of the Day Are
Considered and
on Prominent
and Live Topics
HOAR.
HORNBLOWER.
SCOTT.
SOUTHERN PROGRESS
UNDER PROTECTION.
EAMES.
AMERICANS ARE
NATURAL PIBuEERS.
WARREN.
BALDWIN.
MASSACHUSETTS SENATOR
AGAUST BRYAMSM.
NATIONAL HONOR OVER
COLONIAL QUESTIONS.
WHAT REPUBLICANISM
HAS DONE IN WYOtt NG.
nniinni ininiin nninn
bUifouLIURIIKb KUitUD
ASSISTS THE EMPLOYES.
No Confidence in a Party that
Denies Self-Government.
Why Judge Hornblower De
clines to Support Bryan.
Improvement Directly Traceable
to Protection.
We Must Advance Commer
cially, Being Producers.
Miners and Stockraisers Are
Receiving Good Returns.
Better Chance for Railroad Men
than Ever Before.
n
EXPERTS
Tni Real Issue Is the Preservation of
National Financial Honor and Not
Whether Aguinaldo Shall
Succeed.
(By lion. George F. Hoar, United
Slates Senator.)
I am asked to state briefly why I think
anti-imperialists should vote for Presi
dent McKinley this fall. There is in my
judgment such a thing as imperialism,
and such a thing as anti-imperialism. The
Imperialist says the Philippine Islands
are ours. The anti-imperialists say the
Philippine Islands belong to the
Philippine people. The imperialists
say we will establish for them the
best government we think they are fit
for. The anti-imperialists say they have
a right to establish for themselves such
a government as they think good and fit
for themselves.
Now, President McKinley made the
treaty, and Mr. Bryan, when its defeat
was assured, came to Washington and
saved it. These two great political lead
ers, between whom you are to take your
choice, are equally responsible for every
thing that has happened so far. When
the treaty became the law of the land,
the public faith was pledged to pay $20,
000,000 for sovereignty over the Philip
pine Islands, and that Congress, and not
the people, should dispose of them here
after. It became the constitutional duty
of the President, until Congress shojild
act, or declare otherwise, to reduce them
to order and submission. The Supreme
Court of the United States so held long
ago. The only difference up to this point
betweeu President McKinley and Mr.
Bryan is that President McKinley be
lieved he was doing right, belonged to a
party which had always been, as he him
self had been, the champiou of political
liberty, in the past, and is right on all
of the other questions that are at stake
in the coming election, and is fit to be
trusted with all new questions that shall
arise. On the other hand, Mr. Bryan
thought the whole transaction wrong,
makes some thin and frivolous excuses
for his conduct, and the party with whom
he acts; and the men who surround him
and will surround him as his counselors
are men who have been the opponents of
righteousness, equality and civil liberty
always in the past, are wrong on all the
other great questions that are at stake In
the present election, and are not, in my
judgment, to be trusted with new ques
tions, however important or vital, that
are to come up in the future.
In the matter of imperialism there has
been little practical difference between
President McKinley and Mr. Bryan in
the past. There will be little practical
difference in the future. Mr. Bryan does
not even promise to use his power as ex
ecutive and commander-in-chief in call
lug our troops from the Philippines. He
only promises to call Congress together.
He knows very well he cannot command
even the strength of his own party to
undo the mischief which seventeen of his
own followers in the Senate, at his own
instance, wrought when they ratified the
treaty Messrs. McEnery, McLaurln,
Morgan. Pettus, Sullivan, Allen, Butler,
Harris, Teller, Kyle and Jones (of Ne
vada) liave not changed their minds.
Possibly Mr. Clay of Georgia and Mr.
Ivenney of Delaware among his associ
ates have done so. It Is hopeless, even
If the Democrats get a tie, or even a ma
jority in the Senate, to expect them to
accomplish anything in behalf of the in
dependence of the Philippine Islands.
In 1890 you regarded Mr. Bryan's cam
paign as a "passionate crusade of dis
honor." You said its success would bring
with it not only adversity, but disgrace.
Would its success not bring disgrace
now? Mr. Bryan said at Topeka that If
he were elected the free coinage of silver
should be accomplished before another
presidential election. Secretary Gage
ays he can lawfully accomplish it by
executive power alone. Whether Mr.
Gage is right in his construction of the
powers of the President under existing
law, I will not undertake to say. But I
will undertake to say that Mr. Bryan
will not hesitate to use that power if he
has the great authority of Mr. Gage for
its lawfulness. I do not believe the man
who promoted the ratification of the
Spanish treaty means business in this
matter of the Philippine Islands. But I
do believe he means business in the mat
ter of the free coinage of silver, In the
matter of free trade, and in his purpose
to reconstruct the Supreme Court. He
means bad business. He means business
which will overthrow prosperity and em
barrass manufacture; which will reduce
wages and destroy credit; which will de
bauch the currency and render the stand
ard of value uncertain; which will impair
tfee obligation of contracts and the value
of savings; which will hurt our credit and
break our faith. All this you believe, as
I do. You said bo in 1896. You have
been confirmed in your opinion by every
thing that has happeued since. Will yo'
support a candidate who, if he have his
way. you-admit will accomplish all these
things, because he and his party give you
an empty promise of justice to 10,000,
000 Asiatics, and at the same time threat
en grievous injustice and wrong to 10,
000,000 Americans?
T will not vote for a candidate for the
presidency, or help to bring a party into
power who, while they plant one heel on
the forehead of Booker Washington, and
the other on the forehead of Robert
Small, wave the flag over Aguinaldo and
Mabini. GEORGE F. HOAR.
Worcester, Max
Opinion of a Leading New York Jurist
Whose Elevation to the Supreme
Bench Was Beaten by
D. B. BBL
(By Judse William B. Hornblower of
New York.)
Judge William B. Hornblower of New
York, who was nominated to the Su
preme bench of the United States by
President Cleveland, and whose confirm
ation was beaten in the Senate for pure
ly personal causes by David B. Hill, has
made the following statement why he, a
Democrat, cannot support Byan:
I have been repeatedly asked during
the past few weeks what, in my judg
merit, is the duty of a Gold Democrat
who is also an Auti-Iinperialist, in the
pending presidential campaign. The
question is by no means a simple one,
and I can well understand and appreciate
the position taken by such men as Mr.
Sehurz, Mr. Shepard and Mr. Olney.
For my own part, however, I cannot see
my way clear to reaching their conclu
sions. The same reasons which compell
ed me to oppose Mr. Bryan in 189C com
pel me to oppose him in the present cam
paign. All the heresies, financial and
Populistic, which were embodied in the
tin-Democratic, crazy-quilt platform of
1896 are readopted without any attempt
at modification or mollification by the
Kansas City platform. The 16 to 1 plank
is expressly reaffirmed and redeclared,
and this at the instance of Mr. Bryan
himself. I cannot support a candidate
who still adheres to a proposition which,
to my mind, is a monstrosity and which,
if carried into effect, would in my judg
ment produce untold disaster to all
classes of the community and bring dis
honor and humiliation to our nation. The
fact, if it be a fact, that recent legisla
tion has made it difficult for Mr. Bryan
to carry into practice his avowed princi
ples does not, it seems to be, make il
any the more right to vote for a man
who still maintains these principles. It
is quite within the possibilities that dur
ing his administration, if he should be
elected, a complete change might be ef
fected in the political composition of both
houses of Congress, and the verdict of
the people expressed at the polls in favor
of Mr. Bryan's election as President
might be carried into effect. It will cer
tainly be Mr. Bryan's duty, according to
his expressed declaration, to do what in
iiim lies to bring about this result.
It is not to be forgotten that Mr. Bryan
is not only the candidate of what is left
of the Democratic party, but he is the
candidate also of the Populist party, and
has accepted the nomination on their plat
form. The radical notions of the Popu
lists, if ever carried into effect in this
country would reduce popular govern
ment to a position where we should be
the laughing stock of the nations, and
would produce a reaction in the minds of
the voters which would carry us far in
the direction of domestic Imperialism,
which I suppose will be conceded to be
of vastly more moment to us and to our
posterity than colonial imperialism. In
deed, the chief objection to colonial im
perialism is. its probable effect upon our
domestic institutions, and its tendency to
wards enlarging the powers of the execu
tive as between the executive and the
legislative departments of the govern
ment, and towards increasing the pow
ers of the Federal government as be
tween itself and the States.
The question as to what is the "para
mount issue" In this campaign Is one on
which men may honestly differ. Tt seems
to me, however, that the most important
issue before us at the present moment is
whether our domestic affairs are to be
thrown into confusion and exposed to dis
aster. The rights and wrongs of our co
lonial possessions must in this emergency
be subordinated to the rights and wrongs
of our own affairs.
Furthermore, I am by no means satis
fied that Mr. Bryan would be a safe per
son to whom to intrust the Imperialistic
questions which will confront us In the
future. In my judgment he ought to
have made his fight at the time when the
treaty with Spain was before the Sen
ate. He should have upheld the hands
of sach dissenting Republicans as Sena
tor Hoar, and he should have opposed to
the bitter end the principle of buying for
eign peoples without their consent and in
the midst of a war for independence on
their part. By supporting the treaty Mr.
Bryan made himself a party to Its com
pact, and Is, more than any other one
man, except Mr. McKinley, responsible
for the situation. The treaty was rati
fied, the purchase money was paid, the
islands are in our possession. In my
judgment, the question of their future
and of our future, as determined indi
rectly by their future, must wait until we
have settled the question of the present,
and that question is whether honesty, In
tegrity and common sense shall be ap
plied to the financial affairs of the United
States, or whether popular approval shall
be given to the vagaries, whims, arid fal
lacies of the Populists and Bryanites,
with all the resulting disaster and dis
honor. WILLIAM B. HORNBLOWER.
New York, Sept. IS.
"What I den on nee is a Protective
Tariff. It is false economy and the
most vicious political principle that
bas ever cursed this country." Will
iam Jennings Bryan in a sneech In
the Honse of Representatives, 1894,
advocating the passage of the Wilson-
uorman free Trade Tariff Law.
Acknowledged and Understood by South
ern Business Men and Planters,
Whose Sympathies Are with
Republicanism.
(By Hon. N. B. Scott, United States
Senator, of West Virginia.)
The South is the citadel of Democracy
in this country; it has also always been
the citadel of free trade. Twenty-five
years ago a protectionist Southerner was
almost as rare as a white blackbird. The
overthrow of the old Whig party had
practically eradicated that element of po
liticr.l society in that section.
But since then a great change has been
gradually going on. The growth of pro
tectionist sentiment in the South during
the last quarter century is one of the
most important developments of recent
political history.
It is a fact susceptible of ample proof
that whenever we have had a protective
tariff the whole country, North and
South, has prospered, and whenever we
have had a low tariff, or practically free
trade, the country has suffered from hard
times.
In every branch of productive indus
try that can be named there has been
$2,640,449
It Sort o' Looks as
increased activity and increased profit
during McKinley's administration as
compared with the previous low tariff of
Cleveland's administration. In these
benefits the South has fully participated
and shared equally with the North. All
this progress, improvement and profit is
due mainly to the Republican protective
tariff, operating according to the fixed
gold standard.
The change of opinion among the
Southern business men in regard to the
principle, of the tariff and other funda
mental business principles during the
present campaign has been wonderful; in
fact, quite revolutionary.
la West Virginia the feeling in favor
of protection is very strong; in fact, the
inhabitants realize that the Republican
tariff on coal and iron has been the mak
ing of the State. The farmers of the
State also appreciate the rise In prices
of farm products, which they see is due
not so much to bountiful crops as to a
good market for those crops. The re
cent tremendous increase in the foreign
demand for American coal is also appre
ciated at its full value by the West Vir
ginia people, and they are fully aware
that It has been rendered possible by the
protection afforded to home products by
the Dingley tariff.
The banking house of Hambleton &
Co. of Baltimore, all of the members of
which are prominent Democrats, have
come out with a circular to their clients
and correspondents all over the South,
in which they advocate the defeat of Bry
an and the re-election of McKinley, on
account of the great benefits to the South
which have accrued from the workings
of the Republican financial and commer
cial policy during the last four years.
In brief, so sectien of the country has
had a larger share of the general pros
perity during the present administration
than the South, and it has been due main
ly to the operation of the Republican tar
iff and currency laws, as the Southern
business men now understand and ac
knowledge. Never before In the history
of the United States has the output of
the Southern iron ore and pig-iron, lum
ber, coal and coke, been so large as it has
been in the past two years; and not for
years, if ever, have the prices been so
high. Never before was so large a pro
portion of Southern products shipped
from Southern ports. Never before has
money loaned there at such low interest.
All this has occurred under the gold
standard and the protective tariff. A few
years ago the South had practically no
manufactures; it has now over $1,000,
000,000 invested in factories, paying over
$350,000,000 in wages, and producing be
tween $1,500,000,000 and $2,000,000,000
products yearly. Most of this increase
has been secured under the present ad
ministration, and is directly due to the
operation of the Republican policies.
N. B. SCOTT.
Must Seek Markets Elsewhere and Cre
ate New Openings for Our Goods
Expan ion Natural in a
Nation's Li e.
(By John C. Fames, of the, H. B. Clafiin
Co., of New York.)
How any man at all interested in the
advancement and welfare of this great
country can preach the doctrine of anti
expansion is more than I can understand.
Anti-expansion means contraction, or
at least that would be the result. Unless
we seek markets for our goods outside of
the limits of our own country we cannot
advance commercially. We are a coun
try of producers. Not only do we draw
from nature's bountiful supplies of the
ground, but, by using the ingenuity
Providence has given us, we have demon
strated that we can by modern machin
ery turn out more manufactured goods
than we can use. Therefore we must not
only seek markets elsewhere, but we
must create new markets for our produc
tions. To do this our country must have
at least a foothold in other countries,
commercially at least.
It I'd Have to Expand.'
Our occupancy of Cuba and Porto Rico
has assured us of the greater part of the
trade with those islands. The influence
for good has not stopped there, but it
has extended to all the Spanish-speaking
countries of America. Inquiries from
these countries for American goods and
manufactures are becoming more numer
ous every day.
I wish to say right here from my own
knowledge of the business men in Cuba,
and from what they have said to me per
sonally, that I am sure that their confi
dence in us alone was what made them
continue business on the islands and feel
that there was a future for them. With
out an exception the business men from
Havana and other cities in Cuba have
stated frankly to me that if the United
States should withdraw entirely from
Cuba they themselves would feed obliged
to go out of business; that all business
confidence would be shaken.
Speaking especially of fabrics manu
factured from cotton, think how impor
tant it is that we find new markets for
our cotton goods. Of the nine to twelve
millions of bales of raw cotton produced
in this country two-thirds of it is ex
ported and made up into cotton cloths
abroad. The exportation of the raw ma
terial in Itself is an Immense factor in
our foreign trade and commerce, but how
much better it would be, instead of send
ing two-thirds of the raw cotton abroad
and using- one-third in manufacturing
goods in this country, to export one-third
and nse two-thirds here, exporting the
finished product, thereby doubling the
number of our mills and factories and
giving employment to twice the number
of operatives.
It is not probable that we will ever
gain very much of a foothold on Chinese
shores, for it does not seem to be the de
sire of the people of this country at large
that we should expand to that extent.
But we have the Philippine Islands, prac
tically forced upon us by circumstances,
which in the near future will prove to
be one of the most valuable territorial
acquisitions that we hare made since the
original thirteen States were organized.
Not only can we, in time, supply the
seven or eight million inhabitants of
those islands with practically everything
that they do not raise or manufacture
themselves, but we can use the islands
as a stepping-stone to Asiatic countries.
The majority of the large Hongkong and
Shanghai houses already have branches
in Manila, as well as representatives in
New York; this will complete the chain
of commercial intercourse between this
country and China.
What we need to expand onr trade and
commerce with other countries is a broad
and liberal policy by this government
such as the present administration has
adopted.
- JOHN O. EAMES.
New York.
Senator Warren Tells Why the West
Will Return Good Majorities for
McKinley and Rooftvtlt
This Year.
(By Hon. Francis E. Warren, United
States Senator.)
The people of Wyomiug are vitally and
intensely interested in the outcome of the
present campaign. Wyoming has been a
State but a little over eight years, and
of this period four years each of Demo
cratic and Republican government have
served to impress upon the minds of 'its
people two distinct and impressive ob
ject lessons. The first period was dur
ing the Democratic administration from
1893 to 1896 inclusive, in which we suf
fered so severely in business matters and
when our material conditions were con
fessedly so devoid of hope that as we
look back it all seems like a hideous
nightmare.
The second period of four years is that
formed by the McKinley administration.
At the outset of it we wrere awakened
to life and hope. During this time our
industries, depressed and unprofitable
under Democratic policies, have become
prosperous, and our business ventures
remunerative and satisfactory. The
ranches, farms, cattle, sheep, mines and
railroads of our State all give substantial
returns to the capital and labor expend
ed upon them, and our people, instead of
being constant borrowers, are now pay
ing their debts and becoming lenders.
Bryan's scare heads "Expansion, Im
perialism and Militarism" are not an
issue of the campaign in Wyoming. This
State is the product of expansion. Every
foot of its area of 97,000 sqnare miles
was formed from territory acquired by
acts of expansion such as the Louisiana
purchase, the seizure of the Oregon coun
try, the Mexican treaty, and the Cali
fornia purchase, and all this without the
consent of the governed.
One of our Wyoming volunteers who,
when the war broke out, was a leading
Democratic politician of the State, who
went to the Philippines as a private and
through merit won a commission, recent
ly wrote home as follows:
"I would like to be home so that I
could vote against Bryan. I hope he
will be defeated so badly that the buga
boo word Imperialism will never be
heard again."
The chief industries in Wyoming are
live stock raising, farming, coal mining
and railroad operation. Sheep, cattle
and horse raising form the greatest in
dustry of the State. During the four
years of Democratic administration, and
under the direct operations of the Wil
son tariff law, the condition of the sheep
and wool industry in Wyoming was ap
palling. Sheep brought less than oue
dollar a head; wool sold for five cents
and sometimes less per pound, and mut
ton shipments would scarcely realize the
railroad freight to market. During that
four years the highest annual assessed
valuation of all the sheep in the State
was $1,308,000.
But with the McKinley administration
and the Dingley tariff of 1897 sheep,
which could scarcely find a purchaser at
a dollar a head, now sell for four dollars.
Wool now brings from fourteen to seven
teen cents. Mutton now sells for from
four to six cents a pound on foot. And
the assessed valuation of sheep in Wy
oming is now $5,420,493, a gain in four
years of over 300 per cent.
The contrast between the cattle In
dustry under Democratic and Republi
can administrations is almost as start
ling. From 1893 to 1897 depression and
ruin was the rule. But, as in the sheep
business, the election of McKinley and
inauguration of Republican policies
wrought a marvelous change. Mixed
herds of cattle for the past three. years
have sold for thirty to thirty-five dollars
a head; calves bring fifteen to twenty
dollars a head, and steers now net the
cattle raiser from forty-five to fifty-five
dollars each. The assessed valuation of
cattle in the State now amounts to $6,
154,000 and Is rapidly increasing.
Under the past four years of Repub
licanism, Wyoming has grown to be an
important factor among the coal-producing
States. During the four years of
Democratic rule, with the same number
of mines as at present, the annual pro
duction was 2,439,311 tons as against
4,500,000 tons per annum during the
past two years of the McKinley adminis
tration. The increase in production
means more miners, more days worked,
better pay.
The most hopeful feature of Wyom
ing's business condition is to be found in
the fact that its local banks now carry
the credits of its business people. The
deposits of Wyoming banks have increas
ed four-fold in the past four years and
the number of depositors has increased
five-fold. Western banks are now as in
dependent of the East as the East Is of
Europe, and it will be difficult, I think,
for Mr. Bryan to convince our people
that this comfortable state of affairs is
not due directly to the wise and patriotic
policy of the Republican party.
In 1896, when four years of depression
and disaster had almost driven our people
to despair, Bryan carried the State by
about 250 plurality. Now if the people
will spare time from business, from the
ranch and from the mine to go to the
polls, this plurality will not only be lost
to Mr. Bryan, but the McKinley and
Roosevelt electors will carry the State
by a substantial majority.
FRANCIS E. WARREN.
United States Senator.
Cheyenne, Wyo.
A Return to the Old System of Hlfh
Freights, High Fares and Jerk
water Railroads Is an Impossibility.
(By William H. Baldwin, Jr., President
of the Long Island Railroad.)
To appreciate the significance of the
value of railroad consolidation to the pub
lic, it is only necessary to attempt to
conceive of a return to former conditions.
The small independent railroads, with
their relatively small number of em
ployes, each road with its own standards
of equipment dependent upon the idiosyn
crasies of its principal officers or direc
tors; each road with responsibilities to
the public as a carrier only to the extent
of its own short lint all these limita
tions suggest a local independence which
would permit to the railroad the employ
ment of labor on the basis of "supply"
for its small demands.
On the other hand, the gradual growth
of large systems composed of many such
small lines produces a new and constant
ly growing responsibility to the public,
until finally a point is reached where the
law of supply and demand affects but
remotely the skilled labor necessary in
transportation service. The function per
formed by railroads has become too im
portant to the body politic to permit of
any solution of these serious labor and
wage questions, except by intelligent con
sideration on the part of the representa
tives both of the management and of the
employes.
The effect of consolidation bas brought
many good results to the employes: An
increased ability on the part of the rail
roads to pay higher wages; to "employ
more men; an improvement in standards
of tracks and equipment, which has re
duced the hours for a day's work and
has made the service less dangerous. It
has also made the employment of men
in the service more regular throughout
the year and thus kept together a regular
force, and has developed a code of stand
ard rules, governing the army of em
ployes, which have dignified their em
ployment and made more permanent their
positions.
The saving by consolidation is due to
the ability to develop business econom
ically. Conversely, the business of any trunk
line to-day could not be handled by a
series of independent lines with varying
standards, at the present rates which are
profitable to the larger lines. With the
improved efficiency and economy of trans
portation, rates have constantly declined
and traffic has been continually develop
ed. With increased density of traffic,
the number of employes has been increas
ed in proportion and has been paid a
higher wage. The improved facilities
and higher speed of trains have made the
day's work for a trainman, not oue hun
dred miles as a maximum, but as a min
imum, so that to-day, with high speed
trains, the trainman may earn in two
hours' time a wnee hicher than he pnrn-
ed in earlier days in five hours' time.
Even though the wage per mile run were
the same to-day as in past years, the ac
tual work which the trainman can phy
sically do within reasonable hours is
oftentimes 100 per cent greater. The lo
comotive engineer of to-day may average
easily one hundred and seventy-five miles
per day, and at an increased rate of pay
over the one-hundred-mile day of the
past.
In railroads, more than in any class of
labor in this country, we have seen the
results of wise leadership on the part of
the trade unions. Both capital snd labor
aim at monopoly; the best result is ob
tained only when intelligent counsel pre
vails. The railroads are moving on to
ward greater consolidations and with con
stantly increasing benefit to their million
employes and to the public. More and
more each year the managements of rail
roads acknowledge their public duties,
more and more each year the operation
of railroads is becoming a governmental
function, so that, as I see it, the beat
Mtl ill U 1 1 ...1 . V. ..
conuiuuu win ue reircuvu wucii cur re
lations between the government and the
railroads are Intelligently defined, with
the management and operation left in
the hands of private persons. The ideal
condition is to so operate the railroads
as to approach an ideal governmental
operation and yet to retain the ownership
in private capital.
The history of railroad wages has
shown that the public has been willing
always to recognize the responsibilities
of railroad men, and has given its sym
pathy to them in their reasonable de
mands. The employes, as a rule, have
shown an intelligent understanding of
the reasonable wage, and when they
have not acted fairly and wisely they
have not been supported by the public,
have been refused their demands by the
railroads and have learned that reason
must prevail.
WM. H. BALDWIN, JR.
New York.
REMEMBER!
"If there is anyone who believes the
Gold Standard is a good thing, or
that it must be maintained, I warn
him not to cast bis ballot for me, be
cause I promise him it will not be
maintained in this country longer
than I am able to set rid of it." Will
iam Jennings Bryan in a speech as
Kuoxv Ule, Tenn., Sept. 16. 1896.