital to the control
of central Asia. There is no
conceivable way in which the
Indian army could recapture
that road. For there is no way
that the Indian army could get
there. The disputed territory
is about as inaccessible from
India as is the South Pole.
THE government's policy is
to argue its case with Chi
na, to propose reasonable com
promises, and to fight back
where it can if there are other
incursions. There are Indians
who criticize Nehru arid
would like a stronger policy,
I have talked with some of
the leaders of the opposition,
seeking to find out what they
mean by a stronger policy.
Some would merely use
stronger words. But there are
a few who want to turn to the
United States and ask .for
arms and military assistance
Unless he Chinese aggrega
tion becomes much more flag
rant than it is, I do not think
that the Indian government
will ask us to intervene, and
I gather that we believe that
nothing of the sort should be
asked of us. The basic and de
cisive reason for this policy
of American absentention is
that American intervention
would inexorably compel the
Soviet Union to align itself
with Red China. That would
be a disaster. There is very
little that we can do to re
cover territory in the- in
accessible mountains of the
Himalayas, and to fight a
great war with. China over
the Indian frontier would ruin
the real hope for the future;
which is that the Soviet Union
will work itself into a policy
of containing China.
The true line of policy for
India, as for the rest of us, is
to conduct a holding operation
as long as that is possible, and
in the meantime to promote
indirectly and with delicacy a
policy of . containment. China
with its huge ' and rapidly
growing population may, as it
augments its industrial capa
city, become the most formid
able power on earth. It may
well require the combined
power of the Soviet Union and
of the West, to keep it within
acceptable limits.
v v
BEFORE leaving this mo
mentous subject, which I
have come nowhere near ex
hausting, I must put in a few
words about how the Chinese
action has shown up the illu
sions of Prime Minister Neh
ru. No doubt he has had his
illusions. .They were based on
failure to realize that a
strong China would assert
ruthlessly the historical im
perial ambitions of the Chi
nese nation. These ambitions
are shared equally by Mao
Tse-tung and by Chiang Kai
Shek. Mr. Nehru thought, mis
takenly, that if he befriended
the Chinese revolution, he
could live in peace with it.
But . the Russians also had
5
their illusions about China
and so did we. The Russian il
lusion has been based on the
dogma that "Socialist" coun
tries cannot be rivals and
enemies, and that in a Social
ist world all would be har
mony. The Russians have
learned in Manchuria, they
are learning in Mongolia, they
will be learning on the fron
tiers of Sinkiang, that they
were, mistaken.
And what about our own il
lusion? It has been that if we
boycotted and ostracized the
Chinese revolution, it would
somehow collapse and wither
away. But after all our boy
cotts and our ostracism, what
we see now is a China which,
however miserable the lot of
its own people, is strong
enough to dominate central
Asia and begin to lay claim to
everything that was ever
within the orbit of the Chinese
emperors. We have been not
a whit more realistic ' than
Nehru. For when he thought
he might get on With the Chi
nese revolution, we have
imagined that we could weak
en it by making faces at it.
So, there is no ground for
saying we told you so. And
there is every reason for feel
ing humility and for clearing
our minds as- we face the
overriding problem of the fu
ture, which is the containment
of China.
(c) 1959 New- York Herald
Tribune Inc.
Benefit Checks May
Be Sent to Banks
Benefit checks from the
Veterans administration may
be sent directly to the benefi
ciary's bank for deposit to his
account, provided the bank
has been given the required
power of attorney, S. T. Bran
nock, contact representative,
VA Domiciliary, Camp White,
said Friday. .
A special U.. S. treasury
form is available for the pur
pose of assigning the power of
attorney to the beneficiary's
bank.
This arrangement is con
venient for veterans who
travel and those who have fre
quent changes of address
which make it difficult for
them to receive their checks
with regularity, Brannock
pointed out. '
A complete explanation or
the arrangement and the nec
essary forms may be obtained
by contacting the office at
the VA Domiciliary, Camp
White, or any VA office.
Contrary to former legal
requirements that a check
could not be forwarded to a
beneficiary who moved,
checks in payment of mone
tary benefits may now be
forwarded, provided tne aa-
dressee has left a forwarding
address with the post office,
Brannock said.
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