Portland; Oregon, Sunday morning, December 24, 1922.
VERSAILLES TREATY
Pm0X ;t6- International Peace at Paris Conference f-
PAVED WITH TRAGEDY,
AVERS LLOYD GEORGE
FACTS OF
PATH
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BIG IMPORT
Document Reestablished Peace, Marked Passing of Prussian
' Militarism and Set Up League of Nations, Which Since
Has Battled Under Handicap j?f America's Non-participa
tion In Jt.
CllAPTEB 51
The Sunday Journal herewith . pmenti tha final Installment of Ray Stannard Baker's itory.
"The Peace," which is an authoriti BarratiTe of how the peace of Paria waa concluded.
Wood row Wilson gat Mr. Baker access to all his personal, unpublished paoera, -which are the
only reliable and incontroTertibla reporta of the facta, and which heretofore have never been
made public '
(CoDTtisbt. 1922. by Doubleday. Paes & Co..
"The Peace." which ia- an authoritatire narratiTe of how the peace of Paria waa concluded.
MaClnre Newspaper Syndicate. "
By Ray Stannard Baker
THE period of the German responses is In max ways the most inter
esting anS significant of the peace conference. It brought out more
dearly and definitely than ever before the real problem of peace, es
"1 pecially in its
T r I ra,ace' atu June 28. when it Vas signed in the Hall
i of Mirrors. During" this period the Germans, housed
Vf 1 in the hotel at Versailles, were furiously busy with
their responses,
forth with
was being made
signing. As it was said in the last chapter, there were three tests to be
applied to; the treatywas it just? Would the Germans accept it?
Could it be practically carried out?
In one of the very fist of the Ger
man notes. May 10. the attack is
opened upon all three of these points.
It assorts that a first perusal of the
treaty reveals that "on esesntial points
the basis of the peace of right, agreed
upon between the belligerents, has
been abandoned." It also asserts that
some of the demands are such as "no
nation could endure" and that "many
of them could not possibly be carried
out.''-
But what effect' the Germans hoped
to obtain by this wholesale preliminary
condemnation, is difficult to imagine.
It was part and parcel of the want of
tact,- inability to apprehend the psychology-
of vthtt occasion, that also.,
marked the ceremony of May 7. In
stead of unsettling the leaders at
Paris, it only nettled them, as the
records show, and made them more
set upon justifying their actions. It
had an especially unfortunate effect
vipon President Wilson, who might
have been greatly disturbed by a clear,
unimpassioned presentation of con
crete cases in which the terms con
flicted with the principles of the peace,
but who was simply rendered indig
nant by this blanket indictment. He
knew well enough what had been done,
knew that settlements -had been agreed
to which did not wholly conform to
his standards for the sake of giving
the chaotic world immediate peace and
to secure a powerful new organization
- to guarantee It. Unsupported accusa
tion only Inspired him to general de
nial and plunged the whole discussion
into an atmosphe e of passionate con
troversy. Thus, Wilson at once came back with
the reply stating that the allied and
associated powers "wish to Remind the
German delegation that . they have
formed the- terms of the treaty with
constant thought of the principles upon
which the armistice and tie nego
tiations for peace were responsible.
They can admit no discussion of their
right to Insist upon the terms of the
peace, substantially as drafted. They
can consider only such practical sug
gestions as the German plenipoten
tiaries may have to submit."
After this reply, to which Wilson's
colleagues eagerly subscribed, there
waa.no use In continuing along this
general line f criticism. The issue
of practicability was. of course, less
easily disposed of. while the question
Of getting a' sincere acceptance by the
Germans pressed hardest of all upon
some, of the allied statesmen notably
Lloyd George. "Would the Germans
sign?" was an Immensely critical prob
lem with- him. as bearing upon his own
domestic political situation.
It is not the intent here to consider
in detail the German responses, nor the
- allied replies, for these have for the
most part been fully presented in
other connections in this book.
A POWERFUL FOIST OF ATTACK
One of the most powerful points of
attack by the Germans was the Saar
valley settlement, both on the ground
that it offended the principle f'aelf
determination and - that its economic
' aspects were both unjust, and unwork
able. , Sere on one minor point, a
"jpker in the treaty by which a final
- vote of, the' population of the Saar for
Germany was to be effective only if
she were able to redeem the coal mines
from France with their value 'in gold,
the .German attack was' effective and
- new i proposal drawn by the Amer
ican expert. Haskins, was accepted on
May -24.' It was practically the only
change made in these sections of the
treaty.
In criticising the Saar settlements
from the point. of view or reparations,
the Germans argued. Just as the Amer
ican economic experts had done.
against the bodily transfer of the
Saar mines to France, and proposed in
stead to make fixed deliveries of coal
to France as a substitute. The offer,
however, ;vu ; vague ; and It did not
after all meet the crucial French de
mand, which was far more for secur-
Ity. both immediate and tn the fu
ture, than for reparation. As Haskins,
. the American expert, said: - -. .-
"A mine in hand ia worth many con-
tracts to deliver."
However sound the ' German . argu
ment might have been in this or any
other connection, they had to cut
through: an oppressive weight of fresh
memories Vof ruthless devastation by
Oerrnan armies, rendered heavier by
the sense of irreparable loss, and deep-
Published by Special Arrangement -with the
more difficult and complicated eco
nomic aspects; and: it invoked a response from the
public opinion of the world not possible before be
cause neither the terms of the treaty nor the con
tentions of the Germans were known.
It was a period, in proportion to the entire length
of the peace conference, somewhat extended, lasting
from May 7, when the "book," as Clemenceau called
It. was laid down before the Germans at the Trianon
couriers were speeding back and
red-sealed documents and every effort
to finish the treaty and get to the
ened by the conviction that these were
"Huns" to whom treaties were mere
"scraps of paper." No Just Judgment
of these events can be arrived at with
out clear apprehension of these consid
erations. Another element of the sit
uation also powerfully affected the al
lied leaders ; even though the treaty
might be effective, as the Germans ar
gued, and as many allied leaders now
believed essential alterations at this late
time in the already complicated ar
rangements, with the whole world
fretting for the end of the business,
might disturb the entire basis of the
peace and lead to new and dangerous
dissensions. The world .was too near
chaos to risk anything more.
The Germans gained more ground in
a general attack on the economic con
sequences of the territorial and report
report on this subject, communicated
on May 13, concludes with the words:
We do not know, and indeed we
doubt, whether the delegates of the al
lied and associated powers realize the
invitable consequences which will take
place if Germany, an industrial state,
very thickly populated, closely bound
up with the economic system of the
world and reduced to the obligation to
import enormous quantities of raw ma
terial and foodstuffs, suddenly finds
herself pushed back in the phase of
her development which would corres
pond to her economic conditio and the
number of her population as they were
half a century ago.
"Those who will sign this treaty will
sign the death sentence of many mil
lions of German men, women and chil
dren." POINTS MADE BT ALLIES
The allied reply to this exposition
dwelt mainly upon the point that Ger
many was responsible for her own mis
fortunes, which were only her fair
share of those incurred by the entire
world.
"Every country is called upon to suf
fer," it read. There is no reason why
Germany, which was responsible for
the war, should not suffer also."
Some of the German contentions,
were refuted upon good grounds, others'
by very flimsy arguments, indeed.
Thus. "A country can both become and
can continue to be a great manufac
turing country .without producing the
raw materials of its main Industries.
Such is. the case, for instance, with
Great Britain."
This argument, by which Lloyd J
George set great store, quits overlooks
the part played in British economic
life by the empire and the merchant
marine. - And Germany was to lose
both her colonies and her ships.
A vigorous attempt was also made
by the allies to put the reparation com
mission in a more favorable light than
the Germans saw it, and. indeed, the
reparation commission, like the League
of Nations, if really used for broad and
reasonable constructive purposes, and
not made an instrument of punishment
or Tevenge. had and has very great
possibilities. This gave Wilson an
opening when the subject was under
discussion for making a most signifi
cant suggestion :
"President Wilson said he would like
to intimate to the Germans that the
experts of the- allied ami associated
powers were now ready to discuss with
their experts in regard to financial and
economic conditions.
"M. Clemenceau thought It would
weaken the allied and associated
powers. ;
"President Wilson's aid that this ob
ject was to demonstrate to Europe that
nothing had been left undone which
might have Induced the' Germans to
sign. If they did not sign It would in
volve sending troops into the heart of
Germany and their retention theiie for
a long period. Germany coiifti not pay
the costs of this occupation which
would pile up thie expenses to people
who were already protesting against
the burden of occupation. People would
ask if there was anything reasonable
left undone which might have averted
this. '-There would be no loss of dig
nity by carrying out this plan. The
experts of the 'allied and, associated
powers would merely explain the mean
ing of some parts of the treaty of
peace which, in his view, the Germans
had failed to understand. If our ex
perts could show that no heavier bur
den, had been laid on the German peo
ple than Justice required. . It i might
make It easier for the German dele
gates to explain to their own people."
l nis was an approach to the request
which the Germans had twice made
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Woodrow Wilson, whose efforts for an effective League
in Brockdorf f-Hantzaus speech- and in
the Saar note for conference of ex
perts on the economic details of the
treaty. But Clemenceau managed to
get it out of the way by having the
question postponed until the receipt of
the German general note.
It was revived next day in a notable
letter from General Smuts to Lloyd
George, dated May 22. Both Smuts and
the president were strongly for some
method of discussing these complicated
economic matters with the . Germans.
This letter of Smuts, besides suggesting
a conference with the Germans, con
tained also sweeping proposals for
changes in the treaty, the chief of them
bearing on tho reparation settlement
and ths Polish frontiers.
GBEATEST SINGLE CRITICISM
On May 29 the Germans launched
their greatest single criticism of the
treaty. It was a small bock in itself
called "Observations on the Conditions
of the Peace." Here they attempted to
establish in full their case against tho
treaty as a violation of the Wilsonian
principles of a just peace. The main
points in their contention were : The
disposition of the Saar valley. Upper
Silesia and the colonies ; the repara
tion system and the treatment of pri
vate property abroad ; the assertion of
alien jurisdiction over ; German na
tionals; and the various non-reciprocal
economic engagements. On all these
points the Germans were able to put
forward unquestionably impressive ar
guments, though they weakened their
case as a whole by certain Inaccurate
historical and statistical . statements
and by such tactless assertions as a
claim to a share in the world's colo
nial development, on the basis of their
past record. They also continued harp
ing on the question of responsibility for
the war.;; ; . ; ..
Despite their defects, the German
"observations' made powerful Im
pression at Paris. General Smuts wrote
a strong : letter to President Wilaon,
dated May 30, "In which he renewed
and emphasised the criticisms he. had
made to Lloyd George on May 22.
Questioning the proposition that the
treaty conformed to the pre-armistice
pledges, he. reached the conclusion:
rFrankly. X do not think !"thia Is- so,
and I think the Germans make out a
good case in regard to a number of
provisions -i- i f-;. A it . '
Wilson bad refused in the beginning
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to admit any discussion or the terms
o.i the basis of right and now told his
colleagues of the council he would con
sider only the German counter-proposals,
"and not. their counter-arguments."
But Lloyd George was thrown
into a complete panic by the storm of
protests. On June ,2- he began, his
great assault on the treaty, the results
of which have been dealt with in;pre
vioiis chapters.'
The president in his remarks at the
important conference with ,the Ameri
can delegates and advisers, on June 3,
discussed this problem of revision. He
began by admitting that there might
be a real question as , to the justice of
the terms. His words werei-
"The question that lies in my mind
is; "Where have they made good their
points 7 Where have they shown that
the arrangements of the treaty are es
sentially unjust T Not "where have
they shown that they are hard? for
they are hard, but the Germans earned
that. And I think it is profitable that
a nation should learn once and for all
what an unjust war means in itself. I
have no desire to soften the treaty,
but I have a very sincere desire to
alter those portions of it that are
shown to be unjust, or which are
shown to be contrary to the principles
which we ourselves have laid down.
But his general feeling- seemed to be
that he had made the" best arrange
ments he could at such: a time of "ex
aggerated emotions and exaggerated
appearances' and that now he was
prepared to stand by them.
It Is noteworthy also that in this
conference the president laid stress on
his fundamental Idea that the terms of
the peace were less important than the
fact of peace and its proper guaran
tees. He repeatedly expressed the
opinion that special wrongs would
right themselves In the atmosphere
of the new arrangements 4n snort, the
League of Nations. ...
GHB5IAK SUGGESTIONS - ' -'
Bqockdorff-Rantxau in his speech
had' called for : a League of Nations
open to "all who are of good .will."!'
The first of the German notes, on May
9, transmitting a draft of suggestions
for the . league,"; inquired whether, GerA
many . would be- Invited to Join;, .- A
reply, drafted by Wilson," merely called
attention to the conditions laid down
in the first article for the admission of
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of Nations were rebuffed by
further members. - But the matter
was not so easily disposed of. ' In their
general "Observationa the German
delegation announced an unqualified
acceptance of the military, naval and
air terms of peace on condition of im
mediate admission. This point was
brought out by Lloyd George in his
speech on June 2. He urged "that hope
should be held out to their being al
lowed to come in within a. year or
two," But there was, slfnificantly. no
response from Clemenceau. The mat
ter was referred to again in the Amer
ican conference : ,. -
"Secretary Lansing-" Is it possible to
fix the- time when-: .Germany can be
admitted into the League of Nations?
. "The President I - don't honestly
think it is. I think It is necessary that
we should know that the change in gov
ernment and the governmental method
in Germany is genuine, and permanent.
We' don t know either of them yet."
No understanding waa reached among
the Americans as to a new attitude on
the point:: but, on June 6, General
Bliss, in transmitting a report to the
president on the military and naval
terms, advocated that Germanv be
promised admission to tho league as
soon as execution of these terms should
be completed. ,
Altogether, the Germans got but little
by their exchange of notes with the
council at Paris. The general reply to
the German "Observations," delivered
on June IS. sums up the case of the
allied and associated powers. It con
tains a few modifications of the terms
of the treaty,! a great deal of explana
tion of others.' and a stilt larger amount
of Indignant assertion that the Ger
mans are being let off more easily than
they deserve. ? It was accompanied by a
lengthy coverm letter, drafted by
Philip Kerr. Justifying the treaty from
the point of view of responsibility for
the war and ! the agreed bases of Che
peace. This document was sponsored
by Lloyd George, who told the council,
on June 3. that ainee "the German doc
uments' had made a 5ertain impression
in th? allied countries he thought
It was Teryi Important to con
trovert certain points. " President Wil
son agreed. - The discussion of the doc
ument In ; the council on June 12 ; ia
most illuminating: .v'-rV : .
President ' Wilson ' said that
the'; document had -conveyed a flight
feeling -of Inadequacy. It would not
prove satisfactory to the future his
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a hostile American senate.
torian. If, however, it were only in
tended to reassure our own people that
the Germans werb not believed, this
moderate statement was, perhaps", suf
ficient. He did not feel quite happy,
however, about an arguaient that was
inocmplete. ,
"M. Clemenceau said. It could not be
made complete unless it was expanded
Into a large volume. In France, at any
rate, there was no necessity for such a
document, as the facts were perfectly
well understood.
"Mr. Lloyd George said that the
same was true in Great Britain, but
fee did not like to leava the German
note without some -reply .-
"President Wilson suggested that,
since all that was required was to let
the Germans know that we denied their
allegations, the document might be con
side red adequate. . Moreover, perhaps
something was to be said for it on the
ground of its quietness. As a general
traverse of the German argument, if.
was sufficient. -
"Mr. ' Lloyd George - supported this
view. If the Germans declined to sign
and an advance by the army was
necessary, it might be necessary to
stir: up public opinion again to a cer
tain extent," . . ..
ADVOCATES OF COEBCIOJC
The Four had long had in mind this
possibility of recourse to- the argument
of ' bayonets. Nor: was it Clemenceau
who took the lead in advocating coer
cion. As early as May- 9 the .British
prime minister put , it forward in the
council. ':...
"Mr. Lloyd" George aald he would
like the military , representatives at
Versailles specifically to consider what
forces would be required, for the occu
pation of Berlin. It was unnecessary
for the council to commit itself to a
decision because :t asked for, this in
formation. In his view, there was a
good deal to be said for the occupation
of Berlin if Germany refused to sign
the treaty. ; It would be the outward
and visible sign of, smashing, the Junk
ers. They : would never be convinced
otherwise. He felt " sure 4t this after
hearing Brockdorf f-Kanteau's speech.'
r Next day Foch expressed.? complete
confidence In his ability to carry , out
any necessary military operations. It
was agreed to begin ostenatious prep
arations for - an advance : at once. In
Anxiety as to whether the Germans
(Concladvd on Pas Ypi4 Oohuaa Ob)
Former Premier Records Recollections of Treaty Signed Yearj
Ago Whereby . Ireland Secured Liberty Within the British v
; Empire, and Recalls Gladstone's Efforts of an Earlier Day. "
By Right Honorable David Lloyd George, O. M., M. P..
- Vormet British Vremler-" ;
Cnrrieht. 192, b United Faatore Rnidioau.) - " -
' ! , (Copyright in Great Britain by the London Chronicle.) ' ' :
(Ezeluaire world nzhtt hrl4 by United tYnture Nyodicata.)
Iteprod action in Wool or in Part Prohibited.
. London. Dec. 23.- When, a Tew days ago, I was half way through v
speech I delivered in the house of commons on the ' land system the
faithful commons were summoned
turies of tradition to the bar of th house of lords to
hear the royal assent given to. the bill for the consti
tution of the Irish Free States.
Notwithstanding my preoccupation with my in
terrupted speech, two scenes cante to my mind during
my anon journey to ana rrom ine
First was the spectacle of the crowded house of
commons nearly 30 years 'ago. When doors were
opened for prayers there was the unwonted sight of
a throng hustling; M. P,'s pressing through the
swing doors to secure their seats. I need hardly say
that this was not a symptom or outcome of any re
ligious revival amongst our legislators. It was en
tirely due to the ancient custom that conferred upon
a member occupying a seat at prayers the unchallengeable right to that
seat for the rest of . the sitting. Rows of chairs were arrayed on the
floor of the house. 1 "
That was an innovation never since
followed. What was it all about?
There sat in the middle of the treas
ury bench, huddled up and almost hid
den by more stalwart and upright
figures, an old man of - 83 years, to
all appearances in the last stage of
physical decrepitude and mental las
situde. GLADSTONE'S EFFORT
His name was William Ewart Glad
stone, the greatest parliamentary glad
iator of all time The lifelong cham
pion of oppressed nationalities was
today to inaugurate his final effort
to give- freedom to the Irish race,
trodden for centuries by ruthless force.
The last remnant of his strength was
to be consecrated to the achievement
of Irish liberty and hundreds of eager
legislators, to whom Peel and Russell,
Palmeraton and Disraeli were but his
torical names, were avid competitors
for seats from which they could better
listen to the man who had sat in gov
ernments with the first three and
crossed swords with the fourth. It was
a memorable sight.
Preliminary questions, which precede :
all parliamentary business, were 'post
poned, and solemn silence, thrilling:
with expectancy, fell upon the hum-:
raing assembly as Mr. Speaker Peel. :
in his sonorous voice, called out : "The
Prime Minister.-'
The inert, heap which was the cen-l
tre of all gate sprang to the table an
alert and erect figure. Decrepitude
waa cast off like a. cloak- lassitude
vanished as by a magician's wand,
shoulders were thrown back, chest !
was thrown forward, and in clear,
ringing tones full of music and force,
the proposed new Irish charter was
expounded for three unwearying hours
by the transfigured octogenarian, re-:
juvenated by the magic of an inspired
soul.
I had a seat just opposite the great
orator, and I was one of the multitude
who on. that occasion listened with;
marvel to that feat of Intellectual com
mand and physical endurance. It was
more than that It was an unrivalled
display of moral courage rare in politi-i
cal conflict.
OPPOSITIOJr FO SHED ABLE ' '
Mr. Gladstone had only Just emerged
out of a general ' election where in
spit of sixty years of his eloquent
advocacy, the voice of Great Britain
had declared emphatically against his
Irish policy, and the poor parliament
ary majority at his back was made up
out of the preponderating Irish vote.
He waa confronted with the most for
midable parliamentary opposition ever
ranged against a minister ; redoubt
able in debating quality, still more re
doubtable In its hold on British pride.
He was S3 years of age but he never
quailed, and through the sultry sum
mer months of 189J he fought night
ty night with , the mighty the battle
of Irish emancipation. He did not live
to carry the cause through to victory,
but he planted the banner so firmly
tn the soil that no assault could suc
ceed in tearing it down, and this day
when I stood with Mr. Bonar Law at
the bar of the House of Lords. I saw
this banner flourished in triumph from
the steps of the throne by a Unionist
Lord Chancellor. That was the first
memory that flashed through my brain
A SECOND MEHOBT
The next , was a dreary December
night just one year ago when on one
side of the cabinet table in 10 Downing
street sat four representatives of Great
Britain, and on the other five Irish
leaders. It was the famous room
wherein British cabinets have for gen
erations forged their - Irish policies
Coercion and concession alike issued
from that chamber. Pitt's act of union
was discussed there, and so were Glad
stone's home rule bills the decision
to use British 'soldiers to throw Irish
tenants out of their houses with torch
and battering ram, and equally the
bill which made every Irish tenant the
lord and master of his home all Issued
forth from this simple and unadorned
council chamber.," i-,. . .,
; .And now came the final treaty of
peace. -Would it be signed? It was
an- anxious moment charged with des
tiny for the two great races which con
fronted each other at that green table.
The British representatives who ' were
associated with me on that occasion
were Mr. Austen Chamberlain I re
call now how he sat by the side of his
doughty father. Mr. Joseph Chamber-
Iain, in 1893 during the famous nightly
duel between him and Mr, Gladstone-
How y strangely little thirty-: arduous
years have changed his personal ap
pearance Lord Birkenhead", , who ,in
1893 was carving for himself a bril
liant career as a, student at ' Oxford
and ' as a debater la the Union j Mr.
v lnsion t-narcruu,.; who was then a
Sandhurst whilst his father
( wa np-fl jn the last great parlia-
1 mentary struggle of his dazzling but
in the manner consecrated by con
y: v
upper cnamDer.
tragic career; Sir Gordon I lews rt, now
Lord Hewart. a man who has risen on
the pinions of a powerful Intelligence,
to the height of lord chief justice of
England. My recollection is that the
other two British delegates Sir Lam
ing Worthtngton Evans and Sir -Harnar
Greenwood were stricken with illness
and were unable to be present.
CLIMAX BEACHED
After weeks ' of close Investigation ;
the climax of the decision had been '
reached. -Britain had gone to the limit
of concession. No "British statesman
could have faced any assembly of his
countrymen had he appended , his slg- -nature
to a convention that , placed
Ireland outside that fraternity of free
nations known as the British Kmplre,
to free her from that bond of union'
which 4s represented by a common
fealty to the sovereign. 7 . - y .
It is not easy to Interpret the po
tency of this invisible bond-to those
who are brought uj to. venerate other
systems. It is nevertheless invincible.
Would . the Irish. leaders have the cour
age to make peace on the only con
ditions under which peace was obtain
able liberty within the empire? ... y
Opposite me Sat a dark, short, but
sturdy figure with the face of-a thinker.
That was Mr. Arthur j Griff ith. the
most urr-Irish leader that ever led -
Ireland, quiet to the point of . gentle
ness, almost to the point of appearing
saturnine. A man of laconic utter
ance, he answered in (monosyllables''
where most men would have considered
an oratorical deliverance to be de
manded by the dignity of the occasion.
But we found In our few weeks ac
quaintance that his yes was yea and
his nay meant nay. He led the Irish
deputation. He was asked whether he
would sign. in his abrupt staccato
manner he replied: "Speaking on my
own behalf I mean to sign." ...
COLLIXS rXAFBAID .
By bis side sat a handsome Vountr
Irishman. . No one could -mistake his
nationality. - He was Irish through
and through, in every respect a con
trast to his taciturn neighbor, viva
cious, buoyant, highly strung, , gay,'
Impulsive, but passing readily -from
gaiety to grimness and back to gaiety.
full of fascination and charm but also
of dangerous fire. That was Michael '
Collins, 'one of the most courageous
leaders ever produced ; by a 1 valiant
race. Nevertheless he hesitated pain
fully when the quiet little figure on his
left had taken his resolve. Both saw: :
the shadow of. doom clouding over that
fateful paper their own doom. They
knew that the pen which affixed their
signature at the same time signed their
death warrant. The little mart saw
beyond his Own fall Ireland rising out
of her troubles a free nation and that -sufficed
for htm. . v ;.-
Michael Collins was not appalled, by '
the spectre of death, but he had the
Irishman's fear of encountering that
charge which comes' so readily to the
lips of the oppressed that of having ;
succumbed to alien wile and betrayed .
their country. : -;- -.
Patriots who cheerfully face the ty- :
rant's steel lose their nerve before that
dread accusation. It was the first time
Michael Collins ever showed fear. It
was also the last time. ' I knew the
reason why he 1 halted, although he
never uttered a word which revealed -his
mind, and I addressed my-appeal
to an effort to demonstrate how - the
treaty gave Ireland more than Daniel
O'Cennell and Parnell had ever hoped,
for and that his countrymen would be
ever grateful to him not only for the
courage which won such an offer, but
Lf or the wisdom which accepted it" .
DECISION BEACHED " -ISy :JA,-
He asked for a few hours to consider,
promising a reply by 9 o'clock.. Nine ,
passed but the- Irish leaders did - not
return. Ten. . Eleven, and they were
not : yet back. We had doubts as to
whether we should see them again.
Then came a message from the secre
tary of the Irish delegation that they
were on their way to Downing street.
n nm -. iney maruivu in 1 1 waa ciwr
from their faces that they had come to
a great - decision after a . prolonged
struggle..- . : 1 -. ' .
But there were still difficulties to ;
overcome they .were, v however, diffi
culties not of principle but of detail.
These were discussed in a business
way. and soon after 1 o'clock' In the
morning the treaty was completed.
. A friendly chat full of cheerful good
will occupied the time while stenogra
phers engaged in copying a draft so
disfigured with corrections. Interpola
tions snd additions, each of which rep'
resented so many hours of hammering
discussion. 1 :- ' . - .
Outside in the lobby eat the man who
tad used all the resources of an In
genious and well trained mind,' backed
by, a-. tenacious- will, to wreck every
tOsnelnase ea race Jinx. Oatasa Cava)