FOUR MEDFORD (OREGON)
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NATIONAL EDITORIAL
jASOClhATQN
jnnnnr
Flight o' Time
Medford and Jackson County
History from the files of The
Mail Tribune 10, 20, 30, 40
and 50 years ago.
10 YEARS AGO
Sept. 27, 1946 (Friday)
Sales at the Jackson county
4-H club livestock auction at the
county fairgrounds total $25,
109.64. From Arthur Perry Ye
Smudge Pot column: The ducks
and geese have started south
again, beating the valley or
chardisti to It.
20 YEARS AGO
Sept. 27, 1938 (Sunday)
; Southern Oregon gas corpora
tion predicts a record gas heat
ing season this fall.
Elhart's Radio Shop In M and
M department store announces
Lee Hammarley as head of radio
service department.
80 YEARS AGO
Sept. 27, 1926 (Monday)
Two of the largest generators
ever employed in welding work
on the Pacific coast, arrived in
Medford for use by the water de
partment. ' The new special Nash Six ar
rived in Medford and is being
unloaded today, according to
Mr. Patton, manager of the High
way Motor company.
40 YEARS AGO
6pt. 27, 1916 (Wednesday)
' The city council now has two
plens for the solution of the pav
ing problem, according to Mayor
Emerick.
J. A. Berrian, superintendent
of the Butte Creek fish hatch
ery, reports fine progress being
made with fish fry there.
80 YEARS AGO
Sept. 27. 1906 (Thursday)
; Edwin P. Hughes, the Ashland
Teal estate dealer, reports an
other big sale this week.
From Local and Personal col
umn: Dr. C. R. Ray and family
left yesterday on the train for
the south.
What's the Answer?
Can Ion Get 4 of the IT
Copr. 1954 Editorial Researcb
Report
1. Autronic Eye on a car is to
depress headlights, shine through
fog, reflect traffic signals, show
if the battery is charging, or
warn of a turn?
2. Most bought stock in N.Y.
Stock Exchange small monthly
investment plans is General Mot
ors, General Electric, American
Telephone, Du Pont or U. S.
Steel?
3. Four years ago Adlai E.
Stevenson did or didn't carry his
own state of Illinois for president
against Eisenhower?
4. Federal tax on cigarettes
goes up one cent a package on
the coming Jan. 1; right or
wrong?
5. Secretary of State Dulles
has or hasn't ever been defeated
in running for public office?
6. Most people are Protestants
in which of these countries: Aus
tria. Brazil. France, Portugal,
Switzerland?
7. James Aloysius Finnegan
was 1956 nominating campaign
manager for Stevenson, Harri
man. "Happy" Chandler, Lyndon
Johnson, or Kefauver?
The Answers: Depress head
lights. 2. General Electric 3.
Didn't. 4. Wrong. 5. Has. by H. H.
Lehman for N.Y. Senator in
1949. 6. Switzerland. 7. Stevenson.
GJs3
J'NNIWSPAPIIl
PUBLISHERS
4 V5-ASSOCIATION
MAIL TRIBUNE
Who is "Professor" Chotiner?
We have been asked to explain the Herblock
cartoon in our last Sunday issue.
The inquirer says he gets the point of most of
Herblock's efforts and gets many laughs but he could
see nothing pointed or funny in this one.
"Who is this man Chotiner anyway?" he conclud
ed. yLTELL, those who don't know Chotiner would not
see any point in this cartoon. For it depicted
Chairman McClellan of the Lobby Investigation com
mittee riding on a tortoise, holding a banner marking
the postponement of the Chotiner investigation for
two months, in other words until after the election.
Chotiner, however, is very well know in Washing
ton D.C., particularly in White House circles, as he
is in Los Angeles and Hollywood.
D OBERT Bendiner, well known political commen-
tator has a short but very interesting and amus
ing sketch of "Professor Chotiner" in the current "Re
porter" magazine, introducing the gentleman who was
due for a subcommittee investigation, as follows,
quote :
"Just a year ago this fall pupils attending the Republi
can Party's three-day seminar in political campaigning sat at
the feet of Murray Chotiner, teacher of Richard Nixon and
a great educator when he is not engaged in representing
certain contractors accused of defrauding the government.
Since all forty-eight Republican state chairmen are alumni
of the Chotiner Academy of Scientific Vote-Catching, this
campaign is in a sense a test of the most remarkable alma
mater to be established since Fagin's institute for the deft
of hand."
That is why Herblock, who is cartoonist for the
Washington Post no admirer of Chotiner nor his
star pupil, Mr. Nixon chided Chairman McClellan
for yielding to political pressure and postponing
the Chotiner probe until after the election and thus
sparing "Dear Dick" any possible loss of votes. (Judg
ing the future by the past it will probably mean the
investigation of Mr. Chotiner will never be made).
If so this would be too bad, for "Dr. Chotiner" is
not only a very successful and prosperous criminal
lawyer in Los Angeles, but has made a specialty of
coaching aspirants for public office for a handsome
fee of course in the fine art of getting enough and
often more votes to get elected.
We doubt if he guarantees election, but his bat
ting average is certainly above 500 and if anyone
doubts his shrewdness and skill they need only be in
formed that he is the man who dictated Mr. Richard
Nixon's speech when it was divulged in the midst of
the 1952 campaign that he (Nixon) had received
$18,000 in cash money from a group of wealthy bank
ers and oil operators of Los- Angeles, for it
was clearly stated only unavoidable office ex
penses so as to take this burden off the shoulders of
the poor long-suffering taxpayers !
Chotiner was also responsible for bringing in dear,
sad-eyed "Checkers" the family spaniel ; and two darl
ing daughters and "Pat" the beautiful and far from
dumb, helpmate, who made her own clothes and ob
viously could not afford mink a scenario so touching
and played with such tremolo-stop skill, that there
was practically not a "dry eye in the house," including
the house that is white, and was some 2500 miles away
from the lachrymose broadcast.
As author Bendiner writes citing lesson No. I in
the Chotiner Academy short course, quote :
If (your opponent) starts to deflate you, just keep quiet.
Maybe no one is listening and you will only "call it to the
attention of the voting public." Should you find the attack
really getting home, however, and you are forced to reply,
"do so with an attack of your own against the opposition
for having launched it in the first place." The famous
"Checkers" speech of Richard Nixon, Dr. Chotiner's star
pupil, is a "classic" example of what can be done and one
"that will live in all political history." Once you have made
this kind of response, painfully sincere and wholly irrele
vant, drop the whole thing. Because if you don't, your op
ponent wUl say things like " 'Well, he didn't answer this
part' and your whole campaign will be put on the defen
sive." Just say, instead, "That subject has been answered.
Let us go on to the next issue."
"Slick?" We don't know a better word for it.
Smart, too, and most important it WORKED! Small
wonder that when later certain contractors were
charged with defrauding the government, a hurry call
was sent out to L.A. to get Professor Chotiner on the
line and do it quick. Less wonder that he should
charge a fee considerably above the altitude of Mt.
Everest.
llE doubt if anyone in the upper strata of Washing
ton, D. C. politics would, moreover, deny the
man is worth it Any man who could get Mr. Nixon
off the spot he was in, four years ago, not only so
easily but with so' few damaging after-effects, is not
merely smart, he is a GENIUS.
Bendiner notes many
course, but we have space only for the following some
what condensed, quote:
"Field exercises in Red hunting with or without hounds
and with or without Reds . . . Television techniques: in-,
struction in reading from the teleprompter or "idiot board"
as though the speech is being delivered off the cuff; Holly
wood coaches on hand to teach prepared spontaneity, stud
ied sincerity and camera angles . . . the survey also serves
to keep the candidate from pledging a lower tariff on slivo
vitz to an audience that thrives only on local Bourbon and
a companion course helps the student to avoid such pitfalls
as praising the British in Chicago, President Nasser in the
Bronx or Eleanor Roosevelt in Mississippi."
.
""THERE is much more but this will give a fairly good
cross-section of the article. Our advice is to READ
it
There is only one question we would feel disposed
to ask, at the time. Did Vice President Nixon get Pro
fessor Chotiner's OK via long distance before he came
out for a FOUR-DAY work week in Colorado Springs,
Colorado? As we recall that attractive summer-and-winter
resort, it is not a highly industrialized area and
most of the population we thought at the time we
were there, would considering 'working four days a
week a hardship ! R.W.R.
Thursday, September 27, 1956
other items in the Chotiner
Japan Appears Heading Toward
Cabinet Crisis; Ouster Seen
By CHARLES M. McCANN
United Press Correspondent
Japan is heading toward an
apparently certain cabinet crisis.
Ailing, aging, semi-paralyzed
Premier Ichiro Hatoyama is
n.j.n.i.i.inij.m iiKeiy 10 De
ousted within
the next few
weeks by
member) of
his own dom
inant Liberal
Demo c r atic
Party.
The most
prominent can-
cbaues m. Mct-inn didate for the
prime ministry appears to be
Nobusuke Kishi, secretary-general
of the party and one of
Japan's original 40 war crimes
defendants.
The overturn, if it comes, will
involve reassessments of Jap
anese policy toward the United
States, Soviet Russia and Com
munist China.
Forms New Party
If Kishi got the job, the out
'.ook would be for a more inde
pendent Japanese policy toward
the United States.
Hatoyama, 73, got the prime
ministry on Dec. 9, 1954, after
torpedoing his one-time col
league Shigeru Yoshida.
A co-founder with Yoshida of
the Liberal party, Hatoyama
broke away and formed a new
Japan-Democratic party. He
succeeded in overthrowing Yo
In The Day's
During the past week, we have
been given a rather startling
look at the road our country is
traveling and WHERE IT MAY
BE EXPECTED TO LEAD US.
Speaking on Saturday at Colo
rado Springs, Vice President
Nixon predicted a four-day week
for the nation's workers if the
economic policies of the present
administration are continued.
Speaking the next day at Den
ver, Democratic Presidential
Candidate Stevenson promised,
if elected, to seek a guaranteed
lifetime wage for aU Americans,
so that the nation's old folks
may be cared for after retire
ment on "the same standard of
living, to which they had be
come accustomed before retire
ment." TT'S a rosy picture, isn't it?
I think, however, we should
bear in mind that it is being pre
sented to us BEFORE ELEC
TION. We shouldn't expect it to
come to pass immediately. If we
do, we will be disappointed.
Things like that don't come to
pass over night.
TN THIS political preview of
the future, two things are in
teresting: Mr. Nixon is YOUNG. His
picture of a four-day week in
which we shall labor on Mon
day, Tuesday, Wednesday and
Thursday and PLAY on Friday,
Saturday and Sunday is one that
appeals particularly to youth,
which isn't yet worrying about
the future.
Mr. Stevenson is OLDER. His
proposal appeals more strongly
to .those who are beginning to
wonder what will happen to
them when they get too old to
work.
THAT is to say:
When Mr. Nixon spoke in
Colorado Springs, he was appeal
ing to the young. Mr. Stevenson
recognized immediately the great
drawing power to the young of
the appeal Mr. Nixon had made.
He sought, as a good politician
should, to counter it. So he
painted his picture of an old age
in which each American would
have the standard of living to
which he had become accustom
ed in the most highly productive
years of his life.
MR. NIXON'S hope is, of
course, that there are more
young voters than older voters.
Mr. Stevenson's hope is that
there are more older voters
than younger ones.
That's the politics of it.
IN CONCLUSION, I'd like to
add that in all probability
both predictions will come true
not because of the promises
of politicians but as a result of
strong forces that are at work
in our country.
Mr. Nixon's prediction of a
four-day week is more or less
inevitable because it is begin
ning to appear that in four days
our modern economy will be
able to provide about all the
goods and services our people
can afford at the prices that are
necessary in a period of increas
ing inflation. So we may have
to shut down the other three
days in order to catch up.
Mr. Stevenson's proposal is
ultimately inevitable because of
the obvious fact that the days of
the laissez faire economy (Let
'er go, Gallagher, and the devil
take the hindmost) are drawing
to a close.
The Spartans exposed the old
and the infirm on the mountain
tops, and that was that. In the
fable of the ant and the grass
hopper, the provident ant could
watch the improvident grass
hopper die of starvation and
freezing and shrug his shoulders
ILSLiAMIL teazel
shida and the two parties were
merged. '
Now Hatoyama himself is un
der an increasingly heavy at
tack. He has been accused of lack
of leadership and of bungling
peace treaty negotiations with
Russia.
Though he is a member of the
Yoshida faction of the merged
party, which is identified with
Japanese big business, a power
ful big business group including
the Japanese Chamber of Com
merce, issued a formal demand
three weeks ago that Hatoyama
step down.
Stags Sit-Down Strike
On Tuesday, 176 of the 423
Liberal-Democratic members oi
Parliament formed .a special
council aimed at forcing his
resignation.
A group of the extreme right
wing staged an anti-Hatoyama
sit-down strike in front of Ha
toyama's residence. Another
rightist group announced it
would stage a symbolic Hato
yama funeral procession today.
Incidentally, police strength
ened their guard over Hatoyama
last week after receiving reports
that extreme rightists might at
tempt to assassinate him.
The rightists demand a strong
policy toward Russia in the
peace negotiations now under
way.
Liberals Have Majority
The businessmen fear a surge
toward the left - in Japanese
News by
Frank Jenkins
and say: "Good enough for him,
the wastrel!"
But those days are past. This
is a different world. No longer
can such things be tolerated.
CO
Because - rjowerful forces.
both econSmic and social and
humanitarian, are driving us in
the directions indicated by both
Mr. Nixon and Mr. Stevenson
we must concede that both will
turn out to be right.
But it won't happen tomorrow
and it won't happen the day
after the next Inauguration Day,
Communications
Letters to the Editor must bear
the name and address of the writer
although under certain clrcum.
stances the use ot a pen name or
initial for publication is permis
sible. The Mail Tribune reserves
the right to edit all tetters with an
eye to clarification and condensa
tion Letters submitted for publica
Uon must not exceed 400 words.
Egg Heads vs Nuts
To the Editor: Our children
have a setting hen. We were
pleased with her intentions. She's
a good little Banty and should
know what she was doing. Be
coming curious I lifted her from
the nest. What I found amused
me. She was' sitting on an old
weathered walnut!
Should I have put her back
closing my mind to the fact it
was only a nut and believe as
she did that it would produce re
sults?
Many of us today are like that
setting hen who embraces a nut.
It looks like the real thing, but
we're fooled. Senator Morse, to
some, is very convincing. He
sounds dependable. Makes won
derful, although always vague,
promises, but so far has come
no nearer producing constructive
results than the nut will to pro
ducing chicks.
Many of lis in Oregon put our
faith in him, Democrats as well
as Republicans, when he told us:
"The New Deal has in a real
sense created a general financial
panic in this country. The New
Deal program has only increased
the unproductivity of savings
and increased the debt burden
which must finally be paid for
by industry, labor and farmers
and consumers generally.
That was how Morse spoke
when the Republicans were be
ing fooled into thinking him a
dependable man who could pro
duce results for the good of our
State. Now he dramatically tells
the Democrats, with these state
ments reversed, that he can help
the country.
The little hen gives only her
time, and little energy, to pro
duce. But you, the taxpayers,
pay Morse a salary of $22,500
each year, a $2,500 expense ac
count of course included. Rather
expensive, don't you agree, for
something that won't produce
results?
"Take - away - Morse" belittles
the judgment of the citizens if he
thinks they will believe his
promises of more money "given
to you, more spent by our gov
ernment for projects built by the
government, without its raising
even higher the taxes we now
pay.
Almost any organized group
you can name wUl tell you how
to vote.
The Republican party doesn't
tell you for whom to vote. It
urges you to study both sides
and decide for yourself. But
some people would rather not
think they'll go on believing in
the nut.
Mrs. Katherine Gribble Lynch,
139 Kenwood ave.,
Medford, Ore.
About 73 per cent of Ameri
can workers are now accorded
a daily coffee break.
politics. The Liberal-Democratic
party has an overwhelming ma
jority in Parliament 300 seats
out of 467 in the House of Rep
resentatives, the dominant house
of parliament, against only 154
for the Socialists.
But recent polls have shown
that the Socialists are gaining
strength among the voters. There
also has been a strong shift to
ward the left in the three mil
lion - member Japanese labor
union organization.
The question of a successor
to Hatoyama, if he goes, is yet
to be decided finally. Kischi,
most prominently mentioned.
was jailed for two years after
the war as a war criminal de
fendant. He was released, in the
end, without trial. Kischi is an
independent nationalist. He likes
the United States attitude to
ward Communism and is not
anti-American. But under him,
independence and nationalism
would be emphasized in Japan's
relations with the United States.
Matter of Fact By Stewart Alsop
THE NEW STEVENSON
Des Moines Last week end,
those two very different men,
Dwight D. Eisenhower and Adlai
Stevenson
both scored a
triumph here
in Iowa. Presi
dent Eisen
hower's tri
umph was per
sonal. Adlai
Steve nson's
triumph was
4Uel political. The
Stewart Aisoo difference tells
a lot about the nature of the
current campaign.
The President, who was warm
ly greeted by the greatest crowd
in the history of Des Moines,
amply demonstrated his own and
the Republican Party's great
central assets the genuine per
sonal affection which the vast
majority of the voters hold for
him.
But Adlai Stevenson also dem
onstrated a vital asset he did not
enjoy in 1952. For that cam
paign, he was forced into the po
sition of defending a record he
certainly did not in all ways
admire the record of Harry S.
Truman. Now, he is no longer
the defender, but the attacker.
And anyone who doubts that
Stevenson is effective on the
attack should have seen his per
formance here m Iowa.
For it was obvious here that
something new had indeed been
added to the old Stevenson the
country heard in 1952. Like the
old, the new Stevenson made
jokes. But this time the jokes
were not the small, self-depreca
tory wisecracks of the past. They
were simple belly laughs, and
buried in each one was a sharply
pointed hook on which to impale
Republicans. (Like the doubtless
imaginary farmer who told Stev
enson: ''Governor, I'm a dairy
farmer, and I know how to milk
cows. But those Republicans are
smarter than I am. They know
how to milk farmers.") To judge
from the reaction of the as
sembled farmers, far from re
senting such simple but barbed
humor, they loved it.
The new Stevenson, like the
old, was eloquent. But he was
eloquent in a different way. He
was clearly not much interested
in "elevated discussions' oi
"democratic dialogues" to use
two favorite phrases of the old
Stevenson. He was interested in
getting the farmers to vote for
him. And he went about the job
in' a thoroughly workmanlike
way.
ONLY a few months ago, after
all,, Stevenson sounded as
though his heart reaUy belonged
to Ezra Taft Benson. Before the
Minnesota primary, Sen. Hubert
Humphrey had to twist his arm
half off to get him to come out
for 90 per cent parity. Even then
Stevenson habitually said that he
favored high parity but that it
was not the whole answer, a
tS 3 a
"TR AN S P O RTATI O N"
Someone in your family may have the wish to be sent 'back home" for
burial, when that time comes. Or, someone away from Medford may have
the wish to be brought back here. ' '
If you know that, some day, you will have the responsibility of carrying
out that wish, now is the time to find out just what is going to be involved
... in arrangements, details and costs.
.Or, easier yet, we'll do it for you.
Chapel Mortuary
Across from the Courthouse
Frank Morgan Hajold Snodgrass
FUNERAL DIRECTORS v '
Today and
By Walter
The Difficulty of a New Policy
Among those who are deal
ing responsibly with the Middle
East, no one in the West, I think
it is fair to say,
has as yet been
able to ex
pound a policy
which looks
ahead. Few
will deny that
a new rela
tionship will
have to be
worked out
with the Arab
H as tcr liU'l"n,nn
states, and that for the Western
f nations there lies ahead, as "in
Suez, a period when they will
have to renegotiate many vested
interests. But as to what the
new relationship can and should
become, as to how it is to be
brought about, there is as yet
no policy, indeed litUe more
that a series of rearguard ac
tions. It would not be too difficult
to define a new policy if the
truism hardly calculated to win
farm votes, as the Minnesota
outcome proved.
Here in Iowa, Stevenson prom
ised the farmers all this and
heaven too, including govern
ment support for hog prices. And
hisr attack on the Eisenhower ad
ministration's ' handling of the
farm problem was tough, meaty,
and unashamedly partisan. Alto
gether, the new Stevenson un
veiled here sounded like a more
literate and cerebral Harry S.
Truman, with overtones of
Franklin Roosevelt. And this
new Stevenson may well turn
out to be a very formidable vote
getter indeed.
The Stevenson of 1956, more
over, is quite genuinely "new"
in a number of ways. The Steven
son of 1952 was a man whose
political experience was essen
tially parochial. In the last four
years, especially in this year's
primary campaigns, Stevenson
has had a prolonged cram course
in the political realities. He
knows the special political situa
tion in every corner of the coun
try. He knows every leading
Democrat in every state, usually
on a first name basis. He knows
and understands what the pro
fessional politicians unpleasntly
call the "gut issues the issues
that really touch the hearts and
the pocketbooks of the voters.
Even in this era of "peace and
prosperity" there are many such
issues, as anyone who has spent
much time talking to the voters
can attest. Stevenson no longer
has the slightest, compunction
about exploiting the gut issues
to the utmost. For Stevenson has
also learned, as one of the pro
fessionals who now surround him
has remarked, that "you've got
be a candidate before you can
be President."
ABOVE all, Stevenson Is no
longer hag-ridden by the
great doubt. He Is still sensitive
to criticism, and he fusses end
lessly oyer his speeches. But he
no longer wonders in his own
heart whether he would really
make a better President than
Dwight D. Eisenhower. He is
sure he would. And he clearly
means to do everything in his
power, short of an outright com
promise of his integrity, to be
come President.
This new Stevenson, in short,
in his new role as unabashed at
tacker, is a man to reckon with.
The warmth and affection which
the great crowds here displayed
towards the President proved, if
proof were needed, the immense
personal popularity of Dwight
D. Eisenhower. But in his all
out attack on the administration
Stevenson also displayed re
markable political effectiveness,
and one begins to wonder wheth
er personal popularity will be
sufficient armor against such at
tack. 1956 New York Herald
. Tribune Inc.
! m ii
Tomorrow
Lippmann
problem in the Middle Eastern
countries were solely and simp
ly how to end colonialism, how
to liquidate imperial rule and
to acknowledge their sovereign
independence. Britain has shown
in India, Pakistan, Burma and
Ceylon that this problem is
soluble. We have shown it in
Cuba and in the Philippines.
The great complication in the
Middle East is that it is not only
the Western imperial power
which is being liquidated. There
is also being liquidated the old
social order of the Arab Islamic
society, and with it the native
ruling classes. Because of this
internal revolution within Arab
society, the governments which
are falling heir to the liquidated
empires are as yet weak, un
stable and unreliable. This makes
it almost impossible to negoiate
with them on the lines of a
broadened far-reaching policy.
A broad policy with Egypt
would mean underwriting the
construction ot the Aswan Dam.
would mean a negotiated peace
in Palestine, and would mean a
modernization of the Suez ar
rangements in order to liquidate
the remnants of nineteenth-century
imperialism, as represented
by the old Suez Company. But
the revolutionary government of
Col. Nasser is too weak, too un
stable emotionally and too reck
less to play, its part in such a
policy.
fTHE difficulty in forming the
policy of a new relationship
with the Middle East is not in
how to describe and define its
principles. They are weU known
and they have been put into
practice elsewhere. The practical
difficulty is, first of all, to
identify the new ruling class
with whom the new relationship
must be worked out In come
countries this new ruling class,
though it is in the making, has
not yet come to the surface.
Then, there is the practical dif
ficulty of dealing with the new
rulers, in view of their strong
bias against the West and their
predilection for the ideal theory
they know little of its reality
of the Soviet form of govern
ment. There is, says Mr. W. Z. Laq
ueur in his deeply informed
book, "Communism and Na
tionalism in the Middle East,"
a "powerful fascination - which
Soviet society exercises on . . .
the managerial class. . . in the
Middle East. The turn of events
. . .has shown them that in the
Soviet world the technical in
telligentsia is one of the priv
ileges are likely to continue, if
not actually to increase, in the
future."
The West, Mr. Laqueur goes
on to say, "has suggested var
ious reforms such as Point Four,
which may bring economic re
lief to the masses and may be
welcomed by them in accordance
with their interests. But they
are hardly apt to catch the
imagination of the key group,
the intelligentsia. The Com
munists, on the other hand, turn
almost exclusively to the intel
ligentsia." They appeal not to
the great masses who are quite
unready for political power but
to the new ruling class. They
are proposing to them a plan of
economic reconstruction, which
promises much quicker result
than anything we can propose,
and with it all the privileges of
supreme personal power for
themselves.
rpHE Middle East is a classic
example of being able to
know what ought to be done
without being able, at least as
yet, to know how it can be done.
What ought to be done is to
establish effective communica
tion between the Western world
and the intellectuals of the Arab
world. This is easier said than
done. But surely they are head
ed in the right direction who art)
seeking direct personal contact
and what is called "cultural ex
changes" with the educated clas
ses in the Arab world.
19S6 New Work ,
Herald Tribune