DENT M'KINLEY'S LETTER ACC
RESIDENT M'Kl'NLEY'S letter
of acceptance is probably the most
important unofficial document is
in this country in a quarter of a
century. The President takes the coun
Itrj Into his confidence and throws a new
Sight upon the history of the past two
jreara. Irrespective of its caustic arraign
jnent of the critics of the administration
jand its forceful clinching of the fact that
iBryanism means the "immediate" de
struction of the gold standard and sub
Lttaition therefor of free silver coinage
mt the ratio of 16 to 1, the letter is im
portant in the historic sense because it
gives the American people their first
knowledge of the statesmanship and con
ditions connected with recent epoch-making
events.
The President, although by nature a
wild and conciliatory man, can be arous
ed to a point of dangerous combativeness,
'and when the mood is on him he becomes
one of the most effective debaters we
'have had in this country for many years.
In bis letter he wastes no time In what
might be called preliminary sparring, but,
having definitely located the enemy's
YltaJ spot, which is the free silver heresy,
e strikes at it with force and precision.
The financial question, he says, may not
he the paramount issue, bnt it is the im
mediate lssne. "It will admit of no de
ity and will suffer no postponement."
JTor has not the Democratic party declar
ed for the "Immediate" coinage of silver
at a ratio of 16 to 1 ? And is there any
'doubt that Mr. Bryan, who insisted upon
tho insertion of the silver plank in the
platform, against the advice of the best
men in the party, will use every means.
M he Is elected, to carry his principles
Into practice?
After paying the tribute of his regret
that the Democratic party by its nominee
.sad its reiteration of the free silver plank
of 1896 has made it necessary for the
voters to reaffirm their decision of four
yars ago in favor of . the existing gold
Standard, President McKinley boldly
'picks up the gage of battle on the issue
of Imperialism. What that issue is he
states most happily in a single paragraph
-near the end of his letter. After he has
i
marshaled the facts which place the
whole controversy in the clearest possi
ble historical light before the reader, he
'pays:
t The American question Is be
j tween duty and desertion the
American verdict will be for duty
and against desertion, for the Re
public against both anarchy and
imperialism.
Ls a campaign document the letter is
regarded as phenomenally strong. But
It is more than a campaign document. It
Is s contribution to history. The Presi
dent aeais candidly wltn the American
e. He is not afraid to tell them
'hat he has done or why he did it. He
in facts rather than in arguments.
TEXT OF THE LETTER.
'President's Views on Free Silver and
tbe Philippine Question.
I Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C.
iflept. 8. To the Hon. Henry Cabot I.odge.
Chairman Notification Committee -My Dear
Mr: The nomination of the Republican na
Stlonal convention of June 19, 1900, for the
office of President of the United States,
which, as the official representative of the
aonventlon, you have conveyed to me. Is
accepted. I have carefully examined the
platform adopted aud give It my hearty
approval.
Upon the great issue of the last national
election it is clear. It upholds the gold
standard and indorses the legislation of the
present Congress by which that standard
has been effectively strengthened. The sta
bility of our national currency is, therefore.
Secure so long as those who adhere to this
platform are kept In control of tbe govern
ment. Same Issnes Involved.
j In the first battle, that of 1896, the friends
sf the gold standard and of sound currency
were triumphant and the country Is enjoy
ing the fruits of that victory. Our antag
onists, however, are not satisfied. They com
pel ns to a second battle upon the same lines
On which the first was fought and won.
While regretting the reopening of this
question, which can only disturb the present
satisfactory financial condition of the gov
ernment and visit uncertainty upon our
great business enterprises, ire accept the
Sine and again Invite the sound money
rces to join In winning another and we
hope a permanent triumph for an honest
financial system which will continue invio
lable the public faith.
All Loyal to Silver.
As In 1896, the three sliver parties are
nnlted onder the same leader, who, Imme
diately after the election of that year. In an
address to the blmetalllsts, said:
"The friends of bimetallism have not been
Pnqulshed; they have simply been over
Be. They believe that the gold standard
So a conspiracy of tbe money changers
against the welfare of tbe human race and
they will continue the warfare against It."
The policy thus proclaimed has been ac
cepted and confirmed by these parties. The
silver Democratic platform of 1900 continues
the warfare against the so-called gold con
spiracy when it expressly says:
"We reiterate the demand of that (the
Chicago) platform of 1S96 for an American
financial system made by the American peo
ple for themselves, which shall restore and
maintain a bimetallic price level; and as
part of such system the immediate restora
tion of tbe free and unlimited coinage of
silver and gold at the present ratio of 16 to
1, without waiting for the aid or consent of
any other nation."
The Paramount Tesne.
8o the lssne Is presented. It will be noted
that the demand Is for the Immediate restor
ation of the free coinage of silver at 16 to
1 If another Issue Is paramount, this Is
Immediate. It will admit of no delay and
jwlil suffer no postponement. , .
Turning to the other associated parties,
we find in the Populist national platform
adopted at Sioux Kails, S. D., May 10, 1900,
the following declaration:
"We pledge anew the People's party nev
er .to cease the agitation until this financial
conspiracy Is blotted from the statute book,
the Lincoln greenback restored, the bonds
all paid and all corporation money forever
retired. We reaffirm the demand for the re
opening of the mints of the United States
for the free and unlimited coinage of silver
and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to
1, the Immediate Increase In the volume of
silver coins and certificates thus created to
be substituted, dollar for dollar, for tbe
bank notes issued by private corporations
under special privilege, granted by law of
March 14, 1900, and prior national banking
laws."
Declare Their Hostility
The platform of the silver party adopted
at Kansas City, July 6, 1900, makes the fol
lowing announcement:
"We declare It to be our Intention to lend
onr efforts to the repeal of this currency
law, which not only repudiates the ancient
and time-honored principles of the Ameri
can people before the Constitution was
adopted, but Is violative of the principles of
the Constitution itself; and we shall not
cease our efforts until there has been estab
lished in Its place a monetary system based
upon the free and unlimited coinage of 'sliver
and gold Into money at tbe present legal
ratio of 16 to 1 by the independent action of
the United States, under which system all
paper money shall be Issued by the govern
ment, and all such money coined or Issued
shall be a full legal tender in payment of
all debts, public and private, without exception."
Combine Against Gold.
In all three platforms these parties an
nounce that their efforts shall be unceasing
until the gold act shall be-blotted from the
statute books and the free and nnlimited
coinage of silver at 16 to 1, shall take Its
place.
The relative Importance of the Issues I do
not stop to discuss. All of them are Im
portant. Whichever party is successful will
be bound In conscience to carry into admin
istration and legislation Its several declara
tions and doctrines. One declaration will be
as obligatory as another, but all are not Im
mediate. It Is not possible that these parties would
treat the doctrine of 16 to 1, the Immediate
realization of which is demanded by their
several platforms, as void and Inoperative
In the event that they should be clothed
with power. Otherwise their profession of
faith is insincere. It Is therefore the im
perative business of those opposed to this
financial heresy to prevent the triumph of
the parties whose union is only assured by
adherence to the silver lssne.
Facins Grave Peril.
Will the American people, through Indif
ference or fancied security, hazard the over
throw of the wise financial legislation of the
last year and revive the danger of the silver
standard, with all of the Inevitable evils of
shattered confidence and genera) disaster
which Justly alarmed and aroused them in
1S96?
The Chicago platform of 1896 is reaffirmed
In its entirety by the Kansas City conven
tion. Nothing has been omitted or recalled;
so that all the perils then threatened are
presented anew with the added force of a
deliberate reaffirmation. Four years ago
the people refused to place the seal of their
approval upon these dangerous and revolu
tionary policies, and this year they will not
fall to record again their earnest dissent.
Faithful to Pledgee.
The Republican party remains faithful to
Its principle of a tariff which supplies suf
ficient revenues for the government and ade
quate protection to our enterprises and pro
ducers, and of reciprocity, which opens" for
eign markets to the fruits of American labor
and furnishes new channels through which
to market the surplus of American farms.
The time-honored principles of protection
and reciprocity were the first pledges of Re
publican victory to be written Into public
law.
Tbe present Congress has given to Alaska
a territorial government for which It had
waited more than a quarter of a century;
has established a representative government
In Hawaii; has enacted bills for the most
liberal treatment of the pensioners and their
widows; has revived the free homestead
policy.
In Its great financial law It provided for
the establishment of banks of Issue with a
capital of $25,000 for the benefit of villages
and rural communities, bringing the oppor
tunity for profitable business In banking
within the reach of moderate capital. Many
are already availing themselves of this priv
ilege. Some Convincing Figures.
During the past year more than $19,000,000
of United States bonds have been paid from
the surplus revenues of the treasury, and In
addition $2."j.ono, 000 of 2 per cents matured,
called by the government, are In process of
payment. Pacific Railroad bonds issued by
the government In aid of the roads In the
sum of nearly $44,000,000 have been paid
since Dee. 31, 1897. The treasury balance Is
in satisfactory condition, showing on Sept.
1 $135,419,000, In addition to the $130,000,000
gold reserve In the treasury. The govern
ment relations with the Pacific railroads
have been substantially closed, $124,421,000
being received from these roads, the greater
part In cash and tbe remainder with ample
securities for payments deferred.
Instead of diminishing, as was predicted
four years ago, the volume of our currency
is greater per capita than it has ever been.
It was $21.10 In 1896. It had increased to
$26.50 on July 1, 1900, and $20.85 on Sept. L
1900. Our total money on July 1, 1S96, was
$1,506,434,966; on July 1, 1900. It was $2,
062,425,490, and $2,096,683,042 on Sept. 1,
1900.
Prosperity in General.
Our Industrial and agricultural conditions
are more promising than tbey hare been for
many years; probably more so than they
have ever been. Prosperity abounds every
where throughout the republic. I rejoice
that the Southern as well as tbe Northern
States are enjoying a full share of these Im
proved national conditions and that all are
contributing bo largely to our remarkable
Industrial development.
The money lender receives lower rewards
for his capital than If it were Invested In
active bnslness. The rates of interest are
lower than they have ever been In this coun
try, while those things which are produced
on tbe farm and In the workshop, and tbe
labor producing tbem, have advanced In
value.
Our foreign trade shows a satisfactory and
Increasing growth. The amount of our ex
ports for the year 1900 over those of the ex
ceptionally prosperous year of 1899 was
about half a million dollars for every day
of the year, and these sums have gone into
the homes and enterprises of the people.
There has been an Increase of over $50,000,
Ofio in the exports of agricultural products,
$92,692,220 In manufactures and in the prod
ucts of the mines of over $10,000,000.
Big Gains in Trade.
Our trade balances cannot fall to give sat
isfaction to the people of the couutry. In
1898 we sold abroad $615,432,676 of products
more than we bought abroad, in 1899 $529,
874,813 and In 1900 $544,471,701, making dur
ing the three years a total balance In our
favor of $1,689,779,190 nearly five times the
balance of trade In our favor for the whole
period-.of 108 years from 1790 to June 30,
1897 inclusive.
Four hundred and thirty-six million dol
lars of gold have been added to the gold
stock of the United States since July 1, 1896.
The law of March 14. 1900. authorized the
refunding Into 2 per cent bonds of that part
of the public debt represented by the 3 per
cents due in 1908, the 4 per cents due in 1907
and the 5 per cents due in 1904, aggregating
$840,000,000. More than one-third of the
sum of these bonds was refunded In the first
three months after the passage of the act.
and on Sept. 1 the sum had been Increased
more than $33,000,000. making in all $330.
578,050, resulting In a net saving of over $8,
379,520. Government Saving Money.
The ordinary receipts of the government
for the fiscal year 1900 were $79,527,060 In
excess of Its expenditures.
While our receipts both from customs and
Internal revenue have been greatly Increas
ed, our expenditures have been decreasing.
Civil and miscellaneous expenses for the fis
cal year ending June 30. 1900. were nearly
$14,000,000 less than in 1899. while on tbe
war account there Is a decrease of more
PRESIDENT
than $95,000,000. There was required $8.
000,000 less to support the navy this year
than last, and the expenditures on account
of Indians were nearly two aud three-quarters
million dollars less than In 1899.
The only two items of increase In the pub
lic expenses of 1900 over 1899 are for pen
sions and Interest on the public debt. For
1899 we expended for pensions $139,394,929,
and for the fiscal year 1900 our payments on
this account amounted to $140,877,316. The
net Increase of interest on tbe public debt
of 1900 over 1899 required by tbe war loan
was $263,408.25.
Bonds Speedily Taken.
While Congress authorized the govern
ment to make a war loan of $400,000,000 at
the beginning of the war with Spain, only
$200,000,000 of bonds was Issued, hearing 3
per cent Interest, which were promptly and
patriotically taken by our citizens.
Unless something unforeseen occurs to r
duce our revenues or increase our expendi
tures, the Congress at Its next session should
reduce taxation very materially.
Fifty years ago we were selling govern
ment bonds bearing as high as 5 per cent in
terest. Now we are redeeming them with a
bond at par bearing 2 per cent Interest. We
are selling our surplus products aud lending
our surplus money to Europe.
Europe Is Onr Debtor.
One result of our selling to other nations
so much more than we have bought from
them during the past three years Is a radical
Improvement of our financial relations. Tbe
great amounts of capital which have been
borrowed of Europe for our rapid, material
development have remained a eoustant drain
upon our resources for Interest and divi
dends and made our money markets liable
to constant disturbances by calls for pay
ment or heavy sales of our securities when
ever money stringency or panic occurred
abroad. We have now been paying these
debts and bringing home many of our se
curities and establishing countervailing
credits abroad by our loans and placing our
selves upon a sure foundation of financial
independence.
In the unfortunate contest between Great
Britain and the Boer states of South Africa
the Uuited States has maintained an atti
tude of neutrality In accordance with Its
well-known traditional policy. It did not
hesitate, however, when requested by the
governments of the South African republics,
to exercise Its good offices for a cessation of
hostilities.
Did What We Could.
It Is to be observed that while the Sonth
African republics made like request of other
powers, tbe United States Is the only one
which complied. The British government
declined to accept tbe Intervention of any
power.
Ninety-one per cent of our exports and Im
ports are tow carried by foreign ships. For
ocean transportation we pay annually to for
eign ship owners over $165,000,000. We
ought to own the ships for our carrying
trade with the world, and we ought to bnlld
them in American shipyards and man them
with American sailors. Our own citizens
should receive the transportation charges
now paid to foreigners.
I have called the attention of Congress to
this subject in my several annual messages.
In that of Dec. 6, 1897, I said:
"Most desirable from every standpoint of
national interest and patriotism is the effort
to extend our foreign commerce. To this
end our merchant marine should be Improved
and enlarged. We should do our full share
of the carrying trade of the world. We do
not do it now. We should be the laggard no
longer."
In my message of Dec. 5, 1899, I said:
"Our national development will be one-sided
and unsatisfactory so long as the remark
able growth of our inland industries remains
unaccompanied by progress on the seas.
There Is no lack of constitutional authority
for legislation which shall give to the coun
try maritime strength commensurate with
Its industrial achievements and with its
rank among the nations of the earth.
"The past year has recorded exceptional
activity in our shipyards, and the promises
of continual prosperity in shipbuilding are
abundant. Advanced legislation for the pro
tection of our seamen has been enacted. Our
coast trade, under regulations wisely framed
at the beginning of the government and
since, shows its results for the past fiscal
year unequaled In our records or those of
any other power.
Need of tbe Canal.
"We shall fall to realize our opportuni
ties, however. If we complacently regard
only matters at home and blind ourselves to
the necessity of securing our share In tbe
valuable carrying trade of the world.
"1 now reiterate these vjews.
M'KINLEY.
"A subject of Immediate Importance to
our country is the completion of a great
waterway' of commerce between the Atlantic
and Pacific. The construction of a mari
time canal Is now mere than ever Indispen
sable to that Intimate and ready communi
cation between our eastern and western sea
ports, demanded by the annexation of the
Hawaiian Islands and the expansion of our
influence and trade in tbe Pacific.
"Our national policy more Imperatively
than ever calls for its completion and con
trol by this government, and it is believed
that the next session of Congress, after re
ceiving the full report of the commission ap
pointed under the act approved March 3,
1899, will make provisions for the sure ac
complishment of this great work.
Wonld Restrict Trusts.
Combinations of capital which control the
market in commodities necessary to the gen
eral use of the people by suppressing nat
ural and ordinary competition, thus en
hancing prices to the general consumer, are
obnoxious to tbe common law and the public
welfare. They are dangerous conspiracies
against the public good, and should be made
the subject of prohibitory or penal legisla
tion. Publicity will be a helpful Influence to
check this evil. Uniformity of legislation In
the different States should be secured. Dis
crimination between what Is injurious and
what is useful and necessary In business
operations Is essential to the wise and effect
ive treatment of this subject.
Honest co-operation of capital Is necessary
to meet new business conditions and extend
our rapidly Increasing foreign trade, but
conspiracies and combinations Intended to
restrict business, create monopolies and con
trol prices should be effectively restrained.
Best Friends of Labor.
The best service which can be rendered to
labor Is to afford it an opportunity for
steady and remunerative employment and
give It every encouragement for advance
ment. The policy that subserves this end is
the true American policy. The past three
years have been more satisfactory to Ameri
can workingmen than many preceding years.
Any change of the present industrial or
financial policy of the government would be
disastrous to their highest Interests.
With prosperity at home and an Increas
ing foreign market for American products
employment should continue, to wait upon
labor, and with the present gold standard
the worklngman is secured against payment
for his labor h a depreciated currency. For
labor a short day Is better than a short dol
lar. One will lighten the burdens, the other
lessens the rewards of toll. The one will
promote contentment and Independence, tbe
other penury and want.
Speaks for Good Wages.
The wages of labor should be adequate to
keep the home In comfort, educate the chil
dren, and, with thrift and economy, lay
something by for the days of infirmity aud
old age.
Practical civil service reform has always
had the support and encouragement of the
Republican party. The future of the merit
system is safe In its hands.
During the present administration as oc
casions have arisen for modification or
amendment in the existing civil service law
and rules, they have been made. Important
amendments were promulgated by executive
order under date of May 291899, having for
their principal purpose the exception from
competitive examination of certain places in
volving fiduciary responsibilities or duties
of a strictly confidential, scientific or execu
tive character, which it was thought might
better be filled by noncompetitive examina
tion or by other tests of fitness In the dis
cretion of the appointing officer.
Value of Merit System.
. It is gratifj ing that the experience of more
than a year has vindicated these changes in
the marked Improvement of the public ser
vice.
The merit system,, as far as practicable,
Is made the basis for appointments to of
fice in our new territory.
The American people are profoundly grate
ful to the soldiers, sailors and marines who
have In every time of conflict fought their
country's battles aud defended Its honor.
The. survivors aud the widows aud orphans
of those who have fallen are justly entitled
to receive tbe generous and considerate care
of the nation.
Few are now left of those who fonghfc In
the Mexican war, and while many of the
veterans of the Civil War are still spared to
us their numbers are rapidly "diminishing
and age and Infirmity are increasing their de
pendence. These, with the soldiers of the
Spanish war, will not be neglected by their
grateful countryment. The pension laws
have been liberal. They should be justly
administered, and will be. Preference
should be given to the soldiers, sailors and
marines, their widows and orphans, with
respect to employment in the public ser
vice. Kept Faith with Cuba.
We have been in possession of Cuba since
the first of January, 1899. We have re
stored order and established domestic tran
quillity. We have fed the starving, clothed
the naked, and ministered to the sick. We
have improved the sanitary condition of the
Island. We have stimulated Industry, in
troduced public education, and taken a full
and comprehensive enumeration of the in
habitants. The qualification of electors has been set
tled and under It officers have been chosen
for all the municipalities of Cuba. These
local governments are now in operation, ad
ministered by the people. Our military es
tablishment has been reduced from 43,000
to less than 6,000.
An election has been ordered to be held on
the 15th of September under a fair election
law already tried in the muulclpal elections,
to choose members of a constitutional con
vention, and the convention, by the same
order. Is to assemble on the first Monday of
November to frame a constitution upon
which an Independent government for tbe
island will rest. All this Is a long step in
the fulfillment of our sacred guarantees to
the people of Cuba.
Plant for Torto Rico.
We hold Porto Rico by the same title as
the Philippines. The treaty of peace which
ceded us the one conveyed to us the other.
Congress has given to this Island a govern
ment in which tbe inhabitants participate,
elect their own legislature, enact their own
local laws, provide their own system of tax
ation, and In these respects have the same
power and privileges enjoyed by other terri
tories belonging to the United States and a
much larger measure of self-government
than was given to the inhabitants of Louisi
ana under Jefferson. A district court of the
United States for Porto Rico has been estab
lished and local courts have been Inaugur
ated, all of which are In operation.
The generous treatment of the Porto
Rlcans accords with the most liberal thought
of our own country and encourages tbe best
aspirations of the people of the Island.
While they do not have Instant free com
mercial Intercourse with the United States,
Congress complied with my recommendation
by removing, on the 1st day of May last,
85 per cent of the duties and providing for
the removal of the remaining 15 per cent
on the 1st of March, 1902, or earlier if the
legislature of Porto Rico shall provide local
revenues for the expenses of conducting tbe
government.
Island Is Profited.
During this Intermediate period Porto
Rican products coming into the United
States pay a tariff of 15 per cent of the rates
under the Dingley act and our goods going
to Porto Rico pay a like rate. The duties
thus paid and collected both In Porto Rico
and the United States are paid to the gov
ernment of Porto Rico and no part thereof
is taken by the national government.
All of the duties from Nov. 1, 189S, to June
30, 1900, aggregating the sura of $2,250,
523.21, paid at the custom houses In the
United States upon Porto Rlcan products,
under the laws existing prior to the above
mentioned act of Congress, have gone Into
the treasury of Porto Rico to relieve the
destitute and for schools and other public
purposes. In addition to this, we have ex
pended for relief, education and improve
ment of roads the sum of $1,513,084.95.
Military Force Cnt Down.
The United States military force In the
islands has been reduced from 11,000 to
1,500, nnd native Porto Ricans constitute for
tbe most part the local constabulary.
Under tbe new law and the inauguration
ol civil government there has been a grati
fying revival of business: The manufactures
of Porto Rico are developing: her imports
ore Increasing; her tariff Is yielding in
creased returns; her fields are belug culti
vated; free schools are being established.
Notwithstanding the many embarrassments
Incident to a change of national conditions,
she Is rapidly showing the good effects of
her new relations to this nation.
For the sake of full and intelligent under
standing of tbe Philippine question and to
give to the people authentic Information of
the acts and alms of tbe administration, I
present at some length the events of Impor
tance leading up to the present situation.
The purposes of the executive are best re
vealed and can best be judged by what he
has done and Is doing.
Every Move for Peace.
It will be seen that the power of the gov
ernment has been used for tbe liberty, the
peace and tbe prosperity of the Philippine
peoples, and that force has been employed
only against force which stood la the way
of tbe realisation of these ends.
On the 25th day of April, 1808, Congress
declared that a state of war existed betweea
Spain and the United States. On May U
1898, Admiral Dewey destroyed the Spanish,
fleet in Manila Bay. On May 19, 1898, Maj
Gen. Merritt, U. S. A., was placed in comi
mand of tbe military expedition to Manila,
nnd directed among other things to Immedi
ately "publish a proclamation declaring thai
we come not to make war upon tbe people
of the Philippines nor upon any part or fac
tion among them, but to protect tbem in)
their homes, in their emptoyments, and tut
their personal and religious rights. All perJ
sons who, either by active aid or by hones
submission, co-operate with tbe United
States in Its efforts to give effect to this
beneficent purpose will receive tbe reward
of its support and- protection."
Some Fortunes of War
On July 3, .1898, the Spanish fleet In at
tempting to escape from Santiago barboa
was destroyed by the American fleet, and oa
July 17, 1898, the Spanish garrison In thS
city of Santiago surrendered to the eomJ,
mnnder of the American forces.
Following these brilliant victories, on thi
12tb day of August, 1898, upon tbe initiative
of Spalu, hostilities were suspended, and s
protocol was signed with a view to arrang
Ing terms of peace between tbe two govern
ments. In pursuance thereof I appointed a
commissioners the following distinguished
citlzer-3 to conduct the negotiations on th
rait of the United States: Hon. William R,
Day of Ohio. Hon. William P. Frye of
Minnesota, Hon. George Gray of Delaware
and Hon. Wbltelaw Reid of New York. 1
Forced Into Conflict.
In addressing the peace commission befordj
its departure for Paris, I said:
"It is my wish that throughout the n
tiatlons Intrusted to the commission the pa
pose and spirit with which the United Btat
accepted the unwelcome necessity of wai
should be keot constantlv in view. W
took up arms only in obedience to the dloJ
tates of humanity and the fulfillment of high
public and moral obligations. We bad no!
design of aggrandizement and no ambition1
of conquest.
"Through the long course of repeated rep-j
resentatlons which preceded and aimed to
avert the struggle and In tbe final arbitra
ment of force this country was impelled aolej
ly by tbe purpose of relieving grievous
wrongs and removing long existing condM
tlons which disturbed its tranquillity, woiehj
shocked the moral sense of mankind audi
which could no longer be endured.
High Sense of Duty.
"It is my earnest wish that the United
States In making peace should follow thej
same high rule of conduct which guided I
In facing war. It should be as scrupulous
and magnanimous in the concluding settled
ment as It was Just and humane in Its orlg4
lnal action. Our aim in tbe adjust-)
ment of peace should be directed to lasting
results and to the achievement of the eomJ
mon good under the demands of civilization!
rather than to ambitious designs.
"Without any original thought of compieta
or even partial acquisition, the presence nd'
success of our arms at Manila Impose npoaj
us obligations which we cannot disregard.'
The march of events rules and overrules
human action. Avowing unreservedly ths
purpose which has animated all our efforts,
aud still solicitous to adhere to It, we can
not be unmindful that without any desire
or design on our part the war has brought)
us new duties and responsibilities which wsj
must meet and discharge as becomes a great
nation on n nose grow'h and career, front
the beginniug, the Ruler of Nations has
plainly written the high command end
pledge of civilization."
Shirked No Responsibility.
On Oct. 28, 1890. while the peace commis
sion was continuing its negotiations In Paris
the following additional instruction was
sent:
"It is imperative upon ns that as victors
we should be governed only by motives
which will exalt our nation. Territorial ex
pansion should be our least concern; tha
we. shall not shirk the moral obligations of
our victory is of the greatest.
"It Is undisputed that Spain's authority IS
permanently destroyed in every part of ths
Philippines. To leave any part in her feeble
control now would increase our difficulties
aud be opposed to the Interests of human.
Ity. Nor can we permit Spain td
transfer any of the islands to anothse
power. Nor can we Invite another powes
or powers to join the United States In sov
ereignty over tbem. We must either hold
them or turn tbem back to Spain.
Only One Honorable Course.
"Consequently, grave as are the responsi
bilities and unforeseen as are tbe difficul
ties which are before us, the President can
see but one plain path of duty, the accept
ance of the archipelago. Greater difficulties
and more serious complications administra
tive and International would follow any
other course.
"The President has given to the views of
the commissioners the fullest consideration
and In reaching the conclusion above aa-4
nounced. In the light of information com
municated to the commission and to ths
President since your departure, he has beet
as been
tlon of
Is not
Influenced by tbe single consideration
dutv and humanity. The President
unmindful of the distressed financial Condi-)
tlon of Spain, and whatever consideration
the United States may show must corns'
from its sense of generosity and benevol
ence rather than from any real or technical
obligation."
Could Not Abandon Them.
Again, on Nov. 13, I Instructed the com
mission:
"From the standpoint of Indemnity, both
the archipelagoes U'orto Hlco and the Phil
ippines) are insufficient to pay onr war ex.
penses, but aside from this, do we not owe
an obligation to the people of the Philip-'
pines which will not permit us to return
them to the sovereignty of Spain? Could we
justify ourselves in such a course, or could
we permit their barter to some other power t
"Willingly or not, we have the responsi
bility of duty which we cannot escape
The President cannot believe any
division of the archipelago can bring us any
thing but embarrassment in the future. Thai
I trade and commercial side, as well as tbe
lUUCUlUH,' ivi .- -" v. ..... t - ,
tlons we might yield. They might be waived
or compromised, hut the questions of duty
and humanity appeai to the President so1
strongly that he can find no appropriate en
swer but the one be has here marked out.' j
Terms of the Treaty.
The treaty of peace was concluded on Dec.
10, 1898. By Its terms the archipelago,'
known as tbe Philippine Islands, was ceded
by Spain to tbe United States. It was also
provided that "tbe civil rights sad political