RURAL MAIL SERVICE I MANUFACTURERS HAVE
STARTED BY M'KiHLEY. I A VERY BUSY YEAR.
BORROWINfl.
LENDINO.
PROTECTIVE TARIFF
SCUTTLE AND PANIC
ARE BRYAN'S POLICY.
APPROVED BY BRITISH.
History of the Daily Delivery
in the Country.
Exports Under the Dingley Law
Show Vast Growth.
Crockery and Glassware Manu
facturing Stimulated.
Why Richard OIney Supports
the Nebraskan.
Democrats Said that the Plan Was Im
practicable, but the Republicans
Have Thoroughly Demonstrated
Its Value to Fanners.
The Demand for Raw Material Is So
Great that Imports of Manufactur
ers' Material Have Also
Greatly Increased.
The British Consul at Chicago Makes a
Report to His Government Indors
ing the Republican Protec
tive Policy.
He Always Has Been a Believer in Haul
ing Down the Flag and Shirking
Responsibilities Falling to
the Coun.ry.
,
Rtn-ai free delivery of mail is the off
spring of the MeKinley administration
of the Postorfice Department. Its de
velopment from au insignificant begin
ning of forty-four routes and an nppro
proarion for the fiscal year which closed
In 1807 to its present magnificent pro
portions with the rural routes numbered
by the thousands and an appropriation
of $1,750,000 voted for its further exten
sion taring the present fiscal year, has
all been brought about by the MeKinley
administration.
A laoveuieut to broaden the free deliv
ery of the mails was started by Post
master General Wanamaker under the
Republican administration of Gen. Har
rison, ft took the rorin of village free
delivery, and was more au extension of
city delivery to smaller comnfunitic-s than
a free delivery to farmers, but limited as
was its scope and successful tliough it
was in increasing postal receipts and
postal facilities, it encountered Demo
cratic opposition. When Mr. Cleveland
came Inj his Postmaster General fearing
its effect in popularizing Republican prin
ciples and disseminating Itepublicnu lit
erature, ordered it dropped.
It was a Hepnbiican administration
that conceived and executed the idea of
brightening the home of the farmer, edu
cating his children, increasing the value
of We land, compelling the improvement
of the roads, and bringing the news of
the markets and the weather so as to se
cure Mm a better price for his crops by
delivering daily Iris mail to liini ou his
farm. Every Democratic House of Rep
resentatives since Ihe idea was first
broached of carrying the mails into the
rural districts, has declared against it.
The Forty -third Congress, with a Demo
crat from North Carolina as chairman of
the committee on postoffices and post
roads, proclaimed the plan impossible,
and turned it down. Postmaster Gen
era! Bisseil, Postmaster General Wilson
and First Assistant Postmaster General
Jones in the Cleveland administration,
all took up the cry of extravagance and
Impossibility of execution. Consequently
little or nothing was done to give the
farmers access to the mails nntii Clove
land went out of office.
Woen First Assistant Postmaster
General Perry S. Heath took up the
rural service under the direction of the
President and the Postmaster Genera! in
March, 1897. it was languishing to the
point of extinguishment, and in a few
months more would have been starved to
death, like Mr. Wanamaker's village de
livery. The official reports of the Post
office Department record that it was with
surprise that President MeKinley and
those to whom he entrusted the adminis
tration of postal affairs, learned that
there was such a thing as an experi
mental rural free delivery mail service
In progress.
They at once grasped its possibilities
and advocated its immediate development
end a Republican Congress generonsly
seconded their efforts. Under this vivi
fying touch, it has grown until there is
not now a State in the Union that has
not felt the civilizing and educational in
fluemcc of rural free mail delivery, and
not one that does not desire a further
expansion of the service. On the 1st of
Juue, 1900, there were 1,200 rural ser
vices In actual operation and 2,000 ap
plications for an extension of the system
In process of establishment by special
agents appointed for the purpose.
The appropriations for the rural free
delivery service have been increased from
F50.G80 in the fiscal year 1897-98 to $150,
000 In 1898-99. and then to $450,000 in
189S-1900. and lastly to $1,750,000 for
the present fiscal year 1900-01.
Three years' experience has shown that
Id well-selected rural districts the mails
can be distributed to the domiciles of the
addressees or in boxes placed within rea
sonable distance of the farmers' homes
at some cross roads or other convenient
spot at a cost per piece not exceeding
that of the free delivery in many of the
cities of the United States. In the vast
majority of communities where 1t has
been tested, the rural free delivery ser
vice has obtained so strong a hold that
public sentiment would not permit its dis
tontinivanee. It has been a revolution,
nd revolutions do not move backward.
It costs very little more than the old
colonial style of postal service which it
supersedes, and it invariabljr brings a
large and compensating increase in the
amount of postal receipts turned Into the
treasury. But even if it does cost more
than the obsolete old plan, are not the
farmers entitled to some of the benefits
of the government which they help so lib
erally to support by their taxes? The
country can well afford to continue and
extend a system wtiich mnkes better citi-
("us and happier homes and contributes
rgely to the mental, moral and material
dvaneement of all the people.
Rural free delivery of mail has come
:o stay, and the Republican administra
tion which brought it into being will stay
with it.
Trade Expansion in South America.
According to the Manufacturer, the
prcseut disturbances in China harve em
phasized the necessity of American man
ufacturers developing an outlet for their
goods in Central and South America
above what they now control. Produc
tion has reached a point of development
that manufacturers are seeking every
outlet for the production of their mills
and works. Quite a nnmber of the lead
ing exporters are looking south for new
fields of enterprise. This is as it should
be, for the mure goods that are manufac
tured nnd exported the greater the pros
perity and chance for wage workers at
borne.
Growth of Foreign Commerce.
Our foreign commerce under a Republi
can administration in 1900 was worth
$2,244,193,543; under a Democratic free
trade adminisrratioo in 1895 it was worth
Only $1,539,508,139. an increase of seven
hundred million dollars a year in favor
f the Republican party.
The manufacturers of the United
States are making their greatest record
in this closing year of the century. Busy
workshops, smoking chimneys, factories
running on double time aud, in some
cases, the full twenty-four hours with
three shifts of hands, are an evidence of
this; but exact proof is found in the re
port of the chief of the bureau of statis
tics, just issued, which shows an enor
mous increase in the importation of the
raw materials which they use in manu-
' facturing and an equally enormous in
crease in the exportation of finished man
ufactures. Importations of manufactur
ers' materials in the fiscal year 1900
! were more than double those in the fiscal
year 1894 and, during the three fiscal
years in which the Dingley law has been
in operation, have exceeded, by more
than $100,000,000, the Imports of raw
materials in the three years in which
the Wilson law was in operation, while
the exportations of finished inannfac
tnres, in the three years under the Ding
ley law. have exceeded, by more than
$300,000,000, the exportations of manu
factures in the three years -under the
Wilson law.
Evidence from Official Sources.
Here are the official figures showing
.1 : ,....--.. ,
LUC I : ii " ' i I a i lull ui uiouuiaLiuicin jn.i-
terials and exportations of manufactures
in the fiscal years 1895, 1890 and 1897,
all of which were under the Wilson low
tariff, contrasted with those during the
fiscal years 1898, 1899 and 1900. which
were under the Dingley tariff. The Wil
son tariff, it will be remembered, went
into operation Aug. 28, 1894, and the
Dingley tariff on July 20, 1897, so that
the fiscal years ending June 30, 1895,
189(5 and 1897, were practically all with
jn the operations of the low tariff and
those of 1898. 1899 and 1900 were prac-
tically all within the operations of the
Dingley tariff.
Imports of manufacturers' materials
and exports of manufactures under the
Wilson and Dingley laws, respectively:
Imports of materials Exports of
for manufacturing. manufactures.
Per ct. Per ct.
Wilson law of total. of total.
1895.. 5191,119,810 26.11 I83,59.743 23.14
1898.. 209.368,717 26.85 228,571,178 26.48
1897.. 214,916,625 2S.10
Total. $615. 405,152
Dingley law
1S98.. 204.543.917 33.20
1899.. 222.013,239 31.85
1000. . 302.264,196 35.57
5689,452,312
200.697,354 24.02
83)3,675,558 28.13
432,284,366 81,57
Total. $728,821,352 $1,061,657,278
The above table Is worthy of careful
study. We have been hearing, for years,
from Democratic orators first, that free
raw materials would help the manufac
turers, and, second, that a protective
tariff destroys our chances In foreign
markets, yet it will be seen by this table
that the importations of "Articles in a
crude condition for use in domestic in
dustries" amounted, in the three years
under the Wilson free trade law, to $015,-.
405,152, while in the three years under
the Diugley protective tariff they amount
to $728,821,352. Look also at the narrow
column, which Indicates the percentages
of the total imports which these raw ma
terials form, and yon will see that they
form a much greater proportion of the to
tal imports under the Republican system
of protection than under the Democratic
system of free trade. Why? The an
swer is simple enough. Under the Dem
ocratic low tariff, absolute free trade in
-omo particulars, many manufacturers
were compelled either to close their
works or reduce their output owing to
the heavy importation of manufactures
from abroad under the low tariff rates.
Hence the small consumption of raw
material in manufacturing. This differ
ence of more than $100,000,000 in the
quantity of raw materials imported in the
three years means a difference of several
hundred millions of dollars in the amount
of goods manufactured and hundreds of
millions in the amount of money paid to
ivage earners in the various manufactur
ing lines. J
Failures Are Fewer.
The total liabilities of firms that failed
:n the year ending June 30, 1900, was
$90,879,889. In the year 1890 the fail
ing firms owed $220,090,834. It will thns
be seen that the amount lost is only
tbout one-third what it was in 1895. It
te'ls die story of prosperity.
JONES AND HIS
How Did He Get His Trust Stock and What n; Fay for It?
The composite chairman of the Popu
list Democracy, Senator Jones of Arkan
sas, is still resenting with considerable
heat the charge that since he is such an
important officer of the American Cotton
Company (capital $7,000,000; John E.
Searles, lately treasurer of the sugar
trust, grand mogull, it must be that he
is a high priest in the trust temple, or.
at least, that he is a reckless, abandoned
plutocrat. To do Mr. Jones entire jus
tice, we suppose that the American Cot
ton Company is not a vicious trust which
deserves to be destroyed, any more than
a number of other corporations of $".
000,000 capital in the hands of former
officers of more monopolistic trusts. Pre
sumably the American Cotton Company
will make all the money it can. will make
dividends, indeed, upon its $7,000,000 .of
stock. Mr. John E. Searles can be trust
ed to look after a little tiling like that,
even if Mr. Jones devotes all of his at
tention for the next three months, or for
the next three years, for that matter, to
Populist Democratic politics exclusively.
The phase of Mr. Jones' connection
with the American Cotton Company
which we would like him to explain is
this, rather: How much of the $7,000,
000 of the stock of the company has he
got. how did he get it. and what did he
THE POLITICAL SfTUATJ Q
WHO IS MARK HAM! ?
Who is this Marcus Hanna, oa.
That people call him great?
Is he the man w.ho holds the helm
Which guides the ship of state?
Ts he like old Goliath tall
Like some steeple in the sky.
Or, is he that awful wicked man
Who winks the other eye?
Tut, tut, my son, he's just a man
Like good old Reuben Blue,
Who has bis way of doing things,
And "knows a thing or two!"
But why does Bryan hate him so,
And Popocrats berate?
Is it because he's old and slow.
And isn't up to date?
Oh, no, my son, yon bet your life
He's not so very slow,
For when bis shoulder's to the whec. .
The cart is bound to go.
The reason why the Ponocrats
Now tremble at his name,
Is 'cause he did it to 'em once
An's goin' to do the same
Again this fall, and bury deep
Bill Bryan and his host
In 'some dark place where Tagal clans
Forever more will roast,
Where boiling oil, bolos and spears
And Aguinaldos dwell
place, my son, so hot and bad,
Its name I must not tell.
8. L. G.
Plenty of Money Circulating.
President McKinley's letter of accept
ance called attention briefly but effective
ly to the per capita circulation of money
in the United States. This per capita
circulation marks the high water of
American prosperity. It is now $20.85
for every man, woman and child in the
country. To show its growth, in spite,
of the predictions of the calamity free
silver cries, this table is appended:
Circulation
Tear. per capita.
1870 $17 50
1875 17 10
1880 19 41
185 23 02
1890 22 82
1895 22 93
1900 20 50
COTTON GALE.
give for it? Is his
an eminent one in
the board of dire?
investors? Did .....
par in "cash rimiey'
nptue. undoubtedly
'inartere. used ir
.s a bait to catcb
Junes himself pay
for the stock thai
he holds? F
part of K.
i . possession of it. or any
ro the fact that he is in-
fluent:';! .n Ii.:1 liiiaiici' committee at thf
United States Senate, and by virtue ol
his position there could do his company
or Mr. Searles", or almost any company
of the kind in which he or Mr. Searles
might have an interest, a very important
service at a very critical time?
We have never known a gentleman o1 1
Mr. Jones' financial prospects to grow
rich suddenly except by some means ol
this kind. In other words, and to be
plain, it is fair to infer, until Mr. Jones
denies i"t. that he is "it," neither o.n ac
count of his cash, nor his property,' noi
some invention of demonstrated value,
but rather on account of his "pull" or his
swing. We say that it is fair to infei
this until Mr. Jones denies -it, becaust
Mr. Jones, by reason of his unjust at
tacks upon leading Republicans puts
himself very much in the public eye anc
invites attack from any quarter. Mr
Jones has no business to live in a glass
house with perfect safety if be is going
to keep throwing such large stones.
M'KINLEY ON THE WAR.
The Government Will Carry Libert
Into All Its Domain,
At the exercises in connection with the j
presentation by the Navy Department U j
the city of Canton. Ohio, of a canuon ;
captured at Santiago, the President, af
ter repeated culls, responded as follows j
on July 4. 1900:
"My Fellow Citizens I will not con
sent to prolong these exercises beyond
making acknowledgment for your gen
erous call and expressing as well the
pleasure which 1 have had in participat
ing with my neighbors aud fellow citizens
in the observation of this anniversary
one of the most significant, if not the
most significant, in American annals. The
sacred principles proclaimed in 1770 in
the city of Philadelphia, advanced tri
umphantly at Yorktown. made effective
In the formation of the Federal Union in
1787, sustained by a united people in
every war with a foreign power, upheld
by the supreme sacrifices of the volun
teers of 1801, sealed in solemn covenant
at Appomattox Court House, sanctified
within the last two years with the best
blood of the men of the North and the
men of the South at Manila and San
tiago and in Porto Rico Still animate
the American heart, and still have their
force and virtue. (Loud and enthusias
tic applause.) Aiid adhering to them as
we have always adhered to them at any
cost, or at any sacrifice, we find ourselves
after one hundred and twenty-four years
formed into a more perfect union, stron
ger and freer thnn ever before, strength
ened in every one of its great funda
mental safeguards, and mightier in its
power to execute its holy mission of lib-,
erty, equality ana justice, summoning
the precepts of the fathers, we will main
tain inviolate the blessings of free gov
ernment at home and carry its benefits
nnd benediction to our distant possessions
which lie under the shelter of our glorious
flag." (Enthusiastic and long-continued
applause.)
Exports Increase $600,000,000.
We exported $1,394,479,214 worth of
merchandise in the year ending June 30,
1900. That was undo a Republican
administration. In the year ending June
30. 1895, under a Democratic adminis
tration, we exported goods worth $793,
392.599. The increase favoring the Re
mihlican policy is almost exactly six hun
dred million dollars in the year.
Advantages of the protective tariff sys
tem accruing to the workingmeu of this
country is shown in a report of the Brit
ish vice consul at Chicago to his govern
ment, in which he deals with the china,
earthenware and glass trade of Chicago,
lie points out that the high tariff on
goods of this character has enabled
Americans to start factories for the man
ufacture of these goods, and more will
soon be built. In his report the vice
consul says:
"For vears the British potter has been
the supplier of the American market,
and he still continues to lead, but with
the general increase of the production in
the United States, and the rapidly grow
ing competition from Japan, this lead
can only be maintained by a strict watch
being kept on the market and the nature
of the goods demanded, as well as the
prompt filling of orders. Chicago buyers
go over once or twice a year to Europe
o buy for the local market and the arge
district supplied from that city as a dis
tributing center, and it should be the aim
of producers to get in touch with them.
Imports increased 13.05 per cent in 1899.
as compared with 1.898. and the value
1,518,598 from 1,837,452.
"There are no potteries in the consu
lar district of Chicago, the chief ones
being in New Jersey and East Liverpool,
Ohio, nnd the output last year was 2.
000,000. The sale of American crockery
has increased immensely, and is only
checked by the works having all they
can do. The improvements in the last
few years in American pottery, especial
ly at East Liverpool, have been great,
and there are now sixty factories, but of
these only ten are turning out first-class
work, and none can equal the best for
eign products, but it must be remembered
that the demand for the more expensive
article is limited.
"The high tariff, 00 per cent, which
assures the American product of a mar
ket, has had the effect of increasing the
number and size of the American fac
tories, and with a rise in the price of the
British article they will still further in
crease. "The American earthenware takes a
place near that of the English and is su
perior to the coarse German earthen
ware, and the product of most potteries
is heavier than the former aud is more
durable than the latter. The colors are
not so well put on as in the British, aud
the whole article is. as a rule, . coarser,
and yet underglazed patterns and float
blue have not been made successfully,
and, with the process the same, purchas
ers will not take the American article.
Every manufacturer in the United States
procures specimens of ertch new British
design, and copies are made if it is
thought likely to take in the market. The
manufacture of china in the United
States is not yet competing with the
United Kingdom, but is improving rap
idly. "Cut glass, for the manufacture of
which there are one or two small fac
tories in Chicago, has a large sale, and
the American article is said to. be vastly
superior in design, cutting, shape, polish
and luster to any other, and it is claimed
that the polishing by acids has a great
superiority over the hand polishing. Bo
hemian glass till has a good market, but
it is found that the British glass is made
too fine, and the thin stemmed goblets
are not g'Hd ffr the rough treatment they
receive in the United States. American
or Belgian cut glass is preferred. The
demand for glass w-hich formerly came
from I.eith and Edinburg, has now turn
ed to the United States, which also ex
ports cut glass to Great Britain and Ger
many." Demand for Hog and Cattle Products.
Through the Republican policy Of open
ing the mills and of restoring confidence
to general business, practically every
workman in the United States has be
come able, since 1896, to have all the
fresh meat he wants. The fact that the
city workman can afford to eat more
roast beef, chops, hams, veal cutlets,
bacon, pork, sausages, etc., than he could
in 1890 means of course that there must
be more money in the farmer's business
of raising corn to feed to cattle and hogs.
Take the many other products derived
from cattle and hogs, which had been
raised on corn, like lard, glue, gelatine,
isingla-ss, curled hair for mattresses, etc.,
brush bristles, felts, soap, glycerine, am
monia, fertilizers, hoofs for button mate
rial, cut bones for knife handles, etc.,
poultry foods from dried meat scraps, al
bumen for fixing colors and finishing
leather, neatsfoot oil, etc., all these have
naturally more extended uses when times
are prosperous than when they are not.
For instance, lard nearly every cracker
made Is about one-eighth of It lard. In
prosperous times the families of work
men go on picnics, travel, eat oyster
stews, and do other things which great
ly increase the consumption of crackers.
As a result of sneh increased demands
for the products from slaughtered hogs
and cattle, which in turn means better
demand for com, there has been an en
hancement in the value of live hogs and
cattle as follows:
Jan. t 1897. Jan. 1. ISOO.
'Tattle $507,929,421 $689,486,200
logs 100,272.770 245,725,000
Total $074,202,191 $935,211,200
American Railway Supplies Abroad.
A 4,000-ton steel rail contract has just
been booked in Pennsylvania for the
Cape Colony government railways. This
follows another order of 3.000 tons of
rails delivered before the war began. An
other recent shipment is 3,000 tons,
which have . been sent to Borneo. This
is good commercial expansion.
Once a Deficit, Now a Balance.
There is a Burplus of $81,229,771 In the
United States treasury. Five years ago,
inder the Democratic free trade policy,
litre was a deficit of $42,805,228.
Mr. Richard OIney has done a publU
service to the entire country by forcing
every voter to face the fact that Mr.
Bryan's election means scuttle.
Mr. OIney was oue of an administra
tion which withdrew from the Hawaiian
Islands. He would repeat the act. We
are in the Philippines. Mr. OIney would
leave. President McKinley's adminis
tration has protected American citizens
from massacre and American women
from outrage in China. Mr. OIney de
nounces its acts as the. acts of the
"weakest and silliest of administra
tions." The administratiou has demand
ed the open door in China, and when
Manehu reaction and massacre threat
ened to close aud bolt the door Presi
dent MeKinley has thrust in the wedge
of 5,000 victorious American troops to
keep the door open from Chinese intol
erance or European aggression. But this
is a part of that policy on which Mr.
OIney urges Mr. Bryan's election, be
cause "so far as the injurious conse
quences of past courses can be averted
or mitigated something may be hoped
from those not primarily respousible for
them."
"From their official authors aiid justl
fiers uothing but persistence in' thesa
courses can reasonably be expected,"
says Mr. OIney. lie is right. If re
sistance to American authority comes
on American territory President Me
Kinley will suppress it. Where the flag
has been hauled down, as in Hawaii,
he will replace it, and the American peo
ple will vote to keep it there. Where
citizens are in peril President MeKinley
will protect them, in all iauds. Where
their claims to just jndeiuHity. as iu
Turkey, have been systematically neg
lected by a previous administration, of
which Mr. OIney was Secretary of State,
President MeKinley will insist on pay
ment. Mr. OIney objects to this policy. The
American people approves. Vermont
demonstrates it. That New England
State stands for the flag and all it pro
tects. Mr. OIney demands a policy of
scuttle. To' him this "outweighs" all
else. He admits that panic will come
with Bryan; but better, he says, iu
substance, "Scuttle and Panic" than
"Sovereignty and Security."
We accept the issue. We trust Mr.
Oliiey can be induced to accompany
Mr. Bryan on his platform campaign to
urge scuttle with a vigor and plainness
of speech his chief, his leader and his
guide dodges. Mr. Bryan talks of a
"stable government" in the Philippines.
Mr. OIney objects because we "forcibly
expelled Spain from her Philippine pos
sessions." Mr. OIney returned the Ha
waiian Islands to one tyrant. He is
ready to return the Philippines to an
other. The American people is not. Mr.
OIney is a lawyer. He knows that the
legal choice lay between Spanish sov
ereignty and ours. He prefers Spanish.;
American voters do not. Mr. OIney
talks of much else, but his heart is in
a policy of scuttle. He denounces the
Dingley tariff. Perhaps he thinks voters
prefer the tariff his chief signed and
which brought depression, desolation
and deficits. He complains of "the
most intimate relations between th
United States treasury and the money
market." As he looks at our credit on
a 2 per cent basis and British bonds
seeking a market in New York he per
haps hopes to persuade the country that,
those were better aud more prosperous,
days "when Mr. OIney approved .secret
contracts with money changers dictating,
their terms at the White House, when,
our bonds had to be sold in London at
usurions rates to buy gold and prop tho
sinking credit of the treasury, which,
cowered before bankers who to-day have
no word in its policy.
Mr. OIney has done well for the Re
publican party. He has recalled ro tho
public those dire days of a Democratic
administratiou of which he was a part
when our railroads were in the hands of
receivers, our factories closed, our treas
ury empty, our credit gone and our Hag
disgraced. He demands again days of
pauie, of a free trade tariff, of crash and
failure, of breaking banks and bankrupt
firms. These "calamitous possibilities."
which were calamitous certainties under
the Cleveland-Olney administration, are
"outweighed,' says Mr. OIney. by the
certainty of a policy of "scuttle" from
Mr. Bryan. Under him citizens will no
longer, in peril, see the flag coming with
salvation in its folds, brought to Pekia
by "the weakest and silliest of adminis
trations;" the flag will come down in the
Philippines, and it will be withdrawn, a
Mr. OIney withdrew it in Hawaii, though
In Cuba Mr. OIney is willing to break
national faith aud protests against this
island being "alien territory." Trust a
proslavery Democrat to grab Cuba and
to insist, as he does, that it must be
come an "integral part of the United
States," which the Republican party did
not accept as to annexed territory when
urged for slavery aud will not when urg
ed for scuttle.
Mr. OIney is a Democrat. He needs
a party. He has no other, ft would ha
strange if he did not support a Demo
cratic candidate unless he were a public
peril. A public peril he admits Mr.
Bryan is, but since Mr. OIney must sup
port him, in spite of this, it is of grave
public service that he has made plain te
all men that Mr. Bryan not only means
disaster -at home but disgrace abroad a
policy of scuttle, surrender and retreat,
Philadelphia Press.
France Disapproves of MeKinley.
It appears that President McKinley's
letter of acceptance has met with a very
frosty reception iu France. President
McKinley's ground with respect to the
Philippines does not moot the approval
of the French press. All the better rea
son for sustaining the President.
France's attitude during the Spanish war
has not yet faded from memory.