Tu Problems
6
MAIL TRIBUNE, Medford, Or.
Friday, May 8, 1959
Expected
i
Avalanche Wipes Out
Farmsteads in Norway
Sokkelvik, Norway-fllPD-An
avalanche tumbled four farm
steads Into a fjord Thursday
night and wiped out all but
one house in the extreme
northern Norway village of
Nordreisa.
One person was killed and
eight persons were missing.
Nashville; Teniu-ffiPD-South-ern
School News reported to
day 802 school districts in
southern and border states are
integrated, including 22 which
desegrated so far this year.
Four Men Escape
Toppling Crane
Portland - (LTD - Four men
sidestepped a 40-ton crane at
the Exposition Rec r e a t i o n
grounds here Thursday when
the huge machine and its 100
foot boom toppled into a hole
Contractor Howard Angell
said recnt rains softened the
ground causing the crane to
fall.
Driver of the crane, Al
Booth, jumped. Angell and
three others heeded a warn
ing call from a worker and
ran out of the way. No one
was injured.
i
A
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Reunification,
Peace Treaty Not
Expected To Jell
Editor'! note: The West's senior
expert on disarmament is undoubt
edly Jules Moch. former premier
of France and, for the past seven
years, permanent French, repre
sentative on the United Nations
Disarmament Committee. He has
dealt with the Russians for count
less hours across conference tables.
He speaks Russian himself. In the
following dispatch written for
UPI, Moch outlines what he be
lieves can be hoped for and what
is beyond hope in the East-West
Foreign Ministers conference at
Geneva. .
By JULES MOCH
Former Premier of France
Written for UPI
Paris- (UPD -Four problems
confront the Western and So
viet negotiators at the Geneva
conference. Two will not be
settled. The other two could
be, if both sides show a real
conciliatory spirit.
There will be no agreement
on the reunification of Ger
many. Khrushchev does not
want it and the West refuses
to pay the minimum price;
the political neutralization of
a unified Germany. In main
taining our condition of prior
free elections, we would bear
the responsibility of the fail
ure of the conference if re
unification were the sole ob
ject., ..
No Peace Treaty
Nor will there be any agree
ment on the peace treaty.
With whom would we sign
it? Not with the two Ger
manys' because we recognize
only one. Not with Bonn
alone: Khrushchev would re
fuse. Furthermore, what clauses
would be written in? Agree
ment could be reached on the
more general clauses-renunciation
of force, a democratic
regime, acceptance of Iron
tiers and so f orth-but not on
the others: military and po
litical status - number of
troops, armaments, and total
participation, partial partici
pation or no participation at
all in the . North Atlantic
Treaty Or ganization.
If Khrushchev maintained his
condition of signing a treaty,
he would in turn be responsi
ble for the failure of Geneva.
Let us suppose these contro
versial subjects are postponed.
Two problems remain -Ber
lin and disengagement-which
I believe can be solved with
good will and imagination.
Paradox Must End
The dangerous paradox of
Berlin must be ended; we
have done enough playing
with fire. But we can neither,
morally, abandon two million
West Berliners to encircle
ment nor, politically, evacu
ate that sector in the face of
threats and without guaran-
ToRt
tees. Nor can we maintain
ourselves there against the
wishes of the Soviets without
risking grave incidents.
If Moscow persists in hand
ing over its powers to its
East one ally, how can we
work with this government
whose legality, and even ex
istence, we 'do not recognize?
The only solution is the de
parture of the contingents of
the four occupying powers,
the maintenance of the regime
of two Berlins under control
(Moor lira
wed at -Mini
sters' Conference
of the United Nations, desig
nating a neutral commissioner
and installing a symbolic gar
rison. This might be formed,
for example, of men on leave
from the U.N. emergency
forces in the Sinai Desert,
who can be flown to Berlin
in six hours.
I have the impression that
the Soviets would accept such
a solution. What objections
would the Allies make?
Military disengagement, the
creation of a sector of fewer
armaments, which would be
the testing ground and the
pilot zone of international in
spection, has been urged for
the past five years, in various
forms, by the men of all coun
tries. It is an attractive idea, re
ducing the risks and getting
started with partial disarma
ment in default of general dis
armament. But it is a com
plicated problem: The demar
cation line is 600 miles from
the Atlantic and 6,000 miles
The Four Foragn Ministers
U.S.: HERTER
Washington (UPB Secretary
of State Christian A. Herter,
chief U. S. negotiator at the
Foreign Ministers meeting,
may be the most underesti
mated man in Washington to
day. .The Hw secretary is little
known compared with his
predecessor but persons in
and about the State Depart
ment know he did a standout
job in his No. 2 position under
John Foster Dulles.
Herter is an orderly man.
He brought to the department
experience in administration
far surpassing that of Dulles.
Serving as second man in the
massive shadow of Dulles,
however, prevented Herter
from getting deserved popular
credit for' a hard job well
done. ' s
Dulles almost carried his
office in his hat, traveling
much and seeming to care less
for -the administrative detail
of policy-making than for his
own methods.. Some of his as
sociates complained that he
acted often without letting all
concerned in the department
know what was up.
It will not be so of Herter.
He describes himself as a
team man and he is. Policy
making at the State Depart
ment will be a more orderly
process under Herter than un
der Dulles.
Moreover, Herter at the out
set has the confidence of the
Senate, especially of some of
its key men, beyond anything
Dulles ever enjoyed. Dean
Acheson was disliked and dis
trusted on Capitol Hill. Dulles
was bitterly assailed by some
senators. Neither had any po
litical " background whereas
Herter served in the Massa
chusetts legislature, as gover
nor of the-state and, finally,
was for 10 years a member
of the U. S. House-of Repre
sentatives. Important men served with
him there, Chairman J. Wil
liam Fulbright of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee,
for example. The Senate con
firmed Herter unanimously as
quickly as it could act after
his nomination. A good begin
ning for a new man and a big
step toward that will-o'-the-wisp-a
functioning bipartisan
foreign policy.
Herter's opposite numbers
at Geneva would be well ad
vised not Uy think he is a pushover.
USSR:GROMYKO
Russian Foreign Minister
Andrei Gromyko can say
"Yes" in English, French,
German and Spanish.
But his Russian "Nyet" in
casting 24 United Nations ve
toes gave him a Western repu
tation he never bothered to
change: "My personality does
not interest me," he said.
Western diplomats call
bulb-nosed but darkly hand
some Gromyko "Grim Grom"
--Russian for thunder. Born of
peasant stock July 6, 1909, he
missed the Bolshevik revolu
tion. Joining the foreign minis
try, he became known as a
"boy wonder." Gromyko was
appointed ambassador to the
United States in 1943 at the
age of 34.
Gromyko later became U.N.
representative, a first deputy
foreign minister and envoy to
Britain. He took over as for
eign minister in February,
1957. His old patron, V. M.
Molotov, was sent to Outer
Mongolia.
The man who once called
Sir Winston Churchill a -"cannibal"
knows how to relax.
Favorite movie: "Gone With
the Wind."
Asked to comment on a
rainy day in New York, Gro
myko said, "I am pleased that
so. far nobody blames it on the
Soviet Union."
BRITAIN: LLOYD
Selwyn Lloyd broke the
rules of the game to become
and remain Britain's foreign
minister.
He is from the middle class,
not the aristocracy that usu
ally breeds Conservative Par
ty leadership.
He married (and divorced)
his much younger secretary.
He went to the "wrong"
school (Fettes) and was a Lib
eral tParty member until he
was nearly 30.
Lloyd's pre-war legal repu
tation, wartime military rec
ord and post-war attacks on
the Labor Party government
paid off when the Tories re
gained power in 1951. Sir
Winston Churchill made him
a minister of state. Later he
headed the ministries of sup
ply and housing.
Lloyd became foreign min
ister in 1955. Prime Minister
Anthony Eden quit after the
1956 Suez invasion. But Lloyd
stayed on under Prime Minis
ter Harold Macmillan.
Lloyd's often weak parlia
mentary speeches drew fire
from even his own Tories.
Newspapers called him "a po
litical pigmy" and "the high
est paid office boy in the
land."
But shy, portly Lloyd, 54,
has ignored the criticism.
"You become inured to it,"
he has said. His quiet, able ex
ecution of Macmillan's poli
cies have won him new respect.
FRANCE:
COUVE DE MURVILLE
Like Caesar's Gaul, French
Foreign Minister Maurice
Couye de Murville is divided
into three parts.
He has the French intellec
tual's delight in poetry and
plays a shark4ike game of
bridge.
The 52-year-old diplomat is
also a confirmed family man.
A favorite pastime is playing
the piano for his wife end
three daughters.
But primarily, Maurice
Couve de Murville is a for
eign minister. He looks and
acts the part.
Tall, courtly Couve de Mur
ville has served France since
1930 when he passed that
Eiffel Tower of governmental
tests-the examination for be
coming an inspector of fi
nances. .
During World War II, he
joined the underground and
Gen. Charles de Gaulle's lib
eration movement. After the
war he served as envoy to
Washington, Rome, Cairo, the
United Nations and West Ger
many.
De Gaulle personally pick
ed him for the foreign minis
tership in June, 1958, shatter
ing a tradition' that no career
diplomat assume' the Quai
D'Orsay's top job.
from the Pacific. A reciprocal
withdrawal of 300 miles am
putates the maneuvering zone
50 per cent in the east. Hard
ly felt by the one, it deprives
the other of all defense. So
the disengaged zone should be
more extended toward the
east than toward the west.
Another difficulty: If nu
clear weapons are forbidden,
'does this include tactical
atomic arms as well? If this
is the case, the atomic divi
sions will be removed, rather
than re-equipped with out
dated crossbows. -
The sensative point is that
the zone of disengagement
must be compatible with the
Anglo-American presence on
the European continent, there
fore accepted without reserve
by the general staffs and gov
ernments.
I have suggested three zones
centered on Berlin. First, the
city, placed under authority
of the U.N. then, a sector of
about 120 miles in radius, dis
armed and a test zone for
international inspection. Fi
nally, within a radius of 240
miles from Berlin, troops
would be limited to the same
level for both camps and in
termediate range ballistic
missiles would be banned. In
spection would function there
also.
The Ruhr, the Rhineland,
Baden-Wurtemburg and half
of Bavaria would remain pro
visionally exempt from limi
tation (like v Poland beyond
Lodz, and Slovakia) which
would suffice as a sector of
defense, maneuver and logis
tic support.
If the foreign ministers
agree on solutions of this kind,
two out of four problems will
be solved.
A return of 50 per cent is
the maximum that can be
hoped for at Geneva. It is to
be feared that it will not be
attained.
Phwie SP 3-4293
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