Today and Tomorrow
By Walter Lippmann
PCS!
THE PLATFORM
AND SEGREGATION
What the Democratic Conven
tion did about the problem of
segregation in the public schools
is n o t merely
of party but of
n a t ional in
terest. For
here is as ex
plosive and
divisive an in
ternal prob
1 e m as the
c o u n t ry has
had to deal
with in this
century. At Chicago the political
leaders of the South conferred
and negotiated with the political
leaders from the Northern States,
many of whom depend for elec
tion on the vote of Negroes in
the big cities.
The question was whether
these leaders could find a com
mon ground, a substantial com
mon ground and not merely
weasel words, on which though
they differ they are not ir
reconcilably divided. If the Dem
ocrats, who are a national party
in all sections of the country,
have answered the question sue-
Walter LJppmann
cessfully the country will have
reason to hope that a dangerous
sectional crisis has been avoid
ed. THE discussion has enabled us
to see what in this argument
words like ''extreme" and
"moderate" really mean. The
two poles, the two extreme posi
tions, are, on the one hand, a
policy of federal enforcement,
and on the other hand a policy
of forcible defiance and nullifica
tion. Either policy would cer
tainly have split the Convention
irreconcilably.
Once the extremes of enforce
ment and of forcible nullification
were put aside, a great decision
had in fact been made.The de
cision is that the problem of seg
regation in the public schools is
to be dealt with not on the plane
of force but of persuasion. This
decision, freely and openly
negotiated and agreed to by the
powerful political leaders from
all sections of the country, is an
event of national importance.
The Republican convention can
not negotiate such an agreement
because the political leaders of
the South are not represented in
the Republican party. The Dem
ocrats have a legitimate right to
claim that they have made a big
contribution to the internal
unity of the country.
rpHE crucial question of how to
work for desegregation was
a difficult one to answer in a
few words for a party platform.
For the answer cannot be the
same answer in Vermont and
Mississippi. It cannot be the same
answer in every school district
in the same State, nor even, in
practice though not in theory, in
all the neighborhoods of a city
like New York. Where deseg
regation is a really difficult ques
tion as, to speak plainly, in co
educational schools for teenagers
in mixed neighborhoods, persua
sion must not only be slower but
it may well require radical
changes in school policy, say in
the policy of co-education, and
big financial contributions from
the State or Federal Government
to see to it that the educational
level is not reduced.
Considerations of this kind
cannot be spelled out in a party
platform, and in the last analysis
the responsible leaders from the
various sections must know that
they will have to depend upon
the character and the general
convictions of the candidate, that
the policy of persuasion will be
what he, if elected, will make it
mean.
rT IS no accident that Gov.
Stevenson, who has so much
political strength in the South,
is also the candidate of Sen.
Humphrey and of Sen. Lehman
and of Mrs. Roosevelt, who is
surely the oldest and best friend
of the Negro people. Support as
wide as that has not come to him
because he has some slick for
mula which means one thing to
the South and another' to the
North.
It comes from the knowledge
of the responsible leaders that
he means to solve the problem
without tearing the country to
pieces, and that to this complex
and explosive problem he brings
imagination and insight and deep
knowledge and an old-fashioned
sincerity.
TRUMAN AS POLITICIAN
Insofar as there is anything
mysterious about Mr. Truman at
the Chicago convention, it is be
cause we think of him as a form
er President of the United States,
who stands in a high place, and
who has reached an age where
he is himself no longer ambi
tious for power.
The fact of the matter is that
the image of the ex-President
doesn't fit Mr. Truman.' He has
come to Chicago to seize con
trol of the machinery of the Dem
ocratic party and to make him
self . the top political boss. He
lost his control of the party when
Stevenson was nominated in
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CENTRAL
DIAL
3-S371
Hurricane Betsy
Heads Out to Sea
Washington (U.R) Hurricane
Betsy swept farther out to sea
today, diminishing its threat to
the New England coast.
The Weather Bureau in its 6
a.m. CEDT), advisory said the
once - powerful hurricane was
picking up speed but steadily
losing force.
The bureau said Betsy packed
winds clocked at 85 miles an
hour near its center a decrease
of 20 miles an hour since early
this morning.
The Washington Weather Bu
reau placed the center of the
storm at 6 a.m. (EDT), about 320
miles east of Norfolk,. Va.,
traveling a north-northeasterly
course..
The bureau said Betsy was
sweeping more and more toward
the northeast at 23 miles an hour.
The hurricane was expected to
continue its present course at
the same or slightly greater
speeds for the next 12 hours.
Then it is expected to speed up.
Weathermen said if Betsy con
tinues in its present direction it
is not expected to threaten the
New England states with either
high winds or heavy rains.
However, the bureau warned
that Betsy still packs a dangerous
punch. Ships were warned to !
stay clear of the hurricane's
path.
Friday, August 17, 1956
MEDFORD (OREGON) MAIL TRIBUNE FIVE
Thornton Rules on
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Salem (U.R) Attorney Gen
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yesterday that the State High
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to construct interstate bridges
ar.d to enter into contracts or
agreements with domestic or for
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that purpose.
The opinion was requested by
State Rep. Orval Eaton, Clatsop
county, in connection with a
proposed bridge across the Co
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1952, and what is going on now
is a, bold and ruthless attempt
to recover that control. .
Mr. Truman himself warned
us some little time before the
convention that he was not an
elder statesman, a role which
he regards with contempt, but a
practical politician. Nobody quite
believed him. There is an aura
which clings to men who have
been President of the United
States. None of us can ever
ignore it, and Mr. Truman's re
marks were taken to be more
evidence of his modesty, his
homespun, folksy, whimsical and
charming earthiness.
His words were in fact literal
ly true. Forget that he has been
President of the United States.
Forget that he has had every
honor that his party can bestow
upon him. Forget that he is 72
years old. What remains is the
normal professional politician
who would rather control the
party machinery, though he loses
the election, than win the elec
tion under a candidate who will
deprive him of his control of the
party machinery.
TN THIS role, that "of a political
boss fighting for the control
of his party, Mr. Truman's be- j
havior in Chicago is standard
practice and quite normal. His I
main objective has not been to
nominate Harriman, or to show
the Democrats how to. win the
election. His main objective has
been to stop and to destroy
Stevenson.
Why? Because Stevenson is at
the head of a new generation
of Democratic leaders, of the
young governors and the young
legislators, who are now taking
over the Democratic party. The
nomination of Stevenson will
mark the end of Truman's pow
er as distinguished from his in
fluence, in the affairs of the
Democratic party.
The argument that he has used
against Stevenson is that he does
not think Stevenson can win
against Eisenhower. This is the
most deadly argument that ca
be used in a political convention.
In 1952 it was the argument that
destroyed Taft in the contest
with Eisenhower.
But to be deadly, it must be
used on behalf of a candidate,
such as Eisenhower in 1952, who
is unquestionably stronger than
his rival. Otherwise it is' a mere
device, and that is what it is
when used by Truman against
Stevenson in behalf of Harriman.
For while it may be very doubt
ful whether anyone can defeat
Eisenhower, there is no objective
evidence of any kind to indicate
that Harriman is as strong a
national candidate as is Steve
son. Indeed there is every reason
to believe that Harriman would
divide the regular Democrats
and do nothing to win back,
much to repel, the Democrats
who voted for Eisenhower.
The outstanding fact of the
Harriman candidacy is that it
has no life of its own, has never
been tested outside of New York,
and depends upon the political
power that Mr. Truman can still
exert. When a professional politi
cian like Mr. Truman backs a
weak candidacy, which has never
been put to any popular test, it
is a sure sign that he is more in
terested in who controls the
party than he is in who wins the
election.
AT THIS writing there is' good
reason to thing that Mr. Tru
man has failed and that the con
trol of the Democratic party will
pass to the new generation under
Stevenson's leaders hip. Both
American parties are coalitions,
and in the Democratic party the
coalition of the new generation
is being hammered out in the
discussions, ostensibly about the
platform, but really about how
the political leaders of the new
South, with its industrial expan
sion, are to live and work with
the political leaders of the North,
with its mounting urbanization.
(C) 195E. New York
. . Herald Tiibune, Inc.
im r
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