4 Timday, November 11.1931
MAIL TRIBUNE. MEDFORD. ORE.
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Flight 'o Time
Medford and Jackson County
History from the files of The
Mail Tribune 10. 20. 30 and
40 years ago.
10 YEARS AGO
Nov. 11. 1948 (Thursday)
Bugles and bagpipes, drums
and drum majorettes plus rep
resentatives of over two
dozen civic and patriotic or
ganizations march through
town to celebrate Armistice
day.
E. H. Hedrick, superintend
ent of schools, rep6rts to the
Medford school board on
building needs arising from
present congestion.
20 YEARS AGO
Nov. 11, 1938 (Friday)
One of the largest parades
in recent years marks the
start of the American Legion's
Armistice day.
From Arthur Perry's "Ye
Smudge Pot" column: "Vet
erans celebrate and quite a
few look nice in the uniforms
that were too big for them
in 1918."
30 YEARS AGO
Nov. 11. 1928. (Sunday) '
Several rural Rovers have
been trained to meet Mail
Tribune paper carriers and
carry the evening paper to
their owners.
All veterans of the Civil
war, Spanish-American war
and World war are urged to
march here today.
40 YEARS AGO
Nov. 11, 1918 (Monday)
GERMANS SIGN ARMI
STICE - Mail Tribune head
line. Medford's celebration starts
with the blowing of the fire
whistle, then ringing of the
fire bell, then "firing of many
guns of all calibres" - and
crowds began swarming
through the streets.
What's Your I.Q.?
Nina or fan correct it saperior;
Sevan or eight is axcallent; five of
sis is good.
1. The Gulf of Bothnia lies
between what two countries
of northern Europe?
2. In the romances about
King Arthur and his Knights
of the Round Table, who were
the parents of Sir Galahad?
3. Which ship will sail the
shorter distance one that
leaves from Seattle or one
that leaves from San Francis
co, both with destinations at
Yokohama, Japan?
4. The play "You Can't
Take It With You" was writ
ten by two authors; George S.
Kaufman and who else? .
5. Who was George Fox?
6. Name the cartoonist who
draws "Li'l Abner."
7. Name the mountain
range that separates European
from Asiatic Soviet Russia.
8. What does Shakespeare
call "the green-eyed mon
ster"? 9. Name the limestone cone
that forms below a stalactite.
10. Under what document
did the American States oper
ate prior to the adoption of
the Constitution?
Answers: 1. Finland and
Sweden. 2. Launcelot and
Elaine. 3. The one thai leaves
from Seattle. 4. Moss Hart. 5
Founder of the Society of
Friends. 6. Al Capp. 7.- Urals.
8. Jealousy. 9. Stalagmite. 10.
Articles of Confederation.
Veterans Day
This day November 11 originally was set
aside to mark the armistice which ended the first
World War on that date in 1918.
It is a day wnth special meaning to veterans
of that war, which for many years was simply
known as "The World War." That was the war
to end wars, and the war to make the world safe
for democracy.
There has been a lot of revision in our think
ing since those days, a revision which was forced
by a resurgent and militaristic Germany, its fel
low dictatorship in Italy, by the coming to power
of a new imperialistic Russia, and a newly Com
munistic China.
CLNCE World War I, we have seen a greater and
more terrible World War II, a "police action"
in Korea which was worse than most full-fledged
wars before that, and a dozen incidents around
the world which proved that peace is an uneasy
thing. i
The words "Armistice Day" thus lost their
meaning, except by furnishing wry proof that the
hopes of that day for everlasting peace were
doomed to failure.
The day was renamed. It is now Veterans Day,
and it is in honor of Americans who have served
their country during times of peril in th armed
forces.
TTHAT is why the day is observed as a holiday.
. To the younger men who are classed as veter
ans the date itself lacks the significance that it
does to the doughboys of '17 and '18.
But the day, now in honor of all veterans, still
carries with it the pride of service to country, and
the poignant but still strong hope that, in truth,
the day may come when ware will end and democ
racy will be safe. E.A.
Centennial Thoughts
Nolan Skiff, a member of the staff of the
Pendleton East Oregonian, recently sat down at
his typewriter and started putting down on paper
some of his thoughts about the state of Oregon,
and about the 100th anniversary of its statehood,
which we celebrate next Feb. 14, and for the rest
of 1959. .
After some general description of the Centen
nial itself, how it is to be celebrated, and so bn,
Skiff got started talking about Oregon.
His thinking is so persuasive, and so similar
to that of a lot of other thinking Oregonians, who
have paused to consider just what Oregon is, that
we would like to let Mail Tribune readers share
it.
H
ERE is what he said :
It is said with truth that one can find nearly every
type of climate and soil and agricultural opportunity
in Oregon; and, fortunately, to go with this, one also
may expect schools, churches and general living condi
tions of the highest standards. Oregon people as a rule
are not satisfied to have something "fair to middlin"
good they want the best, and perhaps this is the key
note of the state's character. And they like to let the
world know Oregon has the best.
Oregon is a state with character, and its citizens
have no greater asset to show to the visiting world next
year during its Centennial. No Oregonian need apolo
, gize for his state, its economy, its political past, pres
ent or future, its industrial growth, its agricultural
might, its people and their cities, and its achievements
in general. .
"
This is the state which became the Nation's Valen
tine back on Feb. 14, 1859, and which has its official
bird the gentle meadow lark; but which has ever prid
ed itself upon the high percentage of volunteers for de
fense of the Union during wartimes.
This is the state which in the opening sentences in
the Bill of Rights in its Constitution, declares "that all
power is inherent in the people," and which adopted
both the initiative and referendum laws and the pri- '
mary election laws in the first two decades of the
Twentieth Century.
This is a state which provides nearly a fifth of the
nation's green peas, about three per cent of its wheat,
apples and pears known the world over for their de-
licious flavor, a superb brand of cheese, and livestock
that command premium prices in national markets.
This is a state known for its great timber resources,
and whose sawmills and allied plants provide lumber,
plywood and furniture used throughout much of the
world. It also is a state where reforestation is largely
practiced so that it always will be an asset to the na
tion because of its timber products.
This is a state with a fine system of highways and
one which is being constantly improved with more
modern express and freeways added each year. This is
a state which boasts of no sales tax and which outlaws
slot machines and other gambling devices.
This is a state of many, many accomplishments, of
many, many superlatives too numerous to mention in
this comment. The point to remember, however, is that
Oregon is a state in which we citizens have deep and
inherent pride, and we should reflect this pride in our
homeland to our visitors. "
Our Centennial year should not be regarded as a
period during which we seek to enrich ourselves at our
visitors' expense.
Rather, we should look upon it as a year in which
we should make every effort to sell the fine things of
our state to our guests. We have so many assets it
would be a crime to keep them hidden under a blanket
of modesty.
And perhaps if we do a good job of presenting them
to our guests, many of them will elect in time to be
come Oregonians and what greater boon could we
confer upon the visitors within our gates?
THAT'S mighty persuasive talking.
" And it keeps the thing in perspective, too.
The. Centennial year isn't (or certainly shouldn't
be) a time for cheap carnivals or hip-hip-hooraw
doings which have no bearing on the essential
worth of the state of its fields and mountains
and forests, and its people.
The way we see it, it should be a time when
Oregonians can get better acquainted with the
lovely state in which they live, and share it with
others. E. A. - -
Dennis the Menace
' &oy, iFTfWr wasn't Ate. ioiAlGf!
Washington Report
By William
COLLISION IN '60?
Washington The national
political community is full of
forecasts of a coming Nixon-
iT"! R o c k e feller
collision for
the 1960 Pres
idential nom
ination just
like the late
Senator Rob
ert A. Taft of
Ohio had in
1952 with
Dwight Eisen-
William S White nower.
These predicitions are that
history will repeat itself with
Vice - President Richard M.
Nixon as the young pro grap
pling with a popular amateur,
Gov -elect Nelson Rockefeller
of New York, as old-pro Taft
grappled with a similarly pop
ular amateur, Mf. Eisenhower.
Some, see the script for this
drama as already written. It
is complete with parts not
only for the stars, Nixon and
Rockefeller, but also for all
the supporting players. The
"Wall Street" Eastern Repub
licans are seen marshalling on
one side of the stage ready to
feed the socko lines to Rocke
feller. The Midwestern reg
ular Republicans are moving
up on the other side of the
stage tc do their dramatic bits
for Nixon.
THERE is plausibility in this
picture. It is indeed prob
able that there will be anoth
er great- contest within the
Republican party between the
Rockefeller "moderns' 'and all
the rest of the Republicans
put together. It is unlikely,
however, that any really axact
reproduction of 1952- can oc
cur.
True, Nixon and his party
wing may corresponded
roughly to Taft and his party
wing, and Rockefeller and his
wing may correspond to Eis
enhower and his wing. But
there will be significant dif
ferences in the plot of 1960
from that of 1952.
The Vice-President is both
more and less than was Taft.
His leadership of the regullar
Republican organization is
more sure than was Taft's at
the comparable pre - conven
tion period of eight years ago.
He is an immensely more cap
able practical "operator" than
Taft ever was. Heavy-handed
mistakes by lieutenants at
state conventions compromis
ed Taft's candidacy for him
before the national conven
tion even opened. And it was
characteristic of the Senator's
awkward but moving gran
deur as a man that these mis
takes .remained unrebuked.
VTIXON lieutenants will
' make no such mistakes. At
the first sign of even potential
ineptitude they would be ex
lieutenants. Nixon, in a word,
now has a harder grip on the
regular party mechanism than
Taft ever had. Moreover,
though no one knows what
the case may be two years
hence, Nixon as of now cer
tainly is not so vulnerable as
was Taft to the old cry: "He
can't win." .
This is so mainly because
he is immeasurabley less vul
nerable on another count. Ter
ribly damaging to Taft was
a wide feeling that he was
hopeless on foreign policy;
that he was some sort of isola
tionist Nobody could ration
ally make that accusattion
against Nixoni First, his rec
ord simply would refute it.
Second, he is much more gift
ed explaining himself to the
people.
He can handle the simplici
ties and sometimes even the
over-simplicities. But Taft al
ways assumed that "intelli
gent people" would grasp
what he meant; if not, then
so much the worse for them.
For the views of the "unin
telligent," he couldn't have
cared less.
'
THERE is, however, an im
portant other side. of .the
S. White
medal. This is a human fact.
It is that while he Vice-President's
practical skill is far
higher than was Taft's, he
does not command the almost
incredible loyalty of the reg
ular rank-and-filers that was
automatically Taft's. When
they thought Taft was wrong
on an issue these rank-and-filers
would only shake their
heads and say, "That's old
Bob for you." It never cost
him an ounce of their support.
Taft was a-dynasitc figure
so much so that they did not
flinch even from their own
awareness that the public
never understood him and
quite probably would reject
him if ever he were nominated
for President. Whatever
"Bob" did was all right with
them including those times
when he would caU them by
the wrong names and clearly
suggest that they would do
well to go somewhere else
and stop annoying him.
Nixon simply cannot count
on anything of this sort. The
Old Guard might fight briskly
for him. But the Old Guard
would not stand in its tracks
and die hopelessly for him as
it would, any day, for Taft.
(Copyright, 1958. by United
Feature Syndicate, - Inc.)
Communications
Another Road Complaint
To the Editor: We are new
comers to this neighborhood
and like it fine but the road
conditions for a town growing
as fast as Medford - makes
quite a hardship and worry
for all of us. .
There are spots that would
be impossible for two cars to
pass safely let alone a car and
bus.
We trust our bus drivers
with our children but with
such narrow roads must be a
great hardship on them.
I know I wouldn't want the
job.
With five children this is
important to us to try and get
Dark Hollow and Pioneer
roads widened for more safe
ty for our children now on
bicycles and when they're
teen-agers driving cars.
Twice I have met cars in
spots where one of us had to
back up tp a wider spot. The
soft shoulders on the down
hill side are very dangerous,
and on the bank side there
are ruts. I have almost ruined
our front axle in order to get
out of the way.
Most of the people are con
siderate of each other when
passing but with Some it's "get
out of the way orelse."
Don't take our word for it,
drive out and see for yourself
what . a hazard it is for any
one that drive on these roads.
Mrs. Johnson,
3467 Dark Hollow rd.,
Medford.
At the Top
To the Editor: In regard to
the Griffin Creek school bus
accident of Oct. 31, 1 noted in
the Mail Tribune for Monday,
Nov. 3, a letter from W. H.
Frohreich of Medford," stating
that he had called the atten
tion of County Judge Keating
and Commissioner Wendt, al
so County Engineer Rynning
to the conditions which con
tributed most to the wreck of
the school bus. My personal
idea is that Mr. Keating
wouldn't know a good road
from a poor one and have
been told that Mr. Wendt usu
ally follows Mr. Keating's
ideas. As to the latter, I per
sonally couldn't say.
As for Mr. Rynning, I have
nothing against him as an in
dividual but I do believe his
ideas on road building and
conditions are somewhat old
fashioned, perhaps perfectly
suitable for the horse and
buggy of yesteryear but defi
nitely not suitable today. I
hope Mr. Rynning will con
sider carefully that I have
nothing against him as an in
dividual, but I do think he
should step down and give the
job to a younger man whose
Today & Tomorrow
By Walter Lippmann
A TALK WITH MR. K
(PART 1)
' I
During the last two weeks
of October, my wife and I
were in the Soviet Union, al
though we had
discussed our
visit with the
Soviet Em
bassy in Wash
ington and it
k n J
.m. I agreed in ad
4f 4J vance that my
be to under
stand Soviet
Walter
Lippmann
foreign policy in relation
to the United Staps. Fvr-pnt
for a bit of sightseeing in Len
ingrad, we did not go anv-
where else in the vast expans
es of the Soviet Union, and I
know nothing at firsthand
about the internal condition
of the Soviet Union. But from
a long interview with Mr.
Knrushchev himself, supple
mented by talks with Soviet
officials and Soviet editors. I
think I came to understand
better than I had before what
are the mainsprings and the
controlling ideas of Soviet
foreign policy.
I shall begin this series of
articles with an account in
two parts of the interview
with Mr. K. I have to divide
it because the account is long.
For the interview covered
much ground and lasted for
two hours. I must set down
the circumstances. For the
first week of our visit in Mos
cow there was no definite ap
pointment. Mr. K had been
away in the south and when
he came to Moscow he was in
volved in the negotiations
with Field Marshal Amer
who, representing- President
Nadser, negotiated the agree
ment which deals with the As
wan Dam and no doubt with
many other things. Between
the departure of the Field
Marshal and the scheduled ar
rival of Mr. Gomulka and the
Polish delegation, Mr. K. had,
it appears, a free day. An ap
pointment was fixed for that
day at 11 in the morning in
hiii office in .the Kremlin.
VyE were told to be ready
at our hotel 20 mnutes in
advance and that an official
from the State Committee for
Cultural Relations for For
eign Countries would come for
us in a car. Tourists cannot
drive into the Kremlin pre
cincts but after our car had
been identified, we were led
by a police car to the door of
a building in one of the inner
courts of the Kremlin palace.
There we were met by an of
ficer who escorted -us to an
anteroom next to Mr. K.'s of
fice. There was no one else
in saght. Unlike the offices of
any other chief of government
that I have ever visited, there
were no guards, there were
no other people waiting,
there were no secretaries
carrying papers around, there
were of course no newspaper
men. and there was none of
the hustle and bustle which
usually prevail in the outer
rooms of busy and Important
officials.
Somewhere and somehow
Mr. K. must do a great deal
of work and must see a great
many people. But there was
no outward sign of it. When
we were shown into his of
fice, which was on the dot of
11 a.m., he was quite relaxed,
had none of the symptoms of
a busy and preoccupied man,
and indeed he acted as if he
had all the time in the world.
In the course of the interview
it was evident that he wanted
to talk about Soviet-American
relations and atout noth
ing else. But on this subject he
seemed ready to talk as long
as I wanted, provided I kept
ideas could conceivably be
more suitable to this day and
age. - -
I am not acquainted with
the Dark Hollow road. How
ever, I can show Mr. Rynning
or anyone else who is inter
ested a few places where the
Butte Falls highway from
Crater Lake highway to Butte
Falls and from Butte Falls to
Willow Creek bridge and be
yond could be surveyed for
much better results with the
naked eye or possibly a piece
of chalk line. I would be
ashamed to admit I couldn't
do a better job myself.
Several persons have told
me that "we will never have
decent roads in this county
until Mr. Rynning leaves the
office." There was a consider
able bit of work done on the
Butte Falls highway this sum
mer, but it is very little, if
any, wider than it was before.
It would have cost very little
more to have added two more
feet to either side.
Mr. Keating stated last
spring in an interview with
me that "this road (the Butte
Falls-Fish Lake road) is very
good." He probably didn't no
tice, or, didn't want to, the
boulders protruding above the
surface of same. The whole
trouble with our" road depart
ment is at the top.
: . Floyd R. McCabe,
Mt. Pitt Star Route,
Butte Falls, Ore-
l 1
asking him about the broad is
sues and did not try to get
into the details of any particu
lar negotiation.
TTIS office in the Kremlin is
"a long rectangular room
with a long rectagular table
for conferences, and at the end
what seemed to be a very
small desk for the ruler of a
vast empire. The desk, more
over, was cluttered with gadg
ets, rather like President
Franklin Roosevelt's desk in
the White House, and with a
large model of what I sup
pose was a jet airplane. At
the interview, which took
place at one end of the long
table, there were besides Mr.
K. himself, his interpreter,
Mr Troyanowski, the son of
the former Soviet Ambassador
to Washington, Mr. Yuri Zhu
kov (no relation of the Mar
shal s) who is the head of the
State Committee for Cultural
Relations with Foreign Coun
tries my wife and myself.
There was no stenographer
present nor was there any
visible recording machine.
Eut Mr. Khukov took notes,
my vif e took notes, Mr. Troy
anowski made memoranda for
his translations, and I, when
I remembered to put my mind
on it, took some notes also.
There is, therefore, no offi
cial record, and at the end of
the interview, while we were
drinking the mineral water
which his doctor had ordered
him to drink, I asked Mr. K.
to tell me under what condi
tions I could use what he had
said. H? waved aside the ques
tion, saying I could do what
I liked with what he had said,
but that he hoped I would not
do any damage to Soviet
American relations!
As this left me with my
conscience as my guide, I
feel that the right thing to do
is to report the story of the
interview with explanations
but without editorial argu
ment. Because there is no
written record, I shall refrain
from attempting to quote Mr.
K. directly, except for certain
phrases which I wrote down
at the time in my notes. On
the other hand, I must set
down as true an account as I
can of what I understood him
to say and of what I believe
he meant.
II
AFTER the preliminary
courtesies Mr. K waved
his hand at me and said he
was ready to answer my ques
tions. 1 began by saying that
relations between our . two
countries had deteriorated
since the summit meeting at
Geneva in 1955, and would
the Chairman comment on
this.
Relations, he said, have not
beccme wrse. They were bad
in 1955. They are bad now,
and they have not become
any better. The question, he
added, is whether our rela
tions are to be frozen where
they are now or are to be
come better or worse.
I reminded him that at the
time of the Geneva meeting
there had been hopes of much
better relations.
Yes, he said, but in the
Went these hopes were based
on a false premise. Dulles
and Churchill or as he put it
"that old wolf Churchill"
had hoped that after Stalin's
death there would be a change
in the internal policy of the
U.S.S.R., and that the coun
try would turn away from
the strengthening of its "so
cialist achievements." When
they saw that the successors
of Stalin were not going to
liquidate the Communist sys
tem but that these successors
did want to relax the tension
on the basis of the status quo,
the West reverted to the tac
tics of the Cold War." They
had hoped to win us over but
we shall never . belldiverted
from the path of socialism.
Never!
AT f THE next interval I
seized the chance to ask
Mr. K. to tell me what he
understood by the "status
quo." The answer to this cru
cial question; it soon appear
ed, is in his mind a complex
one, and the bulk of the in
terview which followed was
a gradual unfolding of what
the phrase means in his mind.
It will, I think, help the read
er if at this point I interrupt
the narrative and summar
ize what, as I reflected on the
whole interview afterwards,
seemed to me to be the main
elements in his conception of
the "status quo."
The simpler part of his
conception is that there should
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? j... u- rw
J-XIMJ EI.-M-HUUUkt.U ...... VJ. W. A
be no change of frontiers by
military force. He illustrated
this by saying that in the
cases of China and of Viet
nam the issues between the
two parts of the country were
internal and "civilian"-and,
therefore, were not to be treat
ed as international questions.
In the case of the two Ger
manys and the two Koreas,
changes of frontier-presum-ably
by the union of the two
parts-were to take place only
by "mutual consent."
I shall .come back to the
German question later on. But
first, I must set down what
is the more important part of
his conception of the "status
quo." In his mind, the social
and economic revolution now
in progress in Russia, China,
and elsewhere in Asia and
Africa is the status quo, and
he wants us to recognize it
as much. In his mind, oppo
sition to this revolution is an
attempt to change the status
quo. Whereas we think of the
status quo as the situation as
it exists at the moment, he
thinks of it as the process
of revolutionary change which
is in progress. He wants us
to recognize the revolution
not only as it is but as it is
going to be.
THERE is another very im
portant component in his
conception of the status quo.
This has to do with the bal
ance of military power. j
Judging by what he said,
and by what was implied in
in what he said, I would de
scribe his view of the existing
military balance of power as
follows. It rests, I feel rea
sonably certain, on his con
fidence that the Soviet Un
ion has mastered the inter
mediate and short range mis
siles to a point -where it can.
dominate with them Germany
and Western Europe, Turkey
and Iran. I do not know, of
course, whether his confidence
in these missiles is justified.
But there is no doubt that
he assumes their existence in
his thinking, and that they
have now become, as the say
ing, goes, a principal instru
ment of Soviet foreign policy.
On the other hand, nothing
that he said implied that he
thinks the U.S.S.R. has long
range missiles which have
broken, or are about to break,
the existing military stale
mate with the United States.
His conception of his military
position in relation to the
United States is that neither
country can defeat the other
in a direct conflict, but that
the American forward posi
tions, particularly in Ger
many and Turkey, can, be
cause of the development of
the rocket, no longer be de
fended. He feels,' therefore,
that American policy rests
on an obsolete estimate of the
existing balance of power.
HI
T AM now resuming the
A story of the interview it
self. After he had talked
about the status quo, and
about no changes of frontiers
by force,- and about the need
of mutual consent in the Ger
man question, I asked him
whether he would agree to
free negotiations between the
two Germanys and whether,
as one of the four occupying
powers, he would accept an
agreement negotiated by the
two Germanys themselves. To
this he replied quickly-too
quickly as it developed-that
he would agree to this, and
that it would, be best if the
troops of the occupying pow
ers were withdrawn before
negotiations were concluded.
This would bring about "a
more normal condition."
I was not convinced that he
had meant what he had said,
perhaps because he had not
fully understood what a West
erner would mean when he
talks about free negotiations
between the two Germanys.
So I asked him whether he
really meant that the occupy
ing powers would accept un
conditionally the result of ne
gotiations between - the two
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German governments. To this
he replied that the occupying
powers would, "of course,"
abide by the Potsdam Agree
ment which states, he said,
that Germany should never
again be in a position to dis
turb the peace. He left me
with the reasonable certainty
that if the Western powers
proposed a free negotiation by
the two Germanys, the Soviet
government would not be will
ing to accept it.
TJIS mention of the Potsdam
XA Agreement brought him
quickly to his complaint that
the United States is violating
the Agreement by contribut
ing to the remilitarization of
Germany. This carried with
it the implication that there
could be no reunification of
the two Germanys as long as
West Germany was to be
once again a military power.
This led deeper into the
German question. He discuss
ed it at length and with more
passion than he showed on
any other subject. Out of it
came what was for me a very
interesting disclosure of how
his mind works on the Ger
man question. Describing
what he said, we must read
it in the contest of his mili
tary assumption that the So
viet Union has now mastered
the intermediate range missiles.
Americans, he began, seem
ed not to realize the danger
which their present policy of
rearming Germany may well
bring down upon them. What
is this danger, I asked? It is,
he said, that if a new war is
unleashed-we shall come later
to his conception of how a
new war might be unleashed
-Germany might once again
turn to the East against the
West. Why? Because if West
ern Germany engaged in a
war against the East, the
U.S.S.R. could quickly destroy
Western Germany - with its
missiles. But if the Soviet
Union encouraged Germany
to turn against the West, the
Germans alone will be much
stronger than England, France
and Spain combined.
THIS led him on to say that
the situation was much
like that on the eve of World
War II. How? Much is said
in the West about Munich.
But the Western peoples do
not understand Munich. They
think that Czechoslovakia was
sacrificed at Munich in order
to appease Hitler and keep
him from going to war. But
in fact, said Mr. K. with pas
sionate conviction, Munich
was arranged by British and
French conservatives who
wanted Hitler to attack Rus-.
sia. To induce him to do that,
they gave him Czechoslovakia,
which is "an arrow aimed at
the heart of Russia." The So
viet Union, he said, had been
ready in 1938 to join in the
defense of Czechoslovakia
against Hitler, and had actu
ally alerted its army. '
After Munich, said Mr. K.,
Stalin realized the danger in
the U.S.S.R. as a result of
the Western action. Hitler,
too, saw what this action
meant to the Russians and,
believing that he could fin
ish off Britain and France if
the Soviet Union were in
duced to remain neutral, Hit
ler offered to make a deal
with Stalin. He intended, of
course, to attack Russia when
he had finished with the
West. But Stalin, for his part,
saw a chance to weaken Hit
ler before the coming attack
on Russia by encouraging
him to make war in the West.
The point of Mr. K.'s his
torical explanation, which he
volunteered without being
asked any questions about it,
was that another German-So
viet pact was at least as pos
sible today as in 1939-indeed
more probable since a Ger
man attack on the Soviet Un
ion had now become "sui
cidal."
(To Be Continued)
Copyright 1958, New York
Herald Tribune Inc.
HATS OFF TO THE
VETERANS .
We'ra proud to join the rest of.
the nation in a VETERANS'
DAY SALUTE. Far too many
, have forgotten much too soon
the sacrifices made by the
VETERANS in protecting our
country and our homes.
Bill Fish
I
f