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FoUnded 1851 ' ;, , : : i
".Vo Azror Simy Ao Fear SAaM Met?' !:
From First Statesman. March 23. 1851 1
Charles A. Sprague
Sheldon F. Sackett
THE STATESMAN PUBLISHING CO.
.Member of the Associated Press
The Associated Press Is exclusively entitled to the use for publica
tion of a.l news dispatches credited to It pr cot otherwise credited In
tliU paper.
Major Issue of
N a brief speech at a station
I
Landon expressed the gist of the controversy; in the pres
ent campaign. He said : f
"As the campaign progresses it Is becoming more and more -clear
that it is a clash of two ideas of government; the one, that .
politicians know best what is good for you and should run your
lives out here in New Mexico from a swivel chair in a Washing
ton bureau: the other that you axe still capable of self-government.
The first Is the theory of many countries of the old world.
as well as our opponent in this campaign; the other is the Am- '
erican w.ay." j
It is precisely on this ground that The Statesman op
ses Mr. f Roosevelt for reelection. It believes in greater in-
dividual libertv and in less centralization of power in Wash
ington. Experience shows the
VtsU W J . w.av. ' '
good, but sooner or -later the power gets into the hands of
those who use it arbitrarily or corruptly. The politician is
concerned with holding his job which is generally accomplish
ed by political methodsj not by performance and efficiency.
not possible except on very broad general principles. Plan
ners are generally theorists with inadequate conception of
realities and with practical problems. Washington is a long
waxr nff' and a huremi rule is hard to alter. t :
Industrial progress in this country has been the result
of individual enterprise and push, not of governmental plan
ning. If we continue to pile more loads on Washington the
country will before long be so tied up with red tape, it can't
move. ' . " '.,.:
Just now labor is strong for Roosevelt because it believes
he will discipline business in their favor, and provide higher
pay and shorter hours. But if such legislation a3 the NRA is
attempted giving government power to boss business it will
be accompanied or followed, by laws giving politicians power
to boss labor. That paves the road to fascism, so bitterly op
posed by labor today. . 1
The Statesman fights a totalitarian state, even if it is
beneficent in its intentions, because it knows the temptations
for abuse of power. It is better to preserve wide freedoms for
individuals, with accompanying opportunities, tnan to pui
plain citizens in goosestep with Washington, their rights to
plant potatoes, to fix the prices for their goods and services,
to engage in business, all circumscribed by government de-
iicci lie jmu a iaci vim. it unuv a.x.a. m. v. j -' : -
broke down of itself, proving the impossibility of ruling the
whole economic life of the country from Washington. So for
eign was the NRA to the American system of government that
it was declared unconstitutional by the unanimous vote of the
supreme court. It was not a split decision ; it was not a divi
sion between the old reactionaries and the young liberals. The
vote against NRA was nine to nothing. - f ' .
" Of course Pres. Roosevelt does not contemplate putting
iht nnnntrv in shnrklps? hut TAkin irto initial stena he -sets
the course which others ambitious of power and headstrong
and contemptuous of the people will follow further to evil
ends. The way to preserve freedom is to hold onto it. No mat
ter who is elected president the battle to hold the political and
personal liberties of the people must be carried on.
Governor Landon has stated the issue with clarity and
taken his stand. It is the major issue of the campaign. The
Statesman firmly believes Landon chooses the right way, the
American way , tne way wmcn accoras wun me true prin
ciples of the democratic party, and with the tradition of the
republican party, the way now threatened by the collectivists,
and the brain trusters who think the people are ."too damned
dumb" to know what's going
on.
While the
THE great powers are busy with buck-passing these days.
Concerted action fizzled in restraining Italy in its rape
of Ethiopia ; it is failing again in restraining supply of
munitions of war to the belligerents in bpam.; ihere was
borne kind of agreement sponsored by France, to giVe neither
side supplies, although by international law it I is proper to
supply a legitimate government though not the rebel side.
Russia now makes the open charges that Italy and Germany
have helped Spanish rebels and that Portugal is a grevious
, , J
fViai Iiov.a ArnnA taniiAa4inT a
liic,) uvuC iuwuiig a wm jv j
The Portugese embassy in London says that the reply
from Lisbon probably will not arrive before next week, "due
to the difficulty of transmitting a long document from there."
What a joke ! The delay is purposed. The fascist powers which
have been helping the rebels want to stall until Madrid falls.
They want to keep Russia neutral until the war is over. .
It may be that Russia prefers to be stalled,' not welcom
ing pushing the issue to a point which would precipitate a
war with the fascist powers. Russia is not in so much danger
herself, if she remains within her borders, preparing for de
fense rather than to attempt to carry the war to western
Europe. The country where liberalism is really threatened in
France. "There the popular front government is hard pressed
by radical communists on one side and aggressive fascists oh
the other. Consolidation of fascist power in Spain will in
crease the offensive belligerence of the fascist element in
France, v . - f. -;; J '
The fall of. Madrid will not mean the end of civil war in
Spain by any means. With Barcelona in radical Catalona as
capital where syndicalists and anarchists flourish, the legit
imate" government of Spain will be set np. Between the two
governments and the two conceptions of social organization
the struggle will continue.
Campaign
TVE wonder if one of the reasons for political campaigns is
f the jobs that go with them. Old names and old faces gen
erally bob up at election time as experts in campaign or
ganization; publicity, promotion or management. The bus
iness has become such a technical trade that it requires men
with experience and political skill to function as campaign
managers. And, as campaigns come only once in two or four
years, these men put rather a high valuation on their service.
Getting the money for campaigns is one sweet job too; and it
takes some one with deftness to make the extractions,..keep
within the law (or rather out of the papers and the jail) and
still have something left after his own salary to pay some of
the other expenses with. I I . :
Besides these campaign hirelings there are always d
l group of volunteers. They-carry water to the! elephant, or
. the donkey, and never get anything for it. They are in poli
tics for the love of it. They get & thrill out of political manip
ulation. Political principles mean less to them than the pull of
tradition and the elementary rules of politics, like stand by
your friends, and never go back on your promises.
Between the two classes of workers campaigns do finally
come to a conclusion on election day. And thi3 may be count
ed on, two or fpur years hence the same workers will show up
at the same party headquarters, animated by the same mo
tives as before. They-take whichever candidate is the party
nominee and work as faithfully for him as if some other man
vras the nominee. For salary or for thrills, these stagehands
work in campaigns, doing their bit to get the stage set for the
Editor-Manager
Managing-Editor
the Campaign f
stop in New Mexico Governor
danger of giving bureaucrats
Powers Stall -
, - - . . 1 ' A L
nrnwnf "ot-1 .1
.
Workers
Bits for
Breakfast
By R. J. HENDRICKS
Sheridan's famous ride; 10-2f-36
how it was actually made,
as told by Sheridan himself .
In his book, "Personal Memoirs:"
The regular reader of this col
umn is aware that the Bits man
is an enthusiast in the matter of
perpetnatlng the memories of Sec
ond Lieutenant Philip H. Sheridan
and Captain David A. Russell con
cerning their activities wliile they
were stationed at old Fort Yam
hill and In charge of the task of
guarding and directing the lives
of the Indians on the Coast reser
vation. -
;
Also, concerning the historic
afteractviitles of these two men
and boon companions np to the
battle of the Opequon, Sept. 18,
1864, when General Russell fell
while., under command of Sheri
dan, leading the pivotal charge
that spelled victory- ;
The victory that led straight to
Appomattox; i that . assured Presi
dent Lincoln's reelection
And that, after many discourag
ing defeats under the leadership
of great Union generals, Instant
aneously made1 Washington safe,
after "three long years' of dangjer
from the rebel control or influe
ence. v s
A' friend has had an examina
tion made of the files of the news
papers published in 1864 at Al
bany, N. Y., in the state library of
New York In that capital city,
copying all that was printed In
the days following the battle of
the Opequon concerning the death
and burial, etc., of General Rus
sell. This makes an interesting stu
dy divulging first page nerva
matters more than 76 years old,
but Involving the fate of our na
tion, and "testing whether that
nation or any nation so dedicated
can long endare, ' quoting Lincoln
in his Gettysburg address.
But more about thia long dis
tance study at a later time.
U
"Returning to our muttons;"
getting, back to the heading of
this series:
In order to get the setting, let
us quote from the book, "Gen
eral Sheridan," of General Henry
E. Davlea, published in 1S95, sev
en years after the time when Sher
idan's own Memoirs In two vol
umes came out. .
V V
The battle1 of the Opequon had
been fought September 19, 184.
rendering the nation's capital
safe; making Lincoln's reelection
sure; leading speedily to Appo
mattox. Sheridan had his own plans on
future operation, but certain swl.
vel chair fighters at Washington
had other plans.
This long distance Interference
1 made a visit to Washington Im
portant, however nearly it brought
disaster. Quoting General Dav-
ies: .
A
"On the morning of the 16th
(October, 1864,) leaving General
Wright in command of the army,
Sheridan started to Washington.
. . . At Fort Royal he was ov
ertaken by a courier from Gen
eral Wright who brought a copy
of a Confederate dispatch , . .
flagged from the signal station at
Three Top Mountain, and trans
lated by our signal officers, who
were acquainted with the Confed
erate code of signals,' and which
read:
' To Lieutenant General Early:
Be ready to move as soon as my
forces join you, and we will crash
Sheridan. Longstreet, Lieutenant
GeneraL"
"There was no basis for such
a dispatch; neither Longstreet
nor any troops of bis command
were on the way to Join Early;
while Sheridan was convinced ot
these facts, he thought best to
take every precaution; . ordered
the cavalry back, to the end that
the . whole force of the army
should be In the field a meet
any possible movement of the
enemy.
"In the dispatch that General
Wright sent Inclosing the (fake)
Confederate signal message, he
said ho was making every pre
paration for guarding against end
resisting any attack upon his
right, which was the only point
at which he apprehended trouble.
; v
"These precautions availed but
little, as the attack and surprise
with which the battle of Cedar
Creek commneced, and which
drove from the field a large part
of oar force and threatened the
defeat of the whole army, WERE
MADE UPON "THE LEFT, the
flank which was considered, en
tirely secure. - j
"Sheridan continued his jour
ney, reached Washington the
morning of the 17th; went at once
to the war department . . . Sheri
dan at last succeeded In establish
ing his o w n 'position; . '. his
views were substantially agreed to
. . . Martlnsburg was reached the
same day In 'the evening; ... the
following morning, with a cavalry
escort, Sheridan started to ride to
Winchester, ABOUT TWELVE
MILES north of Cedar Creek,
which he reached at 4 In the af
ternoon, and devoted the rest 'of
the day in examining the ground
that waa proposed aa the site of
the position to bo properly forti
fied for future occupation."
(Continued tomorrow.)
Twenly Years -Ago
October 11. 1916
Mexicans and ' Americans In
warm battle near San Jose.
Marlon county assessed values
cut down more than a million be
cause O. C. land grants are cut
off. .
Two hundred ninety-two thou
sand six hundred 1 if tv-fonr voters
are registered, approximately two- I
thirds are republicans. .
- Gnfoe Record i
BrJORCTOY THOMPSON - - ;
TJndebated Issues
President Roosevelt's failure to
discuss what are really' the basic
issues of this campaign is disap-
p Pointing. We
ue n a inree
and a half years
of an admini
stration , which
began by being
frankly experi
mental. Mr.
Roosevelt, upon
taking office,
nm m f t film.
Iself to a. nra r-
l matic approach
Dststby Tkesapso to the very ser
ious problems which confronted
the American people. He said that
he would try this and that, seek
ing the best advice he could find,
and what worked he would re
tain and what proved a failure
he would reject. Now, at the end
ot his Administration, one might
reasonably hope that the head of
the government, standing for re
election, wculd tell the American
people which of his policies he
considers to have stood the test
of application, and which he be
lieves should be abandoned or
modified, and if modified, how.
But. instead, he stands on the
record. The record, however, con
tains some notable successes and
some gahstly failures, and it con
tains, also, some attempts which
are now accepted by both parties
as being sound in objective, but
which are much criticized as they
are legally framed and practically
administered.-
Mr. Roosevelt has proceeded
along three fronts. One branch of
his policy was devoted to ending
the deflation, adjusting debts, en
couraging reinvestment, checking
the flow ot money into Stock Ex
change speculation, increasing the
governmental facilities for exer
cising control over the volume of
credit and opening the channels
of international-trade. To this
part of his program belong the
devaluation of the dollar, the ab
andonment of gold payments ex
cept to meet international obliga
tions, the extension of easy credit
to home-owners, the refinancing
of farm mortgages, the Securities
Exchange Act, the reorganization
of the Federal Reserve Board, the
reciprocal trade treaties, and fin
ally the International stabilization
agreement.
. '
It is apparent that in defending
this part of his policy, the Presi
dent feels himself on safest
ground. He is not afraid to stand
on the unbalanced budget. He is
not afraid to argue that it is more
Important to increase incomes and
get the economic machinery start
ed again. In times of depression,
than it is to show government
books in the black. Mr. Cordell
Hull went out to Minnesota to an
swer Governor Landon, specific
ally and In detail, on the question
of the reciprocal treaties. Mr. Mor
genthau replied Immediately and
in detail to the questions of Sen
ator Vandenberg. The President
is apparently not afraid of the Re
publican attacks on the 59-cent
dollar, for he knows that the dol
lar Is a normal 100-cent dollar in
terms of domestic purchasing
power and la at parity with ster
ling. Also, this part of the Ad
ministration's policy has probably
the widest support among disin
terested people, and has success
ful international precedents to
support it.
'
The second part of his policy
had to do with the organization
of American industry and agri
culture. Behind the President's
policy were certain theories. Some
of these theories were given clear
est expression by Dr. Rexford
Tugwell, . who has spoken with
complete frankness in several
speeches, in pamphlets and in
books. (Incidentally, it was appar
ent at the hearing in which a Sen
ate Committee cross-examined Dr.
Tugwell on his fitness to hold a
governmental position, that most
of the gentlemen had never taken
the trouble to read his books,
otherwise they would have been
germane In their questions, and
not naked such perfectly asinine
thing as whether he had over fol
lowed. plow. Aa though the teat
of an agricultural scientist were
his ability to Urn a farrow!) Mr,
Tagw ell's chief thefts Is that Am
erica is bo longer an expanding
economy, ; and has reached the
point . of maintenance: that the
problem Is not one ot prediction,
bat wholly of distribution. And
that government with eoereiv
power over industry is necessary
at this point in omr eeonomle de
velopment to attain stability. It
would be more constructive toJusk
not whether Mr. Tugwell Is a
"Red," or whether perhaps he
may be Jewish-s question which
has seriously perturbed some
otherwise ' normal people but
whether or not his fundamental
thesis Is right. The probability is
that It is wrong, quite seriously
wrong. The Brookings Institute
reports on America's capacity to
produce and consume indicate
that we need a vastly Increased
Industrial production if we are to
meet halfway -adequately the min
imum needs of our population for
a decent living standard, and that
our, "ultimate economic frontiers
are still beyond the horizon.
. . . .-: .
. The clearest demonstration of
the government's attempts to deal
with an unproved thesis was the
N.R.A., conceived of as a plan for
the organization of self-government
: of industry under, basic
codes. By the time businessmen
and trade anion leaders had all
assembled in Washington, each
group trying to devise a code
which would cover every possible
emergency and be rigged for
every possible advantage, ; the
Ten Years Ago
- October 21. 1926
Beekeeper's association
convene in Dallas. -
win
Three men were arrested today
for the robbery of the Del Norte
county bank at Crescent City.
Canning season siout complet
ed in Salem, companies soon to
prepare for next season.
whole thing reached an abandlty,
and when it was thrown . out by
the Supreme Court there was a
very general sigh of relief. The
N.R.A. experience . was very un
fortunate for several reasons. One
reason is that it is quite possible
that certain Industries, such as
coal, seriously need some code for
their operations and the code idea
is now in such disrepute that It is
very difficult to get an unlmpas
sioned attitude '.toward It. A cool
analyst might observe that the
problem of coal is a, -(headache to
every country with a large coal
production; that England has a
coal code, adopted after years of
careful atudy and a cotton tex
tile code as well. But the idea of
blanket codes to cover everything
from egg ralstngto pants press
ing Is a uniquely American Idea,
and would only occur to an ebul
liently experimental government.
This part of his program the
President passes over in airy si
lence. But the silence is not ac
ceptable. Did the President learn
anything from this experience
except In the field of politics?
What does he think today? It is
my belief that if the President is
re-elected it will be because most
people believe that he has aband
oned permanently this part of his
program. But there is nothing in
anything he has thus far said to
Justify that belief.
The third part of this program
aims at the-rehabilitation of the
victims of the depression, and ab
andons the lalssez faire social pol
icy which has been traditional in
this country. Under it comes the
relief administation, the youth ad
ministration and the social secur
ity provisions forold-age pensions
and unemployment insurance.
Here there is unanimity between
both parties as to the principles.
But there is the greatest possible
divergence as to method. The Ad
ministration's only answer to at
tacks on method is that the Re
publicans don't mean their prom
ises; that they are a crowd of so
cial reactionaries who intend to
scrap all social security and all
Federal relief if they come into
power, and that since the princi
ple is all right the practice will
adjust itself. To this columnist
that kind of answer is unfair to
the American people, and con
temptible. The' question of meth
od can be quite as important as
the question of principle. Govern
or Landon's criticism of the social
security bill was based upon a
very careful analysis, which he
wisely employed disinterested ex
perts for months to prepare. It is
not answered by Mr. Wlnant's res
ignation. The questions of wheth
er relief shall be centralized fed
erally, of whether a made-work
program Is wise, of whether it is
the business, of the Federal gov
ernment to see that every unem
ployed actor and writer shall be
provided with work projects, are
i nest ions which millions of Am
erican citlzents are asking. Indeed
the whole made-work program is
open to such serious debate that
I shall devote a column to raising
some of the questions about It
that occur to me as one American
citizen. But the 'President and his
spokesmen are dodging every Im
portant question in this part of
the government program and con
fining themselves merely to ex
pressions of warm humanitarian
ism. That is not enough!
The Safety
Valve
Letters from
Statesman Readers
Would Stoke Training Optional
To the Editor:
A statment in your paper by a
gruop which is actively opposing
the Initiative -making military
training optional : in our state
schools express : the fear that
this voluntary feature would do
away with a trained citizenry and
"seek to tore the nation into a
militaristic typo of national de
ten. :
Whoever heard of a militaristic
nation with training on a volun
tary basis? The militaristic -nation
of history nave always used
the compulsory feature.
As for the measure doing way
with our trained i citizenry, the
National Onerd and the Citizens
Military Training Camp are parts
ot our trained citizenry and are
not affected by this measure, and,
by the way, they are both. on a
voluntary basis.'
This measure would simply
mak military training optional
rather than compulsory at our
state schools, thus doing away
with its present unfair feature.
The discriminatory feature is that
young men have to submit to this
training only when they wish to
prepare for an occupation or pro
fession which can be learned only
at the schools located , at Eugene
and CorvaUis. Other young men
of the state- who are studying
some branch . which may be ob
tained at other state schools, such
as the Normals, or who take no
higher training are exempt from
military training. In all fairness
military training should either be
compulsory for all young men be
tween given ages or entirely vol
untary for all.' 1 f
A "Yes' vote does away with
the compulsory feature, but not
with the course.
DORA S. STACEY,
Rt. 4, Salem.
To the Editor: l
Mr. I. Plummer says In his
letter In Sunday morning's States
man that the great minds of the
country say that the Townsend
plan will work and will do all and.
more that is claimed for it. Gov
ernor Landon told pr. Townsend
his plan would not. work and he
would not have anything to do
with it. Surely, we do not want an
ignoramus in the White House.
So we better keep the president
we have as he at least has had
the discretion to not commit him
self. - - -a r. :
.r a J. KELSON
1105 Cross, St, Salem.
" ' ' 'ifJiln
NfH UBS
im. Kf ta tji. he WU ofta rut
In Scranton, the Catholic pas
tor of a working-class church
was kidnaped and beaten.
In central Kansas, a man nam
ed George W. Smith polntlessly
gathered a couple of hundred
farmers armed with shotguns and
sporting rifles 'and an absurdly
few automatic pistols, and led
them in burning an M.M. bar
racks. M.M. tanks were called
out and the hick would-be rebels
were not. - this time, used as
warnings, but were overcome
with mustard gas, then disposed
of with hand grenades, which
w a s an altdgether intelligent
move, since there was nothing of
the scoundrels left for sentiment
al relatives to bury and make
propaganda over.
But in New York City the case
was the opposite instead ot be
ing thus surprised, the M.M.'s
rounded np all suspected Com
munists in the former boroughs
of Manhattan and the Bronx and
all persons who were reported to
have been seen consorting with
neh Communists, and interned
the lot of them in the nineteen
concentration camps on Long Is
land ... Most of them wailed
that they were not Communists
at alL
For the first time la America,
except during the Civil War and
the World War, people were
afraid to say whatver came' to
their . tongues. On the streets.
on trains, at theatres, men look
ed about to see who might be
listening before they dared so
much as say there was a drought
in the West, for some one might
suppose they were blaming the
drought on the Chief! They were
particularly skittish about -waiters,
who were supposed to listen
from the ambush which - every
waiter... carries about with him
anyway, and to report to the
M.M. a. People who could not re
sist talking polities spoke on Win-
drip as "Colonel Robinson" or
"Dr. .Brown and of Sarason as
Jadge Jones' or "my cousin
Kaspar," sad ' yon would hear
gossips hissing "Sahh!" at the
seemingly Innocent statement.
"My cousin doesn't seem to ho as
keen on-playing bridge with the
Doctor as he used to I'll bet
some time they'll quit playing." '
Every moment every one felt
fear, nameless and omnipresent.
They were as jumpy as men in a
plague district. - Any sudden
sound, any unexplained footstep.
any unfamiliar script on an en
velope, made them startl; and
for months they sever felt secure
enough to let themselves go. in
complete sleep. And : with the
coming fear went out their pride.
Protective Arrest
Dailycommon now as wea
ther reports were the rumors of
people who had suddenly been
carried off "under protective ar
rest," and daily more of them
were celebrities. At first the M,
M.'s had. outside of the one
stroke against Congress, dared to
arrest only the unknown and de
fenseless. Now, incredulously
for these leaders had seemed in
vulnerable, above the ordinary
law you heard ot Judges, . army
officers, ex-state governors, bank
ers who had not played in with
the Corpos. Jewish lawyers who
had been ambassadors, being cart
ed off to the common stink and
mud of the cells.
To the journalist Doremu and
his family it was not least inter
esting that among these impris
oned celebrities were 'so many
journalists;; Raymond Moley,
Frank Kent, Heywood Broun,
Mark Sullivan, Earl Browder,
Franklin P. Adams. George Sel
des. Frailer Hunt, Caret Garrett,
Granville HHicks. Edwin James,
Robert Mores Lovett men who
differed grotesquely except in
their common dislake of being
little disciples ot : Sarason and
Macgoblln.
Few writer for Hearst were
Cant Happen Here"
Pre-Election Duet
arrested, however.
. The plague came nearer to Do
remus when unrenowned editors
In Lowell and Providence and Al
bany, who had done nothing more
than tail to be enthusiastic about
the Corpos, were taken .away for
"questioning," and not released
for weeks months.
It came much nearer at the
time of the book-burning.
All over the country, book
that might threaten the Pax
Romana of the Corporate State
were gleefully being burned by
the scholarly Minute Men. This
form of safeguarding the State
so modern that it had scarce been
known prior to A. D. 1300 was
Instituted by Secretary of Cul
ture Macgoblln, but in each pro
vince the crusaders were allow
ed to hkve the tun of picking out
their own paper-and-ink traitors.
In the Northeastern Province,
Judge Effingham Swan and Dr.
Owen J. Peaseley were appointed
censors by Commissioner Dewey
Haik, and their Index was lyric
ally praised all throuh the coun
try. .
For Swan saw that it was not
such obvious anarchists and sore
head as. Darrow, Stef fens. Nor
man Thomas, who were the real
danger; lrke rattlesnakes, their
noisiness betrayed their - venom.
The real enemies were men whose
I sanctiflcation by death had ap-.
paiimgiy penniuea mem to sneax
vn into respectable school lib
rariesmen so perverse that
they had been traitors to the
Corpo State years and years be
fore there had been any Corpo
8tate; and Swan (with Peaseley
chirping agreement) barred from
all aale or possession the books of
Thoreau, Emerson, Whittier,
Mark Twain, Howell, and The
New Freedom by Wood row Wil
son, for though in later life Wil
son became a sound manipulative
politician, he had earlier been
troubled with itching ideals.
It goes without saying that
Swan denounced all such atheist
ic foreigners, dead or alive, aa
Wells, Marx, Shaw, the Mann
brothers. To I s t oy, and P. G.
Wodehonse with his unscrupulous
propaganda against the aristo
cratic tradition. (Who could tell?
Perhaps, some day, in a corporate
empire, he might be Sir Effing
ham Swan, Bart.)
And in one item Swan showed
blinding genius he had the fore
sight to see the peril of that cyn
ical volume. The Collected. Say
ings of Will Rogers.
Of the book-burnings In .Syra
cuse and Schenectady and Hart
ford, Doremus - had heard, but
they seemed improbably, as ghost
stories. " "
But It Come Home
The Jessup family were at din
ner, just after seven, when on
the porch they heard the tramp
ing they had hair expected, alto
gether dreaded. Mrs. Candy
even the icicle,. Mrs. Candy held
her breast in- agitation before
she stalked out to open the door.
Even David sat at table, spoon
suspended in air. ,
Shad's voice, "In the name of
the Chief!" Harsh feet . In the
hall, and" Shad waddling into the
dining ' room, cap on. hand on
pistol, but grinning and with leer
ing genially bawling. "H are yuh,
folks! Search for bad books. Or
ders of the District Commissioner.
Come on, Jessup!" He looked at
the fireplace which ho had once
brought so many armful ot wood
and snickered. " . ;
"If you'll just sit down in the
other room
- "I will like hell 'Just sit down
In the other room'! We're burn
ing the books, tonight! Snap to
It. Jessup!" Shad looked at the
exasperated Emma; he looked at
Sissy; he winked with heavy de
liberation -and chuckled H' are
you. Mis' Jessup. Hello, Sis.
How's the kid?"
But at Mary Greenhill he did I
not look, nor sue at him.
'In the hall, Doremus found
Shad's entourage,' four sheepish
M.M.'s and a more sheepish Emil
Staubmeyer, who whimpered,
"Just orders you k n o w. Just
orders. -
Doremus' safely said nothing;
led them up to hi study.
Now a week before he had re
moved every publication that any
sane Corpo could consider rad
ical, had removed them and hid
den them inside an old horsehair
sofa in the upper halL
toia you tnere was nothing, '
said Staubmeyer, after1 the search.
"Let's go." u
Said Shad. "Huh! I know this
house. Ensign. I used to -work
here had the privilege of put
ting up those storm windows you
can see there, and of getting
bawled out right here "in this
room. You won't remember those
times. Doe when I used to mow
your ! lawn, too, and you used to
be so snotty!" Staubmeyer blush
ed. "Yon bet. I know my way
around, and there's a lot of fool
books downstairs in the sittin'
room." -. -
Indeed in that apartment var
iously called the drawing room,
the living room, the sitting room,
the parlor and once, even, by a
spinster who thought editors were
romantic, tbe studio, there were
two or three hundred volumes.
BiAuuaiu seis. onaa
glumly stared at them, the while
he rubbed the faded Brussels
carpet with his spurs. He was
worried. He had to find some
thing seditious!
He pointed at. Doremns's dear
est treasure, the thirty-four-volume
extra-illustrated edition of
DIckena which had been Jiis
father's, and his father's only in
sane extravagance. Shad demand
ed of Staubmeyer, "That guy
Dickens didn't he do a lot of
complaining about conditions
about schools and the police and
everything " -
Staubmeyer protested,1 "Y e s,
but Shad but. Captain Ledue,
that was a hundred years ago "
"Makes no-d if foresee. Dead
skunk stinks worse, n a live one.
Doremus cried, "Yes, but not
for a hundred years! Besides "
The M.M.'s obeybig Shad's ges
ture, were already yanking the
volumes ot Dickens from the
shelves, dropping them on the
floor, cover cracking. Doremus
seized an M.M.'s arm; from the
door Sissy shrieked. Shad lumber
ed up to him, enormous red fist at
Doremus' nose, growling. "Want
to get the daylights beaten out
of you now . . . instead of later?"
: Doremus and Sissy, side by side
on a couch watched the books'
thrown in a heap. He graped her
hand, muttering to her, "Hush
hush!" Oh,' Sissy was a pretty
girl. and young, bit a pretty glri
schoolteacher had1 been attacked,
her clothes stripped off, and been
left in the snow Just south of
town, two nights ago.
Doremus could not have stayed
away from the book-burning. It
was like seeing for the last time
the face of a dead friend.
Kindling, excelsior, and spruce
logs had been heaped on the thin
snow on the Green.. (Tomorrow
there would be a fine patch burn
ed la t h " hundred-year-old
sward.) Round the pyre danced
M.M.'s schoolboys, students from
the rather ratty business college
on Elm Street, and unknown farm
lads, seizing books from the pile
guarded by the broadly cheerful
Shad and skimming them into the
flames.
The fire was almost over when
Karl Pascal pushed up to Shad Le
due and shouted. "1 h a r yon
stinkers I've been out driving a
guy, and I hear you raided ry
room and took off my books will e
I was away!"
"Yon bet we did. Comrade!
' (Continued on page 9)