Thursday, May 13, 1937
THE HERMISTON HERALD, HERMISTON, OREGON.
NEWS NOTES OF
THE NORTHWEST
National Topics Interpreted
by William Bruckart
A Brief Summary of Events
of Special Interest to
Oregon, Washington and
Idaho Communities.
BOISE, Ida.—WPA crews, among
Washington.—Congress lately has
passed and President Roosevelt has
. i
just signed the
(,oal W Guffey-Vinson coal
Be Higher
bill. It is, there
fore, a law. And
presently, as a result of the pas
sage of this legislation, you and I
and every other person who uses
soft coal will be paying higher
prices.
The increase in price that will re
sult, however, is not the only phase
of the Guffey-Vinson law that seems
to be open to criticism. There are
many who believe that in passing
the Guffey-Vinson bill (and it was
done under the lash of administra
tion leaders) our government has
taken a step which is very close to,
even actually a step toward, fas
cism in America. It is an action
so near to the policies of fascism in
Italy that close students of the Mus
solini plan say they can hardly dis
cern any distinction.
Let us see what the Guffey-Vinson
law does. It permits all soft coal
producers in the United States to
organize as in a monopoly under
government control. True, the gov
ernment is supposed under the law
to fix the price of soft coal but actu
ally the law is going to work out so
that the producers and the mine un
ions will establish the prices, sub
ject to the approval of a govern
ment commission. It will work
out this way because the law has
actually legalized the right of the
producers to agree on the prices
they will charge by virtue of the
fact that those prices are based on
the production costs in regional
areas.
It is provided in the law that the
United States shall be divided into
23 regions or sections. The United
States coal commission is empow
ered to prescribe the prices, both
minimum and maximum, to which
coal from each of these areas or re
gions may be sold. In that man
ner, the law guarantees that the soft
coal producers shall gain an accept
able rate on their investments. Since
labor costs enter directly into pro
duction costs—indeed, they consti
tute a major factor—it becomes
plain that whatever wages labor de
mands and obtains influences the
level of the production costs and the
result is a change in the selling
price to the consuming public.
Thus, when John L. Lewis, presi
dent of the United Mine Workers of
America and head of the C. I. O.,
determines that the mine workers
are not being paid sufficiently high
wages, he demands an increase
from the mine owners. The mine
owners or producers, now that the
Guffey-Vinson monopoly law has
passed, simply submit the new costs
to the coal commission and it has no
alternative but to approve an in
crease in the selling price. In conse
quence, therefore, every bucketful
of coal going into your stove and
every shovelful that goes into the
furnace of a home or the fire box
of a factory carries an additional
tax that has been legalized by law.
So, we see the bulk of the coal in
dustry pass from the field of free
competition into the form of a mo
nopoly under government control.
If that can be described otherwise
than as fascism, I am ignorant of
what constitutes fascism.
There remains the question
whether the law promoted by
Senator Guffey of
Question
Pennsylvania and
Validity
Repre sentative
Vinson of Ken
tucky is constitutional.
It will be remembered that the
Supreme court once threw out the
original Guffey-Vinson law. It threw
out that law because it held that the
original legislation attempted to fix
hours and wages for workers and
that, in accordance with the unani
mous decision of the court when it
invalidated the NRA, was an illegal
act by congress. The labor pro
visions alone were discussed in the
litigation at that time. But in the
current Guffey-Vinson law, those ob
jectionable factors have been omit
ted. There is no way to discover
whether the Supreme court will find
the monopolistic practice authorized
in the current legislation to be im
proper except the hunch that such a
declaration of policy by the con
gress is not in conflict with the con
stitution directly.
1
Some members of the congress
opposed the Guffey-Vinson bill be
cause they believed it to be uncon
stitutional. There were so few of
those, however, that the house of
representatives debated the bill
only a day and a half and the sen
ate debated it only a few hours.
Some sections of the soft coal in
dustry objected to the bill but they
, , j
were quickly re-
P ached signed to the in-
by Lewie tangible fact that
it would become a
law because of the power that John
L. Lewis wielded over congressional
leadership. The chief reason for
the division of sentiment among the
coal producers was that there is a
wide range of costs among the pro
ducers. There are many mines
which have low production costs and
consequently they are able, or were
able under open competition, to sell their multifarious operations last
at lower prices than many of their year, treated more than 4000 acres
competitors. There is another sec for plant disease and rid the state
tion of the mining industry where of 4714 pests.
production costs are high and in
EUGENE, Ore.—Ralph S. Schomp
consequence that section of the in
dustry was barely able to scrape has announced his resignation as
out a living return. Under the new director of educational activities at
law, the high cost mines will be the University of Oregon, a post he
assured of a reasonable return and has held since organization of the
that means that the low cost mines department last year.
will gain exorbitant profit.
PORTLAND, Ore.—Approximately
On the face of things, it would 2,526 Oregon wage earners or their
seem that the low cost mines would estates are expeced to file claims
be all for this law because of the during 1937 for lump-sum or death
heavy returns they can make. Such, benefits with the Bureau of Federal
however, is not the case. Thus mine Old-Age Benefits, James E. Peebles,
owners pretty generally, would pre Portland Field Representative, has
fer taking their chances in open announced.
competition because they can make
CLARK FORK, Ida.—A library,
a larger profit through a heavy vol
ume of sales at lower prices than sponsored by the WPA and NYA will
under the new scheme whereby the be opened here soon. Mrs. Bessie
high cost mines are bound to get L. Teague will be senior librarian,
a share of the business.
and Miss Mary Louise Clifford will
Proponents of the law contend that be junior assistant. Coeur d’Alene
there is an obligation to the owners has donated 150 books, and 200 will
of the high cost mine or to the be received from a traveling library.
workers they employ. But what, I
SANDPOINT, Ida.—W. H. Heath,
ask, is the user of coal going to do
about it? What has he to say and engineer and supervisor of the city
dock WPA project, said today that
how can he say it?
Again, sponsors of the legislation despite handicaps at the start they
The
explain that interests of the con were making fine progress.
suming public are to be protected project calls for a combined dirt fill
through the office of a consumers’ and piling structure dock 1390 feet
council. That is, there is a govern In length at a total cost of $26,000.
ment official who is supposed to look
OROFINO, Ida.—The first lease
after and protect your rights and
mine against excessive prices. It for sheep grazing of the Clearwater
may work out satisfactorily. I be Protective association area on Can
lieve, however, that the odds are yon creek was signed last week by
heavy against any of us receiving J. H. Dobbins of Enterprise, Ore.
The association Is anticipating ap
any benefits in this direction.
proximately 50,000 head of sheep
* * «
A few days after President Roose this year. Several contracts await
velt signed the Guffey-Vinson law, signatures.
_
Attorney General
SOUTH BEND, Wash.—Distribu
htrike
Cummings came tion of 360 pheasant eggs was be
at Trusts
forth with a letter ing made today by County Agent T.
urging congress to R. Cole to 11 boys In two 4-H clubs
revise and tighten the anti-trust law. at Mill Creek and South Bend. The
He said that monopoly was grow eggs will be hatched and reared to
ing in the United States and that ten weeks age and then turned over
small businesses were being driven to the state game department for
to the wall by the inroads of great liberation In Pacific county.
masses of capital.
KENNEWICK, Wash.—Most of
There is evidence that capital is
massing. We need not look any fur the land in the Kennewick highlands
ther for proof of this than the Guf under the Kennewick Irrigation com
fey-Vinson law itself which permits pany’s canal has been sold within
capital to work together—the only the last two years, with the major
hindrance being that which is sub ity of buyers immigrants from the
The tendency is
jected somewhat to the influence of drouth areas.
organized labor under the Guffey- toward diversified farming on larger
Vinson law. The result is exactly acreage, replacing the small-tract
the same whether the massing of farm.
capital takes place under private
MONTESANO, Wash.—Examiners
arrangement or under government
supervision such as is legalized in will begin a tour of Grays Harbor
county schools next week to conduct
the Guffey-Vinson law.
standardized tests In the first, sec
This situation impresses me as ond, third and eighth grades, it is
being a bit incongruous. It seems announced by Mrs. Adele Allen Oli
to be a circumstance where the ver, county superintendent. Eighth
administration is trying to run in
two directions atroné and the same grade tests will be the basis for pro
time. It is further exaggerated by motion to high school, replacing the
the fact that the President lately old-time state eighth grade exam
has spoken with emphasis about the inations.
rapid increase in retail prices. Yet,
DAVENPORT, Wash. — Gordon
besides raising wages for labor, the Bonser recently had a narrow escape
only tangible result that I can see from death when a “tree climber”
under the Guffey-Vinson law is high woodsaw he was using on a tree
er prices for all of us to pay.
flew back, ripping his back badly. '
Surely, monopoly has a tendency | The youth walked half a mile along
always to increase prices. It has ' after the accident before finding a
been the chief subject of harrangue car to bring him to Davenport for
against monopoly and the Attorney | medical treatment by Dr. J. H. Poyn
General adverted to this fact in his ter. The wound required 28 stitch
recent appeal for legislation to pre-1 es to close, but was not deep.
vent monopoly. But why is it bad I
for monopoly, privately arranged, to | NEWBERG, Ore.—A wedding ring
force higher prices and good for j lost nearly 21 years has been re-
monopoly, legalized by congress, urned to its owner because W. E.
to force higher prices?
Mulkey chose the right place to dig
some fishworms. In 1916 Mrs. O.
President Roosevelt has sent word J. McCoy, lost her wedding ring
around through all government de- while working In her garden.
A
,
partments to the few days ago Mulkey, a brother
No Stock
effect that no gov- of Mrs. Elnora Sickafoose, who
Gambling
ernment worker now owns the property, found
may engage in the ring while digging bait In
stock market speculation. He has the back-yard. The name of the
told the civil service commission owner was engraved on the Inside
that "among the matters to be con and the ring was promptly returned
sidered” when passing upon an em to Mrs. McCoy, who Is still a resi
ployee’s qualifications for retention
or advancement, the commission dent of this city.
may consider whether that em
FUR BEARERS DECREASE
ployee has engaged in speculation
OLYMPIA, Wash.—Washington’s
in securities or commodities.
At first blush, this did seem to wild game and predatory animals are
be a sound order. I have heard Increasing and Its fur-bearing ani
much discussion of the matter, how mals growing fewer in number, a
ever, that gives rise to other comparison of the 1935 and 1936
thoughts about it. I think there can game census reports of the U. S.
be nothing more reprehensible than forest service reveals. With the ex
for a public official or employee to ception of elk and black bear, all
use the confidential information game animals showed Increases dur
which he obtains officially as the ing 1936.
basis for stock speculation. On the
"Nose counting" showed an esti
other hand, is it not questionable mated 8230 porcupine compared to
whether a government should try 7700 in 1935. In the fur-bearing
to tell any of its employees that class only skunks and racoons In
they cannot invest their surplus creased.
earnings in securities as a means
of increasing their income? The
FUTURE FARMERS ELECT
President said that "bona fide in
CORVALLIS,
Ore.—James McAl
vestments” are all right but the
question for which I have not been later of Enterprise was elected presi
able to find an answer is "how can dent of the Oregon Future Farmers
it be determined whether the pur of America at the business session
chase of a few shares of stock is of the annual convention here last
speculation or bona fide invest week.
Other officers elected were Robert
ment?”
That brings up of necessity the Lundy, Myrtle Point, vice-president;
difficulties of enforcement. It also Howard Conner, Henlry, secretary;
brings to the forefront a real dan Phil Heinoman, Amity, treasurer,
ger. That danger is not as remote and Jack Koch, Salem, reporter.
as It seems. I refer to the use of Instructors named to the executive
power in the hands of the Chief Ex committee were Alfred Loy, Enter
ecutive to take away individual lib prise; Ralph Morgan, Salem, and W.
erty of action.
S. Carpenter, Grants Pasa.
• Western Newspaper Union.
GEORGE VI AND ELIZABETH CROWNED
Five Million Voices Cry, "God Save the King!” as Guns Boom
Glad Tidings From Historic Tower of London.
London, England.—“God save
the King!”
As the great guns of the Tow
er of London boomed forth the
news that the Archbishop of
Canterbury had placed the
weighty Crown of St. Edward,
the Crown of England, upon the
head of George VI, the cry came
forth in a mighty swell from
five million throats as from the
throat of one man.
This was the climax of the great
est show on earth, a show for which
E generous share of the throng
which lined the six and one-half
miles of the processional route had
waited without moving from their
places through the dampness of a
London spring night and, indeed,
through part of the preceding day.
Those of the King's subjects who
had not been able to afford $2 to
$250 for a seat that would assure
them a glimpse of their new mon
arch on his proudest day began
marking off space along the curb on
the afternoon of May 11. Smart
alecks who thought they could put
off their vigil until sunrise of Cor
onation Day were doomed to stretch
their necks an inch or two in twelve
hours of straining to see over sev
eral rows of earlier arrivals.
“A Quiet Empire.”
It was a heavy day of work at
the end of many back-breaking
weeks of preparation for the 9,000
gentlemen and ladies of the peer
age whose rank and purse entitled
them to sit for an entire day in 10
to 25 pounds of clothing per capita,
on a hard seat 19 inches wide with
out ever moving. But it was a mag
nificent show.
"The Lord give you fruitful lands
and healthful seasons,” said the
archbishop in the benediction which
followed the crowning of the King,
“victorious fleets and armies, and a
quiet Empire. . . ”
No one in Britain could deny that
in a time of world-wide unrest, a
time of urgent necessity for im
perial strength and unity, the politi
cal expediency of "a quiet Em
pire” prompted the government to
make of this the most splendid cor
onation in all history. The gov
ernment expense in the crowning of
George VI has been estimated to
be double that in the coronation of
his father 26 years ago; its backing
of the dazzling pageantry required
expenditures of $2,620,000 of pub
lic funds, not counting an estimat
ed $500,000 spent by the royal house
hold in entertaining royal and for
eign guests.
In the vast coronation pageant
the government hoped to lend new
emphasis to that sentiment which
is the real bond holding the empire
together, and which is symbolized
by the crown and the man who
wears it. There is still an under
current of dissatisfaction over the
abdication of Edward VIII. The new
King and Queen must be popular
ized to the fullest possible extent.
The coronation was an opportunity
to accomplish this, and the govern
ment could afford to let none of it
slip past.
The show and the crowd lived up
go all advance billing. It was es
timated that there were 300,000 vis
itors who had to cross the ocean.
All London’s 12,000 hotel rooms
were sold out. Souvenir manufac
turers and vendors did the expected
land office business. The drink bill
for toasting the new King was
guessed at $10,000,000
Queen Goes First.
Pomp and regal solemnity were
byword of the day from the time
the King and Queen boarded the
coronation coach at Buckingham
Palace in mid-morning. Eight mag
nificent cream-colored horses drew
the ancient four-ton vehicle down
the streets it has traversed since
1761, when it was built for Queen
Anne. In its heavily ornate gold
and jewels it carried the spectators
back through the pages of history
to those days before the American
colonies had revolted and prevented
the British Empire from including
the lion’s share of North America.
The ancient coach, a tradition at
coronations, bore the royal couple
down the mall to the Abbey, where
the Queen’s procession left the King
to enter first, so that she could
stand and wait for him by the chairs
of state, or recognition chairs, in
front of the royal box where the
other members of the royal family
were seated.
Peers and peeresses were in their
places before the central figures of
the coronation drama arrived. And
before them the real martyrs had
assumed their positions. These were
the eight newspaper photographers
the government had permitted to be
present.
Abhoring the thought of flash
bulbs marring the solemnity of such
an occasion, but still anxious that
pictures be taken, officials hit upon
a solution. They provided camou
flaged quarters for camera men in
false pillars and other positions
which blended into the background
of the Abbey. Narrow slits in the
walls of these refuges enabled the
cameras to peer out at the spectacle.
But the poor "photogs!” They had
to be "set up” before anyone en
tered the Abbey and maintain their
—
—
wiy * n
King George VI and Queen Elizabeth, officially crowned in one of
history’s most spectacular and colorful coronations.
cramped positions for eight or nine
hours. They were not permitted
to withdraw until everyone else had
left.
A general color scheme of blue
and gold with rich, soft velvet hang
ings made a brilliant background
for the cast and for the spectators
in their gorgeous uniforms and
gowns. Peeresses wore robes of
crimson velvet, trimmed in ermine,
unless they happened to be of royal
blood, in which event they were re
quired to don the purple velvet of
royalty. The court gowns worn un
derneath were of white, cream, sil
ver or gold. Fashion experts es
timated that the most economical
of them cost at least $1,200. Uni
forms of the men started at about
$600 and went up from there.
History’s Greatest Gem Display
This did not, of course, include
the jewelry or the coronets. The
cheapest coronet could hardly have
been purchased for less than $100.
The total of all the rings, bracelets,
necklaces, etc., worn by the 9,000
present must have run into the mil
lions, and was probably the most
costly and magnificent display of
£
...
The Crown of St. Edward, or
Crown of England, made for Charles
II in 1662 and worn, because of its
excessive weight, for but a fleeting
moment by George VI during the
coronation ceremony.
gems ever worn in one place at
one time in the world’s history.
Rank of the members of the no
bility was indicated by the amount
of ermine on the robes of the wom
en and the length of their trains. A
duchess was marked by four rows
of ermine on her robe, and a train
two yards long. A marchioness was
permitted three and one-half rows
of ermine and a one-and-three-
fourths-yard train; a countess half
a row less of ermine, half a yard
less train; rank was further graded
down at half a row and half a yard
per classification.
The head of the procession, which
had included a great list of digni
taries, the King's representatives
and royal persons with their fam
ilies from all over the world had
been waiting at the west door of
the Abbey, and as the royal coach
approached, filed in to await their
monarch. Following them came the
chaplains, deans and officers of
Westminster, then the archbishops
with the Queen consort and the
ladies and gentlemen of the court.
Enter the King.
Noblemen close behind bore the
staff and the sceptre, with the cross
and the golden spurs, and the three
swords which signify mercy, tem
poral justice and spiritual justice.
These were the trappings of St. Ed
ward, with which English kings are
invested.
Then came more dignitaries, and
the King’s sceptre with the dove
symbolic of mercy and equity; the
King’s gold and diamond orb, sur
mounted by the Christian cross ; the
crown of St. Edward, the patent and
the chalice and the Bible.
Then entered George VI in the
crimson robes of state, to join his
Queen, and march through the choir
and up the stairs to the theatre.
Passing the thrones, they then
kneeled at the faldstools before the
recognition chairs to offer prayers.
Next they proceeded about the Ab
bey to all four sides before the
view of the assemblage. The King
went to his chair and once more
faced each side of the Abbey as the
Archbishop, in loud tones, an
nounced him.
After the regalia had been
brought and placed by the dean of
Westminster upon the altar, the
Archbishop asked the King, accord
ing to ritual, "Sire, is your Majesty
willing to take the oath?” and the
King answered, “I am willing.” He
gave his oath to govern the peoples
of the British Isles and the Empire
according to their laws and cus
toms; to maintain the profession of
the Gospel and the Church of Eng
land. After he had kissed the Bible
and signed the oath, the King re
peated and subscribed to the dec
laration required by parliament and,
with the assemblage, prepared for
the communion service.
Following this lengthy service,
the King, having first removed thé
cap and robes of state, ascended to
the throne of St. Edward, the an
cient chair which contains beneath
its seat the historic Stone of Scone
upon which the kings of Scotland sat
as they were crowned a thousand
years ago. After a silken pall had
been put over the King, the Arch
bishop anointed him upon the
hands, breast and face with the holy
oil, and he was ready to be pre
sented with the spurs and the
sword.
King Receives His Crown.
These given, George VI removed
the pall and was clothed for the first
time in the royal robe of purple.
The orb and cross were brought
from the altar by the Dean of West
minster and placed in the King’s
hands by the Archbishop. He was
next invested with the ring and the
sceptres.
Then as the King bowed his head
the Dean of Westminster brought
the Crown of St. Edward, and the
Archbishop, receiving it from him,
held it but momentarily upon the
head of the King (its weight is t er-
rifle).
This was the signal for the trump
ets and the guns in the Tower of
London, for the peers and peeresses
to cry “God save the King!" and
for the millions who, along the pro
cessional line outside, had been
waiting for that moment, to toss
their hats in the air and cry like-
wise, "God save the King!” The
peers were now allowed to put on
their coronets.
There followed more religious
ceremonies of great length and sol
emnity, and then the coronation of
the Queen, following which the peer
esses cried, “God save the Queen!”
and donned their coronets.
Still more long hours of cere
mony. Then, in the early evening
the King's coach at last passed once
more down the processional route,
and the millions who had waited all
day for the sight went home happy.