Medford mail tribune. (Medford, Or.) 1909-1989, March 11, 1956, Image 4

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    FOUR MEDFORD (OREGON)
J$2IF0RIM
-Tribune
"Everybody in Soutnern Oregon
Reads The Mail Tribune"
'ifrjblished Daily Except Saturday by
MEDFORD PRINTING CO.
27-29 North Fir St. Phone 2-6141
ROBERT W. RUHL. Editor
HERB GREY, Advertising Manager
GERALD LATHAM. Business Manager
ERIC ALLEN JR.. Managing Editor
EARL H. ADAMS. City Editor
HARRY CHIPMAN, Telegraph Editor
RICHARD JEWETT Sports Editor
OLIVE STARCHER. Society Editor
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Entered as second class matter at
Medford. Oregon, under Act ot
March 3. 1897
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Flight o' Time
Medford and Jackson County
History from the files of The
Mail Tribune 10, 20. 30 and
0 years ago.
10 YEARS AGO
March 11, 1946
(It was Monday)
F. C. Hart, engineer of bureau
of reclamation here; announces
that office staff will be increas
ed from 16 to 35 immediately.
From Arthur Perry's Ye
Smudge Pot column: Primary
election filings have been com
pleted in . this state. There is
no plethora of candidates, as in
former years. They are as scarce
almost as hen's teeth, where
formerly they were more plenti
ful than legs on a caterpillar.
20 YEARS AGO
March 11, 1938
(It was Wednesday)
F. Wilson Wait, director of
music at Medford high school,
announces that girls drum-and-bugle
corps at the high and
junior high school have started
practice
Roundup of wild horses in the
Little Applegate district to start
Sunday under the direction of
Lee Port of the forest service.
30 YEARS AGO
March 11, 1926
(It was Thursday)
City dog catcher starts round
ing up unlicensed dogs. (
K. K. Kubli, of Portland and
former resident of Jackson
county, visits site of Galls creek
quartz mine development, in
which he has interest.
40 YEARS AGO
March 11, 1916
(It was Saturday)
George L. Treichler, agent
for Overland here, arrives with
first Silent Knight motor ve
hicle in valley.
Special children's show will
be presented at Page theater
here Saturday morning.
What's the Answer?
Can You Get 4 of the 7?
Copr. 1955. Editorial Research Report
1. Stevenson has or hasn't
campaigned in person to defeat
Kefauver in the 1956 presiden
tial primary in New Hampshire?
2. Which make of U.S. car is
t named for a President?
3: Special delivery on a first
class letter costs 10. 15, 20 or
25 cents?
4. The U.S. Flag has eight
rows of six stars, six rows of
eight stars, or four rows of 12?
5. If you tip off the Treasury
that some one is evading taxes,
it mav eive you a money re
ward if your tip proves a good
one; right or wrong?
6. The Sea of Galilee is with
in Israel, Jordan, Syria, or be
tween Israel and Jordan, Israel
Qtnd Syria, Israel and Egypt, or
Jordan and Syria?
7. Which boxing champion
was called the Brown Bomber?
The answers: 1. Hasn't. 2. Lin
coln. 3. 20 cents. 4. Six rows
of eight. 5. Right. 6. Within
Israel. 7. Joe Louis.
Charles Porter Slates
Luncheon Meeting Here
Charles O. Porter, Democratic
candidate for congress, will
speak at a noon luncheon at the
Medford hotel Saturday, March
17.
Porter will discuss his candi
dacy and issues of the coming
campaign. The public is invited.
MAIL TRIBUNE
Dismiss Electoral College?
The Senate this week is expected to take up
various plans to reform the ancient electoral college
system of choosing the President and Vice President.
Wide support for reforming the system can be
expected if proponents of various plans can only get
together on the method. Substantial agreement on
a compromise was reported by Karl Mundt (R-S.D.),
advocate of one of the plans, last month. No plan
accepted would, of course, affect the 1956 election.
All plans are aimed at giving the popular vote
more weight in electing the President and Vice Presi
dent, than under the present electoral system.
The argument runs something like this: New
York State has 45 electoral votes But the candidate
who carries New York by, say, 55 per cent of the
popular vote, receives all of New York's electoral
votes under the present system. So 45 per cent of the
state's voters are effectively disfranchised.
THE Senate Democratic policy committee has clear-
ed for debate a proposed constitutional amend
ment sponsored by Senators Price Daniel (D-Tex.)
and Estes Kefauver (D-Tenn.). The system it pro
vides for would split the electoral vote of each state
in exact mathematical relationship to the popular
vote, including decimals.
The other proposal which has attracted wide sup
port is that of Sen. Mundt and Rep. Frederic W.
Coudert Jr., (R-N.Y.). This retains the electoral col
lege, entitling each state to a number of electors equal
to its delegation in Congress. The electors of a state
would be chosen, however, "in the same manner in
which its senators and representatives are nominated
and elected."
I
N OTHER words, the candidates for President and
Vice President who
would get as many electors as the state had senators
(two) and representatives-at-large. After that the
national candidates with a plurality in each congres
sional district would get the elector from that district.
Senator Mundt is agreeable to stipulating that
the Daniel-Kef auver plan would go into effect unless
a state specifically chose the Mundt-Coudert plan.
CTILL other plans have been suggested, some more
complicated than these two, some less so.
The smart money is probably on the Daniel
Kef auver plus the Mundt-Coudert compromise. But
even with Senate passage, the measure would prob
ably have trouble in the House. The Daniel-Kef auver
plan is substantially that of the Lodge-Gossett amend
ment defeated in the House after Senate passage in
1950.
And of course any amendment that passed the
Senate and House by two-thirds vote would still have
to be ratified by legislatures of 36 states to become
effective. E.R.R.
Dropping the Co-Pilot
Alexander Throttlebottom, in the musical Of
Thee I Sing, had been nominated for Vice President
by the simple process of putting a number of names
on slips in a nat and pulling one out. Throttlebottom
didn't win; he lost that is, had his name drawn.
That wouldn't seem so funny today, when the
Vice President is recognized as a responsible, highly
powerful, and even portentous office.
The last time the Republicans dropped the co
pilot or refused to nominate the incumbent Vice
President, Charles G. Dawes, was 1928. However,
one thing should be made clear the relationship
between the GOP organization and Vice President
Dawes had hardly been akin to the close ties between
the Eisenhower Administration and Vice President
Richard M. Nixon.
Dawes had been regarded as somewhat disloyal
to the administration. He had refused to sit with
Coolidge's cabinet, though invited to do so, as
Coolidge had done under Harding.
f EN. DAWES in 1928 was an imposing figure.
After making a bad start by bawling out the
Senate on its rules, he had earned wide respect in
that body as its presiding officer. He had consider
able support for the presidential nomination in the
East, also in the Midwest grain states. Nevertheless,
Herbert C. Hoover, recently resigned as Secretary of
Commerce, won a decisive majority on the first ballot
for President at the 1928 GOP convention.
Backstage at the convention a list of seven candi
dates for Vice President was circulated. The list was
finally narrowed down to Dawes. Sen. Charles Curtis,
and Channing Cox of Massachusetts. It was then
tentatively agreed, Hatch wrote, to give Dawes first
chance.
DUT there was his "unsoundness" on the handling
of a controversial bill. In a telephone conversa
tion he refused to agree that the recent veto by
Coolidge had shelved the bill for four years. He re
fused in a second call to say publicly the bill had
been disposed of. He was unpopular with organized
labor.
And the leaders were afraid that if nominated
for Vice President, Dawes would stage" a "sensational
refusal." His friend, Gov. Frank O. Lowden of Illinois,
in 1924 had rocked the GOP convention by declining
the nomination for Vice President after it had formal
ly and finally been made one of only four men in
U.S. history to do so. So Dawes was dropped, the
name of Curtis was put before the convention, and
Curtis received an all but unanimous vote on the first
ballot, i : .
Sen. Hiram W. Johnson of California pridefully
turned down the chance to be Warren G. Harding's
running-mate. He could not have known of course
that Harding would serve less than 2y2 years of his
term. Times have changed. Today the nomination
for Vice President of either party would scarcely be
considered "beneath" any worthy man. E.R.R. -
$
Sunday, March 11, 1956
won state-wide pluralities
Views of Ike, Ad hi and Esfes
On Major Issues Are Compared
By Congressional Quarterly
Washington The Presidential
primary season starts Tuesday
in New Hampshire with the fa
mous grin (President Eisenhow
er), the coonskin cap (Sen. Estes
Kefauver, Tenn.) and the high
toned speeches (Adlai E. Steven
son) in open contention.
Do Republican Eisenhower
and Democrats Stevenson and
Kefauver have a fairly common
middle ground of agreement on
issues developing in the midst of
the primary campaigns? Or is
their fundamental philosophy
different?
Voters analyzing the policies
of the three men will find their
statements broad enough to cov
er individual issues so that fun
damental differences tend to be
blurred. Nevertheless the analy
sis shows three areas of sharp
disagreement.
The Differences
The positions of the three can
didates also differ in the empha
sis placed on the execution, in
terpretation or administration of
certain programs.
Today and
By Walter
MR. FAULKNER'S LETTER
Life magazine publishes a let
ter addressed to the people of
the northern states by William
Faulkner, the
eminent novel
ist. Mr. Faulk
ner is a native
of Mississippi.
He speaks as
a Southerner
who not only
be 1 i e v e s in
"t h e simple
i n c ontrovert-
waiter Lippmann ible immoral
ity of discrimination by race"
but also that this discrimination
is an evil which will be cured
eventually by the Southerners
themselves.
The point of this letter is to
warn Northerners that discrimi
nation will not be cured, will in
fact become aU the sharper, if
legal coercions used to enforce
the Supreme Court's decision.
Mr. Faulkner, as a Southern
er who is opposed in principle
both to segregation and to en
forced integration, regards his
position as being in the
"middle." He sees himself as
pressed from two sides between
the Citizens Councils on the one
hand, the National Association
for the Advancement of Colored
People on the other. He is be
tween those who would uphold
"white supremacy" by nullifi
cation, of the Supreme Court's
decision and those who would
use the Federal power to abol
ish segregation. Where, he asks,
will Southerners like himself go
if Federal enforcement . is at
tempted. They will go, so he
says in effect, with the resist
ance of the Citizens Councils. 1 .
THE burden of Mr. Faulkner's
plea is that the Northerners
should not now press for Fed
eral enforcement. For this would
make it impossible for Southern
ers like himself to work for the
gradual acceptance of integra
tion. To this there is something
which must ; be said for the
Northerners who will under
stand and sympathize with Mr.
Faulkner's argument. These
Northerners include the Presi
dent and Gov. Stevenson, and
they are quite surely a major
ity today. But their, position is
threatened by the Southern ex
tremists who n,ot only proclaim
the doctrine of nullification but,
as in the Lucy case in Alabama,
connive at mob violence.
For the moderate Northerners
it is impossible to accept the
gradualism that' Mr. Faulkner
advises if at the same time they
have to acquiesce in what hap
pened at Alabama University.
To do so would be to surrender
two elementary principles. One
is, as Mr. Faulkner defines it,
that discrimination by race is
immoral. The other is that the
laws of the Union bind all who
live within the Union. To acqui
esce and not to protest would
make the middle position un
principled and in the end
untenable.
THE situation is one in which
all the strong passions tend to
run to the two irreconcilable
extremes towards the fierce
defense in the deep South of the
white way of life, towards a mil
itant demand by the Negroes
and their friends for the vindica
tion of their indubitable human
rights.
There is little reason to be
lieve that the issue can now be
dealt with in the South as it was
after the Civil War by nullifi
cation with the assent of the
North. There is a new dynamic
factor in the situation today
the rise of the American Negro
to a position of very consider
able economic and political
power.
We have seen the first begin
nings of what this may bring
in the boycott in Montgomery.
There the Negro population
have practiced passive resist
ance the classic' tactic of weak
and subject peoples. There is
But the fields of disagreement
narrow to what could be the top
domestic issues of the Presiden
tial campaign: agriculture, taxes,
and public vs. private power.
There are shadings in the dis
agreement here, too. But the
three men tend to differ in basic
philosophy in these fields more
than in others.
In agriculture, for instance,
the President says he is "unal
terably opposed" to 90 per cent
of parity support prices for farm
crops. He favors flexible price
supports plus the soil bank con
servation program as a major
means of bringing farm crops
and prices into line.
Stevenson and Kefauver agree
that 90 per cent of parity should
be part of the farm law. Steven
son says the soil bank program,
while commendable, is not the
entire answer to the problem of
falling farm prices.
Tax Views
Kefauver voted for a $20 tax
cut for individuals in 1955. Stev
enson sees a need to assess na
tional defense policies and spend-
"" laa a mm mmm
Tomorrow
Lippmann
every reason to suppose that un
compromising and militant re
sistance by the Citizens Coun
cils in the deep South will if
it closes the door to gradual re
form cause the Montgomery
example to spread.
VET we can have no great
- hope that mutual warnings
like Mr. Faulkner's and mine,
that these pious exhortations to
reason and moderation, will in
themselves be heeded. The basic
weakness of the middle position
is that it does not now, that it
does not as yet, represent a prac
tical and concrete program on
which men of moderate temper
have agreed to unite.
Mr. Faulkner says "go slow
now." But how slowly can we
go without nullifying the Con
stjtution? Northerners say,
"Take your time but show good
faith." . But what would be
enough compliance to, prove
good faith?
The Supreme Court has ac
cepted the responsibility of
judging these questions as they
are presented to the Federal
court. But what seems to . be
missing "is a consensus of en
lightened - opinion as to what
issues it " is necessary and wise
to present to the court and in
what order. For the formation of
such .a consensus it may prove
necessary to call upon the Presi
dent for leadership.
Copyright 1956,
New York .Herald Tribune Inc.
Matter of Fact by
THE B-52 PROBLEM
Washington Both the mag
nitude and the urgency of the
American defense problem are
pretty well
summed up in
what may be
called the B-52
problem,
which is due
to cause wide-;
spread and
e m b i 1 1 ered
public debate
in the months
Joseph Alsop '
ahead. Secretary
imm ediately
of the Air
Force Donald Quarles has now
told both the Senate and House
Armed Services Committees that
he is perfectly satisfied with
the existing B-52 program. This
means that Secretary Quarles is
satisfied with a current monthly
output of only four of these long'
range jet bombers which have
become the essential instruments
of strategic airpower, although
the Soviet output of their com
parable "Bison" bombers is al
ready three- times higher . than
American B-52 output.
One man who is conspicuous
ly dissatisfied, however, is the
brilliant commander of the U.S.
Strategic Air
Command,
Gen. Curtis
LeMay.Itmust
have taken
some courage
for Gen. Le
May to tackle
the B-52 prob
lem -again this
year. In 1952,
Stewart Aisop ne was Tenta
tively slated to become Chief of
Air Staff. He was actually
brought into the Pentagon on
a sort of trial basis. But his
insistent demand for an expand
ed B-52 program got -him into
a hot row with the then-Secretaries
of Defense and the Air
Force, Robert A. Lovett and
Thomas Finletter. So LeMay
missed the top job in 1952, and
was returned to SAC command.
VET courage is one quality
that Gen. LeMay has " never
lacked. In the budget-making
period this year, he rather
stormily demanded an emergen
cy effort to step up B-52 output
to the level of 40 to 50 planes
ing programs before considering
tax cuts. He says he would favor
tax cuts for low income groups
first, when they are made. The
President says he wants no tax
cuts until a balanced budget is
achieved. i
President Eisenhower has pro
posed a "partnership' policy for
power development. He envi
sions the sharing ot fhe cost of
resource development by the
groups benefiting the most. Stev
enson would push for multi-pur
pose resource development
power as a factor would be in
volved with flood control and
irrigation.
Kefauver, a booster for TVA,
says a federal program "with
real determination behind it"
will succeed.
In Foreign Policy '
In the foreign policy field,
two principal areas of disagree
ment in emphasis have been de
veloping and probably will con
tinue. First, both Stevenson and
Kefauver contend the adminis
tration's defense policy, particu
larly in the area of guided mis
sile development, has lagged so
that Russia is gaining the lead
in research and production. The
President's reply is that while
the Russians may lead in certain
aspects of this field, the U. S.
leads in others and also in over
all research and development.
The second disagreement in
emphasis lies in the matter of
foreign aid and its tangents.
Both Kefauver and Stevenson
stress the need for developing
economic assistance programs,
especially in the Far East, rather
than emphasizing security pacts
and military aid. The President,
in the State of the Union mes
sage and subsequent statements,
stresses military pacts and secu
rity arrangements. However, he
has called for a foreign aid pro
gram with long-range commit
ments, to which Congressional
Democrats react cooly.
Immigration
In the field of immigration,
the President recommends
amending the McCarran-Walter
immigration act. He would base
quotas on the 1950 census rather
than the 1920 census. Stevenson
feels the whole -:rt should be re
written. Kefauver agrees with
Stevenson.
In the touchy matter of segre
gation, all three agree the Su
preme Court decision ordering
desegregation of schools must be
observed. The President says he
thinks there are sufficient laws
to bring about a gradual pro
gram of integration. Both Stev
enson and Kefauver advocate
gradualism in desegregation,
have asked the President to call
in Negro and white leaders from
the South in an effort to prevent
violence and misunderstanding.
To date, the President has let the
matter alone;
(Copyright 1956,
Congressional Quarterly)
Joe and Stewart Alsop
a month, and to raise the pro
duction goal far enough to pro
vide SAC with no less than
1,900 B-52s.
LeMay was 'turned down flat
by the balance-the-budget-first-ers,
but at present the Air Staff
is all but' unanimous- that he
ought not to have been , turned
down. And the wise and moder
ate chairman of the Senate Arm
ed Services Committee, Richard
Russell of Georgia, is now de
manding an increase of $1,500,
000,000 in this year's Air Force
api ropriations, mainly to pro
vide LeMay with more B-52s.
The B-52 program LeMay
wants will cost a pretty penny.
rpHE bill for each of these
J- great planes is $8,000,000;
and the kind of increase in B-52
strength that LeMay wants
would require tremendous con
current increases in SAC's tank
er fleet and air base system on
this continent. But if you are
a survival-firster instead of a
balance-the-budget-firster, Gen.
LeMay's arguments appear to be
absolutely unanswerable.
In brief, LeMay's Strategic
Air Command now comprises 11
truly long range groups, whose
obsolete B-36s are now being
very gradually replaced with
B-52s, plus 28 medium range
groups equipped with B-47s.
Numerically, the present ratio
is 330 inter-continental bombers
to 1,420 medium range bombers,
for there are more planes in
the B-47 groups than in the long
range groups.
The B-47 groups are planned
to operate- from overseas air
bases, while the long range
bombers are planned to operate
from this hemisphere. All are
to articipate in the first strike,
and Gen. LeMay insists that
SAC cannot do its assigned job
with "a total striking power of
less than 1,850 bombers.
But most of Gen. LeMay's
force, being medium range, is
hopelessly dependent on the
overseas bases. Loss of those
bases wouldcut his B-47 strik
ing power almost exactly as
much as the destruction of four
fifths of his B-47s on the ground
before the war even started.
Without the overseas bases,
therefore, SAC could not pos
sibly do . its assigned job. Gen.
LeMay might wound, but he
m
, (By M-T Staff and Contributors)
"Beanie," our beauty-parlor
specialist informs us, is a
privileged character.
Beanie is a parakeet. He
(She? It?) is owned by Mrs.
Mary Kerr of the East Side
Beauty salon, who often per
mits (him? it?) out of its (his?
her?) cage. The chartreuse
colored bird then takes pleas
ure in flitting about, mostly
in the room with the hair
driers. Sometimes it will sit
on a cord alongside of the
chairs, or on a magazine rack.
And occasionally an unsus
pecting patron will be sur
prised as the small creature
will light on her shoulder.
Beanie picks 'at the maga
zines with interest, sometimes
a habit which motivated
one of the operators to sug
gest he be named Readers
Digest.
City officials are not entirely
without a sense of humor. At
last week's council meeting
which included students partici
pating in Student Government
Day, Councilman Stanley Jones
remarked that an ordinance pre
pared by the students sounded
better than many he had heard
prepared by City Att orney
Frank Farrell, to which Farrel
replied, "Yes, but the city at
torney has to bring in the ordin
ances directed by the council.
And Mayor Earl Miller said
that he was pleased to note sev
eral very attractive" young ladies
among the members of the stu
dent council. "I think their
mayor is very fortunate," he
said. "Look what the city of
Medford gave me to work with."
The regular council is all-male,
Inasmuch as next Friday
is St. Patrick's day, we are
reminded of the Irishman who
bought a boat, but was unde
cided what to name it. He saw
an Englishman's boat named
Henry VIII, and a friend sug
gested he name the boat
George VI a suggestion he
rejected with some violence.
But inspiration dawned.
He obtained paint-bucket and
brush and vigorously painted
the inspired name on bow and
stern: March XVII.
Chivalry in Medford is not
dead. A local secretary was
walking down Main st. on an
errand recently when she saw
a car where the parking meter
time had expired, and a short
distance behind it, a policeman
checking ' parking meters. Phil-
anthropically, she put, a penny
in the meter.
At that moment a man step
ped out of a store and said, "I
say, I don't believe that's your
car." The. secretary agreed that
it wasn't. The man, who had
seen the policeman, asked her to
wait a minute.
He stepped into a flower shop
and emerged with a .large bou
quet of yellow asters which he
presented to her on the spot.
A staff member last Wed
nesday was interviewing Ro
bert A. Boyer when he noted
that Boyer had failed to men
tion his four-month-old daugh
ter, Sharon Marie. Boyer
immediately went into enthus
iastic detail about his only
child but when the reporter
could not kill the enemy.
'
fFHIS dependence of SAC on
-- overseas bases is now being
rendered acutely perilous in two
different ways. Politically the
bases are becoming less and less
reliable, because of the general
weakening of the Western Alli
ance. Strategically,- the bases
are becoming more and more
vulnerable. The prime purposes
of the Soviets' new ballistic mis
sile of 1,500 miles range are to
intimidate the American Allies
who control LeMay's overseas
bases; or if need be, to destroy
those bases in one vast, wide
spread simultaneous missile
strike. '
In two years time or a little
more, therefore, these already
doubtful foreign bases, on which
SAC is so dependent, will quite
certainly become utterly unde
pendable. At that time, Gen.
LeMay's power to kill may be
lost any morning. He may be
left, any morning, with only
enough power to wound. By
that time the Soviets will also
have a large, wholly self-contained
force of long range jet
bombers, with no crippling de
pendencies of any kind, and
plenty of power to destroy this
country.
ITTHAT lies ahead, in sum, is
''a period when Gen. LeMay
can only be sure of wounding
the enemy, while his Soviet op
posite number can be sure of
destroying the United States.
Gen. LeMay wants to replace
his medium range B-47s with
long range B-52s in order to
maintain his power to kill dur
ing this interim period before
the intercontinental ballistic
missile wUl again change the
power balance. ..
In these circumstances the
sublime satisfaction of Secretary
Quarles is a trifle hard to com
prehend. Copyright 1956
New-York Herald Tribune Inc.
asked how her name was v
spelled there was a long
pause. "You mean you don't
know how to spell your
daughter's name?" the report
er asked.
"Well," Boyer stammered,
"we haven't had her very
long."
A bartender who has perma
nent lodgings in a local hotel
has a fondness for popcorn. He
keeps a bowl-type electric pop
per in his room so that he can
satisfy his craving. 1
After getting off work at
about 3 a.m. recently he decided
to pop some corn. The transom
window was open and the smell
of freshly popped popcorn waft
ed through the hallway. Pres
ently there was a knock on the
door and he opened it to find
woman who lived down the
hall that was also a popcorn
lover.
In a few minutes there was '
another knock. And this time
it was a man he had never seen
before, just coming in from a
night on the town. He'd smeUed
the popcorn and had a craving.
The bartender also uses his
popper to cook artichokes in.
In fhe Day's News
By FRANK JENKINS
Late Thursday afternoon the
senate of the United States faced
up to a situation and made what
appears at the moment to have
been a firm decision on a criti
cal political issue.
By a vote of 54 to 41. it de
feated a proposal to have cotton,
corn and peanut crops supported
at 90 per cent of parity. The vote
is generally interpreted as a ma
jor victory for the Eisenhower
Benson program of FLEXIBLE
price supports.
T'HE political significance . of
the vote is indicated by the
fact that for the first time in 20
years ALL THE MEMBERS OF
THE SENATE WERE PRESENT
AND VOTED. Every senator
stood up and was counted. None
ran for cover.
.-The last time that happened
was In 1936. The issue then was
overriding a Presidential veto of
the soldiers' bonus bill. Like the
farm bill now, the . soldiers' bo
nus bill had explosive political
possibilities.-
On both occasions, there was
one vacancy caused .by death so
that the membership of the sen
ate was only 95. On both occa
sions, every member was pres
ent and stood up and .- was
counted.
T ET'S keep Thursday's situa
ij tion straight in our minds.
It wasn't a final vote. It came
on a Democratic-sponsored
amendment to have COTTON,
CORN AND PEANUTS support
ed at 90 per cent of parity. The.
other so-called "basic" crops
wheat, notably were not in
cluded. The political situation is this:
If the Democrats are to win
this fall, they MUST carry the.
South solidly. The South is pri
marily concerned with cotton,
corn and peanuts. If cotton, corn
and peanuts could have been
brought under the protection of
the 90 per cent of parity um
brella it would have been a sign
in the sky to the agricultural
interests of the South that the
Democratic party is the party
for the South to tie to.
That was the political signifi-. '
cance of it.
BESIDES
If cotton, corn and peanuts
could have been brought under
the shelter of the high parity
umbrella, it would have been a
practical certainty that wheat
the other big controversial crop
that is already in staggering
surplus could have been
brought under. The wheat states
are also politically important. '
So
If the cotton-corn-peanuts
amendment had won, return to
high parity support would have
been in the bag and the flexible
support policy would have been -in
the ash can. 0
That is the long and the short
of it.
THE" political battle for the
farm vote isn't over yet.
Thursday's vote was only the
first skirmish. But it was a sharp
and bitter skirmish. Its sharp
ness and its bitterness are indi-
cated by the fact that no mem-,
ber of the senate felt that he
could afford to dodge a vote on
the cotton-corn-peanuts amend
ment. 4
The majority was decisive
enough unexpectedly decisive,
it appears from the general
comment this morning to lead
to the hope that the flexible
support policy will not be
thrown out in favor of return
to high parity and its inevitable '
consequence of disastrously
accumulating surpluses.
Nevada is the : driest state
with an annual average of just
8.6 inches of rainfall, based on
a 64-year record.
Of all the workers in the U.S. ....
only about 19 per cent are self
employed, according to census
reports.