THE MORNING ASTORlAN, THURSDAY, JITLY 7, 1904.
PAQb TWO.
tM m 1 , Ju, r -...nn T --
- . , 1 ' 1 I . -
BIRTH OF GREAT PARTY
IS DULY COMEMORATED
Secretary of State Hay Delivers Address
at Jackson, Michigan, Telling the
History of Republicanism.
Jackson, Mich.. July 6. Five thou
sand people assembled at Loomts park
here today to celebrate the fiftieth an
nlversary of the birth of the republi
can party, "under the Oaks this city,
July , 185. It was here on that
date that th first state convention.
acting under the name "republican,'
was held; The state ticket nominated
nn that day went through a heated
campaign to election-day success.
Keoretarv of State John Hay. who
was private secretary to Abraham Lin
coin, the first republican president, was
the orator of the day. Other distin
guished guests present were Speaker
Cannon of the national house of repre
sentatives. Senator Fairbanks of In
diana, republican candidate for vice
president, and Senators Alger and Bur
rows of Michigan.
Secretary Hay's address was In part
as follows:
A century is but a moment of his
tory; it has often happened that sev
eral of them have passed , away, since
men began to record their deeds, with
little change In the physical aspect or
the moral progress of the world. But
t other times of Intense action and
spiritual awakening a single gen
eration may form an epoch; and few
periods of equal duration in political
annals have been so crowded with
great events as the 50 years we cele
brate today. Under the oaks of Jack
son on the 6th of July. 1854, a party
was brought into being and baptised
which ever since has answered the
purposes of its existence with fewer
follies and failures and more magnifl
cent achievements than ordinarily fall
to the lot of any Institution of mortal
origin. And even the beginning of
the end Is not yet This historic party
Is only now In the full maturity of
Its power and Its capacity for good
We look back upon a past of unpar
alleled usefulness and glory with emo
tions of thankfulness and pride; we
confront the future and its exacting
problems with a confidence born of
the experience of difficulties surmount'
ed and triumphs achieved In paths
more thorny and ways more arduous
than any that are likely to challenge
the courage and the conscience of the
generation which is to follow us. It
Is meet that at this stage of our jour
ney we should review the past and
read its lessons, and In its light take
heart for what lies beyond.
Origin of the Party.
The republican party had a noble
origin. It sprang directly from an
aroused and Indignant national con
science. Questions of finance, of po
litical economy, of orderly adminis
tration, passed out of sight for the
moment, to be taken up and dealt with
later on. But in 1854 the question that
whether there should be a limit to
whether thatre should be a limit to
the aggressions of slavery; and In 1861
that solemn inquiry turned to one still
more portentious. Should the nation
live or die? The humblest old repub
lican In America has the right to be
proud that in the days of his youth
fij the presence of these momentous
questions he judged right; and if he
Is sleeping in bis honored grave his
children may justly be glad of his
decision.
It was not so easy 50 years ago to
take sides against the slave power as
It may seem today. Respect for the
vested rights of the southern- people
was one of our most sacred traditions.
It was founded on the compromises of
the constitution, and upon a long line
of legal and legislative precedents.
The men of the revolution made no
defense of slavery in itself; Washing
ton, Adams, Jefferson and Franklin
deplored its existence, but recognized
the necessity of compromise until the
public mind might rest in the hope
of its ultimate extinction. But after
they had passed away, improvements
In the culture and manufacture of cot
ton made this uneconomic form of la
bor for the time profitable, and what
had been merely toJerated as a tempo
rary necessity began to be upheld as
a temporary necessity d faw abgyq
a permanent system. Slavery en
trenched itself in every department of
eur public life. Its advocates dom
inated congress and the state legisla
tures; they eevn invaded the pulpit
and grotesquely wrested a few texts
f scripture to their purpose. They
gave the tone to society; even the
southern accent was imitated in our
schools and colleges.
The Effort for Slavery.
If the slaveholders had been content
with their unquestioned predominance,
they might for many years have con
trolled our political and social world.
It was natural for the conservative
people of the north to say: "We de
plore the existence of slavery, but we
and confiding In their strength and
our patience they boldly announced
and Inaugurated the policy of the in
definite extension of their "peculiar
Institution.'
Once embarked upon this fatal en
ternrise they left nothing undone
which could contribute to the catas
trophe upon which they were rushing.
The whig party had gone to ruin in
1S52 on account of the impossibility
of combining the scattered elements
of opposition to the party of pro-slavery
aggression; but they themselves
furnished the weapon which was to
defeat them. In May, 1S54, after sev
eral months of passionate debate, to
which the country listened with fever
ish Interest, congress passed the bill
organizing the territories of Kansas
and Nebraska, omitting the rescrlctions
of the Missouri compromise which ex
cluded slavery from them. This ac
tion at once precipitated the floating
anti-slavery sentiment of the country.
A mighty cry of resolute indignation
arose from one end of the land to the
other. The hallow truce, founded upon
the legitimate compromises which had
been observed In good faith by one
side and ruthlessly violated by the
other, was at an end. Men began to
search their consciences Instead of the
arguments of political expediency. A
discussion of the right and wrong of
slavery became general; the light was
let in, fatal to darkness. A system
which degraded men, dishonored wo
men, deprived little children of the
sacred solace of home, was doomed
from the hour It passed into the arena
of free debate. And even if we shut
our eyes to the moral aspects of that
heartless system, and confined our
selves to the examination of its econ
omic merits, it was found to be waste'
ful and inefficient The Americans are
at once the most sentimental and the
most practical of peoples and when
they see that an Institution is morally
revolting, and, besides, does not pay,
its fate Is sealed.
The Lincoln-Douglas Contest
I have no right to detain
u at this hour In recounting the
pstory of those memorable days. Two
Incidents of the long battle will never
be forgotten. One was the physical
and political contest for the possession
of Kansas, carried on with desperate
courage and recklessness of conse
quences' by the pro-slavery party on
the one side, and, on the other, by the
New England farmers whose weapons
of aggression were Bible texts and the
words of Jefferson, and whose arms
of defense were Sharpe's rifles. With
words that ring even now when we
read them, like the clashing of swords,
the slave state men claimed Kansas
as their right and the free state men
replied in the words of the prophet
before Herod, It is unlawful for you
to have her. And when the talking
sharpened to the physical clinch, the
praying men fought with the same
ferocity as the men who cursed. In
the field of political discussion the
most dramatic Incident of the fight
was the debate between Lincoln and
Douglas. Not many of you saw that
battle of the strong, where each of
the gladiators had an adversary worthy
of his steel, where the audiences were
equally divided, where the combatants
were fairly matched in debating skill
and address, and where the superiority
of Lincoln was not so much personal
as it was in the overwhelming strength
of his position. He was fighting for
freedom and could say So; Douglas
was fighting for slavery and could not
avow it The result of the contest is
now seen to have been inevitable.
Douglas was reelected to the senate,
but had gained also the resentful sus-
pision of the south, which two years gave ug
laier uisownea mm ana aeieaiea nis
nrelong ambition. Lincoln became at
once the foremost republican of the
west and a little later the greatest po
litical figure of the century.
Tribute to Lincoln.
If there is one thing more than an
other in which we republicans are en
titled to a legitimate pride it is that
Lincoln was our first president; that
we believed In him, loyally supported
him while he lived, and that we have
never lost the right to call ourselves
his followers. There is not a prln
ciple avowed by the republican party
today which is out of harmony with
his teachings or Inconsistent with his
character. We do not object to our
opponents quoting him, praising him
even claiming him as their own. If
it is not sincere, it is still a laudable
tribute to acknowledged excellence.
If It is genuine, it Is still better, for
even a Nebraska populist who reads
his Lincoln is in the way of salvation.
But only those who believe In human
rights and are willing to make sacri
flees to defend them; who believe in
the nation and its beneficent power;
who believe in the American system
of protection championed by a long
line of our greatest and best, running
And I hope I am violating neither the
confidence of a friend nor the prowl
eties of an occasion like this when I
refer to the ardent and able young
statesman who is now, and is to be
our president to let you know that in
times of doubt and difficulty the
thought oftenest in his heart is, "What,
in such a case, would Lincoln hav
done?"
What the Party Has Done.
Let me hurriedly enumerate a few
of the events in the long and fruitful
career of the republican party which
seem to us to entitle it to the confl
deuce of the country and the final ap
provai or nistory. After tne war was
ended and peace reestablished with no
damage to. the structure of the gov
ernment, but on the contrary, with
added strength and with Increased
guaranties of Its perpetuity, It re
malned to be shown whether the power
and success of the republican party
were to be permanent or whether,
born of a crisis. It was fitted to cope
with the problems of dally national
life. It had destroyed slavery, or, per
haps we might better say, it had cre
ated the conditions by which slavery
had committed suicide. In the ab
sence of this great adversary, could
the party hold together against the
thousand lesser evils that beset the
public life of modern peoples the evils
of Ignorance, corruption, avarice, and
lawlessness, the prejudices of race
and of class, the voices of demagogues,
the cunning of dishonest craft, the
brutal tyranny of the boss, the venal
ity of the mean? I think it is not too
much to say that the last 40 years
have given an answer, full of glory and
honor, to that question. The republl
can party, In the mass and in detail
has shown its capacity to govern. By
the homestead law, with equal gen
erosity and wisdom, It distributed the
immense national domain among the
citizens who were willing to cultivate
It and who have converted wide
wide 8t retches of wilderness Into smil
ing homes. It built the Pacific rail
road, which has bound the union to
gether from east to west by bands of
steel and made the states beyond the
mountains amang our most loyal and
prosperous commonwealths. It re
deemed our paper currency and made
all our forms of money of exactly
equal value and our credit the best in
the world. By persistent honesty In
our finances in the face of obstacles
which might have daunted the hard!
est statesmen It has reduced our In
terest charges so that in any mart on
earth we can borrow money cheaper
than any other people. In the finan
cial revulsions to which all commun
ltles are subject we are able, thanks
to our laws and our administrative
system, to meet and pass the most
violent crisis without lasting damage
to our prosperity. We have, by the
patient labor of years, so succeeded
in reforming and regulating our civil
service that patronage has almost
ceased to cast Its deadly blight upon
the work of our public servants. Hu
man nature is weak and offenses hap
pen; but they are almost always found
out and are punished without mercy
when detected. By persistent adher
ence to the policy of protection, we
have given to our Industries a devel
opment which the fathers of the re
public never dreamed of; which, be
sides supplying our home market, has
carried our manufactures to the ut
termost ends of the earth.
voters must decide whether they shall
follow their prejudices or their con
sciences, we draw from other patties
their bright men by thousand. Bright
anions- the brightest of those who
founded our party shine the names of
democrats: and when the war came
on, the picked men of that party ral
lied to the colors. . Douglas, shortly
before he died, declared his unfalter
ing support of Lincoln. The sun
would go down before I could name
the democrats who fought like heroes
for the country. Grunt, Shermun,
Sheridan, Dlx, Sickles, Logun in short
an innumerable ' host, democrats all
rushed Into the field and thereafter
fought and worked with the republic
cans while life lusted. And that vast
majority of Lincoln's In 1864 would
have been Impossible had not myriads
of democrats, casting their life-long
associations to the winds, listened to
the inward monitor which suld
Choose you this day whom ye will
serve. As It was then, so it nas beeni
in after years. When the attempt whs
made to repudiate, In whole or In part
the national debt; or to abolish the
system of protection to American in
dustries, founded by Washington and
Hamilton, and approved by the ex-
First National Banic of Astoria
ESTABLISHED 1886
Capital and Surplus $100,000
ASTORIA SAVINGS BANK
Capital I'alJfu $100,000. Surplus and Undivided rroflti $23,000 1
Transacts general banking bushiest. Iutomt paid on time deposits.
J. Q. A. D0WLBY. O. I PETERSON, FRANK TATTON, J. W. OARNER,
President Vie President Cashier. Asst. Cashier
Jft8 TENTH STREET, ASTORIA, ORE.
(Continued on Page 8.)
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Republican Prosperity.
are all to, blame for it; we should not back from McKlnley to Washington,
east upon our brethren in the south and, as Senator Doiliver so truthfully
the burdens and perils of its aboli- .said, "to the original sources of Amer
tion. We must bear with the un- lean common sense;" only those who
fortunate condition of things and take believe In equal Justice to labor and
our share of Its inconveniences." But
the slaveholding party could not rest
content. The ancients said that mad
ness was the fate of those judged by
the gods. Continual aggression is a
necessity of a false position. They felt
instinctively that if their system were
permanently to endure it must be ex
tended and to attain 'this object they
were ready to risk everything. They
rent in twain the compromises which
had protected them so long. They
tore down the bulwarks which had
at once restricted and defended them;
to capital; in honest money and the
right to earn it, have any title to
name themselves by the name of Lin
coln, or to claim a moral kinship with
that august and venerated spirit. I
admit it would be little less than
sacrilege to- try to trade upon that
benignant renown, whose light "folds
in this orb o the earth." But we who
have always tried to walk in the road
he pointed out can not be deprived of
the tender pride of calling ourselves
his disciples and of doing in his name
the work allotted to us by providence..
History affords no parallel to the
vast and increasing prosperity which
this country has enjoyed under re
publican rule. I hasten to say we
do not claim to have invented seed
time and harvest, and industry and
thrift We are a great people and
success is our right; God Is good to
those who behave themselves. But
we may Justly claim that the republi
can party has been in power during
these years of marvelous growth, and
we can at least bring proof that we
have not prevented it and this Is no
slight honor for a party to claim, I
will not at this moment speak of the
important acquisitions of territory we
have made, which render us In many
ways the predominant power In the
Pacific. But out of the territory we
already possessed, 14 new states have
entered the union. The census of 1850
23,000,000 of population the
one, 76,000,000. The number of
our firms the total of our cultivated
acreage has increased fourfold. Our
corn crop is five times what is was;
our wheat crop, six times. The cap
ital invested in manufacturing has
grown from five hundred millions to
ten billions; where it employed less
than a million artisans, It now em
ploys more than five millions; and
while the number of worklngmen has
Increased five times, their wages have
increased tenfold. The value of man
ufactured property Is 13 times what it
was when the republicans of Michigan
met under the oaks. The real and
personal wealth of the country has
grown in this amazing half century
from seven thousand millions to nine
ty-four thousand millions. Our rail
roads have grown from a mileage of
18,000 to one of 200,000. Our imports
and exports have gone up by leaps
and bounds to the same monstrous
proportions. And finally let us hasten
to say, as the other side will say it for
us, Instead of the $47,000,000 which
supplied our modest needs in 1850 we
now collect and spend some $700,000,
000 annually. 1 can only add what
Speaker Reed replied to a democratic
statesman who complained of a billion-
dollar congress: "Well! this is a
bolllon-doliar country."
The Party of Patriots.
uur opponents sometimes say we
have no right to claim the credit of
the great deeds of the last half cen
turythat we could not have accom
plished them without the aid of dem
ocrats. Nothing truer was ever said:
and it one of the chief glories of our
annals, and it forms the surest founda
tion of our hopes for the future. The
principles upon which our party Is
built are so sound, they have so ir
resistible an attraction to patriotic
and fair-minded men, that whenever
a time of crisis comes, when the na
tional welfare is clearly at stake, when
Sierpicide
BJewlDro s
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...IT 13 CONTAGIOUS.. It was Prof. Unna (ask
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but Dr. Sabouraud has recently called attention to
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UNSTERILIZED PUBLIC HAIR-BRU8HE8, says
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mi
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An Unhealthy tialr.
T. F. LAURIN. XtiAfUf
A Healthy Bslr. At DrU 6t Stoi 10c Ia , . 0 m herpicide , tJSt, mio., for
"Destroy the Cause You Remove the Effect" '