PAGE TWO
ASHLAND TIDINGS
Thurwlay. September 5, 1012.
Ashland Tidings
SEMI-WEEKLY.
ESTABLISHED 1876.
Issued Mondays and Thursdays
Bert It. Greer,
W. If. Gillis,
W. E. llarnes,
Editor and Owner
- - City Editor
Business Manager
SUBSCRIPTION RATES.
One Year $2.00
Six Months 1.00
Three Months 50
Payable in Advance.
TELEPHONE 39
Advertising rates on application.
First-class job printing facilities.
Equipments second to none in the
Interior.
Entered at the Ashland, Oregon,
Postoffice as second-class mail mat
ter. Ashland, Ore., Thursday, Sept. 5, '12
THE TELEPHONE TRANSFER.
It is reported that the Home Tele
phone Company has purchased the
Ashland telephone plant from the
Pacific company and will take it over
at once. This will obviate the in
convenience to the citizens of a dual
telephone .system and in that respect
is a good thing.
But, if the Home Telephone Com
pany is allowed to operate under the
franchise granted by the people in
1910, instead- of the Pacific fran
chise granted in 1907, the city and
citizens will get the worst end of
the bargain. A comparison of the
two franchises shows:
The Home franchise is for 25
years, while the Pacific was for bm
ten.
Under the old franchise the city
had the right to regulate service
charges, while under the new a fixed
rate for business service is $3 per
month with the right to increase the
rate to $3.50 as soon as its service
reaches one thousand phones, the 50
cents increase applying to all con
nections. Under the old franchise the com
pany could be forced to place their
wire underground when the city re
quired it. No such right is reserved
to the city under the new Home fran
chise. Nor can the city have free use
of Home conduits for fire alarm sys
tem. Under the old franchise the com
pany was compelled to replace and
protect sewer, water and gas pipes
when they construct their lines. The
new Home franchise has no such pro
vision However, the old franchise pro
vided but four free phones for city
use, while the new one provides for
ten.
The old Pacific franchise is vastly
more favorable to the city than the
Home franchise and, if it is possible,
the city should insist on the new op
eration continuing under the pro
vision of the old franchise.
GOING AWAY TO SCHOOL,
It is perfectly surprising, in look
Jng through the magazines and news
papers, to see the number of private
schools and academies below the col
lege grade, that are advertising for
students.
There is a large increase in the
number of families that do not seem
to be satisfied with the education
given by the home schools. It places
a heavy burden on the family anx
ious to give its young people a good
Btart in life, if not only the cost of
a college education, and possibly of
a special post graduate school, must
be paid, but also a. bill for two to
four years' schooling at some college
preparatory institution.
The young people whost fortunate
position permits them to attend some
of the fine fitting schools gain a great
start for life's race. Very likely they
get better attention than the crowd
ed public school could give. Their
rough excrescences of manner are
rubbed off.
The remark was recently made by
a professor in a leading eastern col
lege, however, that the private school
boys stand best when they enter the
college, but the public, high school
boys come out aiiead when they grad
uate. His idea was thnt the private
schools boys had so much done for
them that they lost initiative and
determination. Wherefore lot the
boy who must get his fit in the high
school of his own town or county not
feel that he has no chance. He is
left more to himself than the care
fully watched private school boy, but
he may thereby learn to struggle all
the better.
There seems to be a good oppor
tunity in New York city to incorpo
rate an efficiently conducted and
conservatively managed murder com
pany, which shall provide cut rates
ly doing a large business.
A TIMELY FEDERAL LAW.
When the federal law prohibiting
the transportation of motion picture
fight films goes into effect there will
be much rejoicing among the people
who believe that prize fighting is
anything but a credit to the nation.
For the action on the part of the
national government will mean a big
blow at the enormous profits the
game has paid in recent years, and
will consequently be a decided blow
to the fight promoters, who are, of
course, in the business for the money
they can make.
It seems to us unquestionably true
that some such action should be tak
en by the federal government. For,
without consideration of the moral
issue regarding prize fighting, no one
will question that some sort of ac
tion is needed to put a stop to hun
dreds of alleged fights, as well as
wrestling matches, staged through
out the United States each year.
When Barnum made his famous
statement about the American people
liking to be swindled he probably did
not have either the prize fight or
the wrestling game in mind, but in
recent years the statement could be
no more fittingly applied than to
these two more or less questionable
sports.
We believe it is unquestionably
true that hundreds, if not thousands,
of supposed fights and wrestling
matches are staged every year,
which are "framed up" from start to
finish. More especially in the fights
than in the wrestling game, the mo
tion pictures are a big feature. Time
after time these supposed fights are
prolonged indefinitely as mere exhi
bition sparring matches to "make the
pictures good."
Kill the value of fight pictures
and if there is any excuse for prize
fighting it will once more be put
back where that part of the public
who wish to witness such contests
may be reasonably assured that they
are to see a real exhibition and not
a bit of nice posing for the benefit
of the motion picture men. There
fore the new law should be wel
comed as much by those who support
the fight game as by those who
would like to see it entirely de
stroyed.
CAMPAIGN FUNDS.
In the old days money spent on
elections was just like coin dropped
into the sea. It disappeared into the
silent depths of pplitics, and few
thought of asking where or whence.
Today the tracks of the campaign
spender are not easily obliterated.
One day some fellow who did not get
all he wanted of it will tell tales, and
the rumors of full barrels are not
easily concealed. Congress has been
ringing with charges and counter
charges, and things that formerly
were hidden are being proclaimed
from the housetops.
Under the old convention system
of nomination, a candidate made his
deals with leaders and committee
men and bosses, and there were lim
its to the consideration they dared
ask. AVhether you like primary elec
tions or not, as so far conducted it
does cost a big sum of money to
present a candidacy to the voters,
even if no money is spent corruptly.
How shall it be arranged so that
a poor man, minus wealthy backers,
can run for office? There is no big
ger question.
Some blame the newspapers, charg
ing that the recent custom of insert
ing campaign advertisements has
enormously increased the candidate's
bills.
It can be said for campaign adver
tising that it is the most logical form
of expenditure. The money spent
through heelers largely sticks in
their dirty pockets. The money spent
through the newspapers buys good
white space, and the same results
can be had as are secured by mer
chants through their advertising.
The campaign advertisement appeals
to people in leisure moments, and is
most effective when it consists of
carefully stated facts and arguments.
"Getting out the vote" is the one
largest expense. The voter ought to
get out without having to be sent
for.
If you have $5,000 a year income
you might as well get ready to give
an Impression of poverty before
Uncle Sam's tax man gets around.
The new battleship is to be called
"Terror of the Seas," but the tax
payer looks as if it were sailing over
the dry land into his back yard.
A grandstand fell at the Marshall
notification. If they had' notified
hlmby calling up by telephone all
this would not have happened.
There is to be war on the hobble
skirt. As if the matter of clothes
would work the moral reformation of
men!
Weekly Oregonlan and Ashland
lidlngs one year, $2.50.
GOOD OLD ASHLAND TOWN.
(By O. H. Barnhill.)
There's a city that 1 know.
Where the softest breezes blow.
And the sweetest peaches grow;
Where the people dwell in peace.
Wishing for another lease
Of this life that soon must cease
Good old Ashland town.
Whpro tho nfllm iraa moata tha ttino
Nenr tha CaMfnmia lino- I
Where the sun does brightly shine
Out of skies so blue and clear,
That you feel like Heaven's near.
And your life seems very dear
Good old Ashland town.
Ashland Mountain, white with snow,
Ashland Canyon, far below, .
Ashand Creek, with crystal flow:
Need you ask, what's in a name?
Tho' it be unknown to fame.
Yet we have it, just the same
Good old Ashland town.
tt;;;:is;;r
The Home Circle h
Tl. .... ,.L . t .1... T'.i: 1 1 T M
Some of us have laughed, some of
us have sneered, and, mayhap, some
of us have wept, at ridiculous Happy
Hooligan and his most unhappy fac
ulty of getting into hot water by try
ing to be of service to humanity.
It is considered by some? people
very uncultnred and vulgar to read
the comic supplements to newspa
pers. Granted that some of them are
stupid and meaningless, there are
others that bring a bright smile to
the lips of a highbrow.
The Happy Hooligan pictures em
phasize so strongly the tendency of
the human race to be unappreclative
of intended courtesies, that they are
well worth a moment's time to con
sider. I heard a man talking on this sub
ject the other day. He was idly
watching a feminine Happy Hooligan
endeavoring to brush what she
thought was a bottle fly from a
strange woman's shoulder. The bot
tle fly was in reality an ornament
on the woman's dress, and the femi
nine H. H. was awarded a freezing
stare in return for her motive of
kindness.
For it is not what we do, or say,
but the motive back of It, which
should be recognized. '
When this man I write of saw jthe
conclusion of the bottle fly incident,
he said: "What's the use of being
a Happy Hooligan? No one likes
you any better for it. I used to give
up the lower berth to women, and
my seat in the street car. And my
reward usually was a cold stare. I
have helped men chase their hats
when the wind carried them down
the streets, and they have acted like
I got up the wind on purpose. So
I've quit."
There was considerable truth in
what the man said.
Not long ago I saw a man standing
near the front of a densely packed
street car. Men and women were
both shoving and elbowing for seats.
Everybody was thinking of self. I
saw this man beckon to five separate
women in the aisle to seats he might
have taken for himself as they were
vacated. There may have been other
unselfish people in that surging, rest
less, fretful crowd, but they did not
appear to a casual observer. Of all
that mob, there was but one person
who gave an indication of a unself
ish thought.
And what of the women he beck
oned to seats they otherwise would
not have obtained? Not by the
slightest recognition, not by the lift
in of an eyelash, not by a nod of
the head, nor the smile of an eye,
was he thanked. Each one of the
five, as she took the seat to which he
had beckoned her, looked like she
was thinking, "It's high time! I
don't see why you could not have
found this seat sooner!"
It is easy to imagine that this kind,
chivalric Happy Hooligan of a man
is still on the lookout for chances to
serve. The public will accept his
services as a matter of course. Yet
will he be happy in rendering it, even
though the public walks along with
its head in the air, and notices him
not.
The man who expects thanks, and
appreciation, and popularity in re
turn for kindness and thoughtful
ness, is going to be disappointed and
have his feelings trampled upon.
And then he is going to quit.
But the man who, like the gentle
Happy Hooligan of the street car,
gives thought to the welfare of oth
ers first, because it makes him happy
to do so, does not need the applause
of the multitude, nor the apprecia
tion of a thankless public. His re
ward is within himself is something
entirely separate and apart from the
people he unselfishly serves. They
can neither add to nor take away
from his recompense, for it is above
and beyond their comprehension'.
Will DeMrt Hookworm Sufferers,
K San Francisco. Because of con
gested conditions in the Angel Island
detention hospital, no immigrant suf
fering from hookworm will be treat
ed there after November 1. An or
der to this effect was contained in a
letter received from" the Department
of Commerce and Labor. Immigrants
found to be afflicted with the disease
will be immediately deported.
During the last fiscal year more
than 1,300 hookworm patients were
treated at Angel Island, cures usual
ly being made within 10 days or two
weeks. Sixty per cent of the Japan
ese immigrant "photograph brides"
were found to be suffering with the
malady. Of alien Chinese taken to
Angel Island, 50 per cent were af
fected. The Hindus, however, are
pronounced to be most susceptible to
hookworm, nearly SO per cent of
those landing within the last year
showing symptoms of the malady.
Northern Pacific freight handlers
at. Spokane were granted a raise of
wages after a four days' strike.
ROOSEVELT'S "CONFESSION OF
FAITH."
(Fifth Installment.)
Mis Radical Is Not Misled.
Unfortunately, those dealing with
the subject have tended to divide
into two camps, each as unwise as
the other. One camp has fixed its
eyes only on the need of prosperity,
loudly announcing that our attention
must be confined to securing it in
bulk, and that the division must be
left to take care of itself. This Is
merely the plan, already tested and
found wanting, of giving prosperity
to the big men on top, and trusting
to their mercy to let something leak
through to the mass of their coun
trymen below which, in effect,
means that there shall be no attempt
to regulate the ferocious scramble in
which greed and cunning reap the
largest rewards. The other set has
fixed its eyes purely on the injustice
of distribution, omitting all consider
ation of the need of having some
tWnjto distribute, and advocates ac
tion ifkich, it is true, would abolish
most of the inequalities of the dis
tribution of prosperity, but only by
the unfortunately simple process of
abolishing that prosperity itself.
This means merely that conditions
are to be evened, not up, but down,
so that all shall stand on a common
level, where nobody has any prosper
ity at all. The task of the wise rad
ical must be to refuse to be misled
by either set of false advisers; he
must both favor and promote the
agencies that make for , prosperity,
and at the same time see to it that
these agencies are so used as to be
primarily of service to the average
man.
Again and again while 1 was presi
dent, from 1902 to 1908, I pointed
out that under the anti-trust law
alone it was neither possible to put
a stop to business abuses nor possi
ble to secure the highest-'efficiency
in the service rendered by business
to the general public. The anti-trust
law must be kept on our statute
books, and, as hereafter shown, must
be rendered more effective in the
cases where it is applied. But to
treat the anti-trust law as an ade
quate, or as by itself a wise, meas
ure of relief and betterment is a sign
not of progress, but of toryism and
reaction. It has been of benefit so
far as it has implied the recognition
of a real and great evil, and the at
least sporadic application of the prin
ciple that all men alike must obey
the law. But as a sole remedy, uni
versally applicable, it has in actual
practice completely broken down; as
now applied it works more mischief
than benefit. It represents the waste
of effort always damaging to . a
community which arises from the
attempt to meet new conditions by
the application of outworn remedies
instead of fearlessly and in common
sense fashion facing the new condi
tions and devising the new remedies
which alone can work effectively for
good. The anti-trust law, if inter
preted as the Baltimore platform de
mands it shall be interpreted, would
apply to every agency by which not
merely industrial but agricultural
business is carried on in this coun
try; under such an interpretation it
ought in theory to be applied uni
versally, in which case practically all
industries would stop. As a matter
of fact, it is utterly out of the ques
tion to enforce it universally, and,
when enforced sporadically, it causes
continual unrest, puts the country at
a disadvantage with its. trade com
petitors in international commerce,
hopelessly puzzles honest business
men and honest farmers as to what
their rights are, and yet, as has just
been shown in the cases of the Stan
dard Oil and Tobacco trusts, it is no
real check on the great trusts at
which it was in theory aimed, and
indeed operates to their benefit.
Moreover, if we are to compete with
other nations in the markets of the
world as well as to develop our own
material civilization at home, we
must utilize those forms of industrial
organization that are indispensable
to the highest industrial productiv
ity and efficiency.
Words of Van Hise Quoted.
An important volume entitled
"Concentration and Control" has
just been issued by President Charles
R. Van Hise of the University of
Wisconsin. The University of Wis
consin has been more influential
than any other agency in making
Wisconsin yhat it has become, a lab
oratory for wise social and industrial
experiment in the betterment of con
ditions. President Van Hise is one
of those thorough-going but sane and
intelligent radicals from whom much
of leadership is to be expected in
such a matter. The sub-title of his
book shows that his endeavor is to
turn the attention of his countrymen
toward practically solving the trust
problem of the United States. In
his preface he states that his aim is
to suggest a way to gain the eco
nomic advantages of the concentra
tion of industry, and at the same
time to guard the interests of the
public, and to assist in the rule of
enlightenment, reason, fair play, mu
tual consideration and toleration. In
sum, he shows that unrestrained
competition as an economic principle
has become too destructive to be per
mitted to exist, and that the small
men must be allowed to co-operate
under penalty of succumbing before
their big competitors; and yet such
co-operation, vitally necessary to the
small man, is criminal under the
present law. He says:
"With the alternative before the
business men of co-operation or fail
ure, we may be sure that they will
co-operate. Since the law is violated
by practically every group of men
engaged in trade from one end of the
country to the other, they do not feel
that in combining they are doing a
moral wrong. The selection of the
individual or corporation for prose
cution depends upon the arbitrary
choice of the attorney general, per
haps somewhat influenced by the
odium which attaches to some of the
violators of the law. They all take
their chance, hoping that the blow
will fall elsewhere. With general
violation and sporadic enforcement
of an impracticable law we cannot
HH I 1 1 1 1 1 1 M 1 1 1 1 1 H I 1 1 1 1 I
PureMountainWaterlce
Reduced Prices on Ice
FOR SEASON OF 1912
Save money by purchasing coupon books. Issued for
500, 1,000, 2,000 up to 5,000 pounds.
This is the cheapest way to buy your ice.
Delivery every day except Sundays.
t
ASHLAND ICE AND STORAGE GO. f
TELEPHONE 108
hope that our people will gain respect
for it.
"In conclusion, there is presented
as the solution of the difficulties of
the present industrial situation, con
centration, co-operation, and control.
Through concentration we mav have
the economic advantages coming '
from magnitude of operations.
Through co-operation we may limit
the wastes of the competitive sys
tem. (Through control by commis
sion we may secure freedom for fair
competition, elimination of unfair j
practices, conservation of our natural
resources, fair wages, good social j
conditions and reasonable prices. I
"Concentration and co-operation
in industry in order to secure effi- j
ciency are a world-wide movement.
1'he United States cannot resist it. i
If we isolate ourselves and insist up-1
on the subdivision of industry below !
the highest economic efficiency, and i
do not allow co-operation, we shall 1
be defeated in the world's markets. 1
We cannot adopt an economic system :
less efficient than our great competi- :
tors, Germany, England, France and j
Austria. Either we must modify our
present obsolete laws regarding con-!
centration and co-operation so as to I
conform with the world movement,
or else fall behind in the race for the
world's markets. Concentration and
co-operation are conditions impera
tively essential for industrial ad
vance; but if we allow concentration
and co-operation there must be con
trol in order to protect the people,
and adequate control Is only possible
through the administrative commis
sion. Hence concentration, co-operation
and control are the key words
for a scientific solution of the mighty
industrial problem which now con
fronts this nation."
Democrats Offer No Remedy.
In his main thesis President Van
Hise is unquestionably right. The
democratic platform offers nothing
in the way of remedy for present in
dustrial conditions except, first, the
eniorcement ot tne anti-trust law in
a fashion which, if words mean any
thing, means bringing business to a
standstill; and, second, the insist
ence upon an archaic construction of
the states' rights doctrine in thus
dealing with interstate commerce
an insistence which, in the first
place, is the most flagrant possible
violation of the constitution to which
the members of the Baltimore con
vention assert their devotion, and
which, in the next place, nullifies
and makes an empty pretense of
their first statement. The -proposals
of the platform are so conflicting and
so absurd that it is hard to imagine
how any attempt could be made in
good faith to carry them out; but,
if sjich attempt were sincerely made,
it could only produce industrial
chaos. Were such an attempt made,
every man who acts honestly would
have something to fear, and yet no
great adroit criminal able to com
mand the advice of the best corpora
tion lawyers would have much to
fear.
What is needed is action directly
the reverse of that thus confusedly
indicated. We progressives stand for
the -rights of the people. When these
rights can best be secured by insist
ence upon states' rights, then we are
for states' rights; when they can best
no
rg tf Dl IX ti II
Before you buy that heater, call and
inspect our stock, now on display
ALL SIZES
ALL PRICES
Provost
H
be secured by insistence upon na
tional rights, then we are for na
tional rights. Interstate commerce
can be effectively controlled only by
the nation. The states cannot con
trol it under the constitution, and to
amend the constitution by giving
them control of it would amount to
a dissolution of the government. The
worst of the big trusts have always
endeavored to keep alive the feeling
in favor of having the states them
selves, and not the nation, attempt
to do this work, because they know
that in the long run such effort
would be , ineffective. There is no
surer way to prevent all successful
effort to deal with the trusts than to
insist that they be dealt with by the
states rather than by the nation, or
to create a conflict between the
states and the nation on the subject.
The well-meaning ignorant man who
advances such a proposition does as
much damage as if he were hired by
the trusts themselves, for he is play
ing the game of every big crooked
corporation in the country. The only
effective way in which to regulate
the trusts is through the exercise of
the collective power of our people as
a whole through the governmental
agencies established by the constitu
tion for this very purpose. Grave
injustice is done by the congress
when it fails to give the national
government complete power in this
matter; and still graver injustice by
the federal courts when they en-
deavor in any way to pare down the
right of the people collectively to act
in this matter as they deem wise;
such conduct does itself tend to cause
the creation of a twilight zone in
which neither the nation nor the
states have power. Fortunately, the
federal courts have more and more
of recent years tended to adopt the
true doctrine, which is that all these
matters are to be settled by the peo
ple themselves, and that the con
science of the people, and not the
preferences of any servants of the
people, is to be the standard in decid
ing what action shall be taken by the
people. As Lincoln phrased it:
"The (question) of national power
and state rights as a principle is no
other than the principle of generality
and locality. Whatever concerns the
whole should be contided to the
whole to the general government;
while whatever concerns only the
state should be left exclusively to the
state."
It is a wise man who can lure a
compliment his way without letting
anyone know it.
Attention, Wood Consumers
(
Sound dry red fir and yel
low pine, lG-inch block body
wood, delivered in your wood
shed in orders for not less
than 10 tiers to a place, at
$2.25 per tier.
E. J. MAIIAN
Leave orders at office, 290
East Main st., or phone 1G8.
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