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YOLTOIE VI.
PORTIiAND, OREGON, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1876.
NTJ3IBER 1.
Editor, or no attention will be given to their
communications.
Terms.
v-
S
STJFFEAGE CONSIDERED IN EELA
TION TO CITIZENSHIP.
The following argument In relation to the
constitutional right of women to vote In the
United States was made last spring before the
State Woman Suffrage Association by Hon
John Mlnto, of Marlon county, and by vote of
the Association ordered printed In the New
Northwest. Its length, togetherwlth the fact
that a serial story was occupying much of the
space on the first page, prevented Its publica
tion at the proper time, but fortunately It was
one of those things that will keep without los
ing flavor.jincl as the subject of woman's en
franchisement Is again attracting much atten
tlon, we now give place to the address. Ed.
It will be remembered that last spring
(March 29, 1875) a case was decided in
the Supreme Court of tbe United States,
the case of Mrs. Minor vs. the State of
Missouri, for refusing to her tbe right of
suffrage, she being a citizen of the
United States and of tbe State of Mis
souri at the time she offered to vote.
The decision, in which the judges alj
agreed, was to the effect that "women
were citizens of the United States, but
that the right of suffrage was not con
ferred on citizens of the United States by
tbe Constitution, aud that the Constitu
tion of tbe States which commit the
trust of suffrage to men alone is not
therefore void." If the newspaper re
ports of the case may be trusted, the
judges who gave the decision did not
say one word in favor of the justice of
tbe judgment, only that it was law,
Tbe case was presented under tbe 14th
Amendmeut and the wording of the 15th
Amendment was quoted to give empha
sis to the decision; so that those who
believe that the right of suffrage is one
justly pertaining to a citizen of tbe
United States must now look to aud la
bor for an additional amendment to the
Constitution.
In advocating the rights involved in
the question I shall assume:
1st. That the citizen's highest fealty
and first duty is to tbe national govern
ment.
2d. That tbe citizen has the right to
demand of tbe national government se
curity in tbe enjoyment of all bis rights
and privileges.
3d. That the right of suffrage is tbe
chief and most important right of citi
zenship, and therefore should be guar
anteed by the highest power of the gov
ernment.
In order to sustain my claim for se
curity in the free use of the elective
franchise to every capable citizen by the
national governments few facts are ad
duced, tending to show that the failure
to do so at tbe formation of tbe Consti
tution has been one poteut cause of pre
serving the idea of "State Rights" in
the States desirous of continuing the in
stitution of slavery and extending its
boundaries; that leaving the control of
suffrage under the power of tbe States
was a source of error in tbe late rebel
States, and an element of great power
and influence against the government
in the late civil war. In order to make
this evil influence plain, and also to
fortify the claim to the right of suQrage
as inherent in the citizen, a brief review
of the history of tbe United States since
the war of independence is submitted.
The confederacy of States formed In
liiS was a compact or tue mates or
"sovereign free independent" communi
ties. The only provision contained in
tbe articles of confederation relative to
the people who composed those States
was that they could pass from one State
to another for purposes of commerce
subject to tbe same duties, restrictions,
and impositions as the residents of tbe
State into which they might go, with
liberty to remove their property into
any other State. Tbe right of suflrage,
as pertaining to individuals on the peo
pie, is not alluded to in the articles of
confederation. Tbe voting in Congress
was done by States, each State having
one vote. The compact lasted eleven
years, and was superseded by our pres
ent Constitution, ordained and estab
Iished by the people, "in order," as set
forth in the preamble, "to form a more
perfect union, establish justice, insure
domestic tranquillity, provide for the
common defense, promote tbe general
welfare, and secure the blessings of lib
erty to ourselves and posterity."
The first Article, Sectiou 1, provides
for a law-making power, consisting in a
Senate and House of Representatives of
the people.
Section 2 provides for members of the
House of Representatives being chosen
by the people of the several States every
second year, and the electors of these
representatives are those who shall
have the qualification of electors of the
most numerous branch of the State
Legislature of the State in which they
may reside. This it is construed places
the elective franchise of a citizen of tbe
United States in tbe power of a State.
As tbis clause seems more than any
other in the Constitution to confer sov
ereign power on the States, it is proper
to observe here that the words "sover
eign, free, independent," as applied to
btates, do not occur in the instrument
On tbe contrary, Article 6 declares,
"This Constitution and the laws of tbe
United Slates made in pursuance
thereof and all treaties made or which
shall be made under the authority of the
United States shall be the supreme law
of the land, and the judges in every
State shall be bound there by anything
In the constitution or laws of any State
to the contrary notwithstanding,"
Without admitting, therefore, .any
State's right to secession to be contained
in Section 2 of Article 1. 1 will assert
and endeavor to show that it more than
all tbe rest of the Constitution contains
provisions which, construed in favor of
anti-republican tendencies, have hereto
fore prevented the establishment of jus
tice, disturbed tbe domestic tranquillity,
and impeded tbe general welfare of tbe
United States by being used by some
of tbe States In withholding tbe right
of suffrage from many citizens of tbe
United Stales, infringing the liberties
of others, and consequently preventing
them from enjoying the blessingsof lib
erty tbe Constitution was ordained to
secure.
Equality of rights and privileges be
fore the law only would accord with the
Declaration of Independence, the un
doubted basis of our Constitution. At
the time of its formation the question
of suflrage and the perpetuation of
slavery (also recoguized in the section
under consideration) were those which
caused the most disagreement in tbe
convention. Tbe practices of voting in
tbe States were so diverse that it was
deemed best to leave tbe matter to tbe
people in their capacity of citizens of
States, some of them having very lib
eral constitutions, and the popular mind
tending strongly toward more liberty.
In New Jersey, for instance, by her con
stitution adopted July 2, 1772, all inhab
itants of full age worth fifty pouuds
proclamation money, clear of debt, and
who had a residence of twelve mouths,
were entitled to vote for Representatives
for Assembly and Council and all offi
cers elected by tbe people. This was
the law of New Jersey till 1811, when
her present constitution was adopted,
dropping tbe property qualifications
aud conferring the right of suffrage on
white malo citizens of the United
States, excluding persons in the naval or
military service of the United States,
paupers, idiots, insane, convicted crim
inals, and women. In some of tbe
Stales before the late civil war the elect
ive right was controlled by an intelli
gence test; In others, by property test.
In some a much longer residence was
required than in others. In some all
races of men except free white men
were debarred from voting. In others
men of any race or color were permitted
to vote. The 15th Amendment has
brought all the States into uniformity
iu rights of suffrage so far as race, color,
or previous condition of servitude go,
but there is room for the State to exer
cise tyrannical injustice for other causes
or assumed causes. There is nothing to
prevent a State from making a property
qualification against foreign-born citi
zens, as Rhode Island now does. With
much show of reason an intelligence or
property test might be made that would
exclude from suflrage in the late rebel
States many of the poor white or col
ored classes. Or these latter, with tbe
power of numbers, led by unprincipled
men, might make discrimination
against their late masters, in spite of
the national desire to grant an amnesty
n spirit and truth, bucli measures
from such causes would not be incon
sistcnt with the past history of States
that by constitutional provision made
the ownership of fifty acres of land the
qualification ot a "free wuite man" or
an elector. That required tbe owner
ship of 500 acres of land aud ten negroes
as a qualification for a seat in the State
Legislature; or (reckoned in money)
thirty times so much property and ten
years' residence in tbe State to make a
man eligible for the office of Governor;
that debarred a man from sitting as a
member of the Legislature for being a
"raiuister, preacher of the gospel, or re
ligious teacher." In tbis way tbe lib
erty of citizens of the United States to
choose whom they would to represent
them and tbe privileges of others to
represent were abridged, and in some of
tbe same States having such tests men
who did not profess certaiu religious be
liefs were held ineligible "for any office
of trust or profit whatever." In some
of them colored persons, citizens of the
United States, might be lawfully bunted
with dogs, their being colored making
it legally presumable they were slaves,
The States that by constitutional pro
vision thus outraged tbe sight of the
people to choose whom they would as
representatives, debared some from hold
ing office and accepted others in tbe
name of religion, were, up to 1SG5,
Florida, Arkansas, Missouri, Missis
sippi, Tennessee, Kentucky, North Car
olina, New Hampshire, Maryland, and
renusylvanla. Many of them yet
maintain such provisions. It will be
noticed that eight of the ten States thus
having religious tests inconsistent with
the Constitution of the United Slates
are States in which tbe doctrine of
"State Rights" bad a strong hold on
the public mind, where indeed it was
dangerous for an individual, if a north
eru man, an adopted citizen, to call the
State constitution in question by open
discussion. Public opinion in those
States dominated by an aristocracy
based upon slavery maintained "State
Rights" asasupportof their property in
terests in men; using it as a threat of
disuuion during tbe period of tbe "irre
pressible conflict," uutil it became a de
lusion under which leaders and led
plunged into tbe contest which swal
lowed up the lives of tbe best and brav
est in tbe land and reversed (tempora
rily at least) Southern society, placing
the poor and lowly negro under the
special care of the government, in tbe
lead, while their former masters were
cast down, mourning over their dead
and their cause lost, yet with no feeling I
of
dishonor, because unconvinced of
their error. With the States' control of
tbe suffrage as one cause of that error I
now propose to deal, though I can do so
but briefly.
When the federal union superseded
the confederacy of States, those who
were dissatisfied with tbe change, to
gether with a class who accepted Tbos.
Palne's postulate in favor of "a weak
government and a strong people,"
formed the State Rights party. To
both of these classes this Section 2, of
Article 1, which apparently gives the
State control of the voting privilege,
was satisfactory. Tbis satisfaction was
enhanced to those entertaining strong
proslaverysentimentsby tbe three-fifths
rule in this same section, giving slave
owners a property representation In
Congress. Tbe effect was to keep polit
ical power in the bauds of a compara
tively few of the slave-holding class in
the Southern communities. They hon
estly believing in "State Rights," per
sistently cultivated that sentiment.
They were themselves men who inber-
ted strong tendencies of attachment to
birthplace; so that ail the forces of hon
est love of their native States, natural
regard for their properly interests as
connected with slavery, und the still
stronger love of power their dominant
position gave them, impelled them in
keeping before the minds of the less in
formed of their fellow-citizens, the er
rors of "State Rights," "slave rights,"
'love of tlie South," aud kindred senti
ments which were so many instrumen
talities in deluding the public mind of
tbe slave States and keeping out of
sight tlie idea that it was a greater
thing to bo a citizen of the United
States than of Alabama, Georgia, or
South Carolina.
Southern orators were greatly aided
n this from the fact that the citizen ap
parently received his right to vote from
the State. Such an influence cannot be
measured; but let any one interested
cast their mind about amongst their ac
quaintances and they will not fail to
find amongst them, even hero in Ore
gon, men very far above tlie average,
who were true lovers of the national
government, yet could never give their
hearty approval of the war for the
union, aud for no other reason that
can be imagined but that ,they were
born in "Old Kaiutuck," the "Old Do
minion," or some Southern State.
These are of the comparatively intelli
gent, energetic class of Southern men
who left their native State to get away
from slavery. How much stronger
must the influence of nativity have
been on those who could- barely come
up to the privilege of electors under
their State law, aud had just perception
enough to perceive that to vote was all
that raised them above the "poor white
trash" that even the slaves held iu con
tempt. His partisan leader did not fail
to place his native State and her inter
ests before and above those of the
United States. The speech of Hon. A.
H. Stephens before the convention of
Georgia is an illustration. Address
ing the convention of that State in
order to dissuade them from tbe
fatal acl they were even then resolved
upon, he said to his fellow-citizens,
weighing well his words and anxious
they should not be misunderstood
"Next to Georgia, the land of my birth,
I hold the honor and glory of our com
mon country." If such a man, at such
a time, could rise no higher toward the
true staud-point of an American citi
zen, can we wonder that tbe State pride
of an average Georgian or the blind
zeal of an unlettered man did not look
beyond the State power that seemed to
confer the highest attribute of citizen
ship and perceive the vastly greater
privilege of United States citizenship?
We have also the evidence of the great
number of men who were under oath to
support the government of the United
States who, regardless of that, joined
the confederacy, influenced thereto by
tbis otherwise praiseworthy sentiment
thus perverted. Its common manifesta
tion was a source of great perplexity to
Union commanders during the late war,
when State pride, love of the South, and
even family pride were advanced alike
by honorable soldier and murderous
bushwhacker, by high-bred city mat
rons, by simple country girls, by men
and women of all ages and grades, the
same plea was offered, aud was pitiful,
as provoking as it was made by tbe well
or ill-disposed.
Iu this brief outline of the influ
ence of nativity combined with the
influence of allowing the States to
control the elective franchise, in fos
tering the error of State Rights, I
hardly expect to be followed or fully
endorsed by citizens born in what
was once denominated free States, the
large majority of whom habitually en
tertain correct views w their relations
to tbe national Government, aud
amongst whom affection for a particu
lar locality is overshadowed by the
proud consciousness of being Americans.
But the naturalized citizen, who has
paid for the same title (in part, at least,)
by severing tbe ties that bound him to
bis "fatherland" or "mother country,"
will understand my estimate of tbe sen
timent. To these, now about three
millions in number, State pride In tbe
sense here treated of is impossible. Tbe
bitter price of recent experience proves
its cultivation to be impolitic, tendiug
to discord, and wisdom aswell as justice
points to the adoption of some uniform
law that will tend to tbe homogeneous-
ness of citizenship and patriotic im
pulse. Such a law, in my judgment,
would be one that secures to all citizens
of full age the crowning jewels of citi
zenship tbe right to vote as a funda
mental right, inalienable, inherent, and
upon which the Constitution rests.
A late writer upon our political sys
tem says that "at the base of the Repub
lican idea of government will be found
the Golden Rule." He might have been
more specific aud shown the author of
tbe Golden Rule directing bis followers
as to tbe ordering of their governmeut
in these words: "Ye know that tbe
Prince of the Gentiles exercises domin
ion over them, and their great ones ex
ercise authority upon them. But it
shall not be so among you. But who
ever will be great among you, let him"
be your minister. And whoever will be
chief among you, let him he your ser
vant." This is Republicanism most
comprehensive. Thus spoke Jesus
Christ, the "wonderful counselor," the
"Prince of Peace." A. D., 1620, a
small band of bis followers, English
Colonists, about to land iu America
from the deck of the "Mawflower," drew
up for'their better enduring and preser
vation tbe first written constitution, or
foundatson to just and equal laws,
which they lived up to and amended as
the obscure light and erroneous preju
dices of their times and circumstances
would permit. One hundred and fifty-
four years later the descendants of these
Colonists, by tbe pen of Tbos. Jefferson,
whose mind had studied and endorsed
tbe Christian theory of government,
published to the world the glorious dec
laration that "Governments derive
their just powers from the couseut of
the governed." To vote is the Ameri
can mode or giving consent to tue
power of the governmeut, aud the right
to do so is as plainly inherent in tbe free
citizen as that the citizen, by tho exer
cise of it, renders himself or herself
subject of the government so in
stituted.
That the right is inherent in the citi
zen, usage, it not law independent ot
any State power to control, bears wit
ness. By its exercise, as citizens of the
United States, the people have estab
lished law, aud organized government
over almost the entire domain of the
United States outside the limits of the
Iprlginal thirteen States, a district now
embracing some twenty-three states
and nine organized Territories. A few
officers were appointed by tbe national
government, aud the citizens of the
Uuited States did the work. The right
of suflrage exercised as an inherent
right was the potent agency by which
these states were created, and a stream
cannot rise higher than its fountain.
Oregon affords a good illustration of tbe
sovereignty of citizenship by the estab
lishment of a provisional government
before the national government had set
tled its clai ms of eminent domain,
the occupation of the country by cit
izens giving it the chief title. The case
of California was another and different
illustration. The energetic action of
the people in that case demanded aud
received admission iuto the Union as a
State without the so-called probationary
stage of a territorial government. The
case of West Virginia affords a case
still different. Her citizens very cor
rectly resolved that State authority
should not transfer tbem from where
their chief fealty was due. Red tape
was nonplussed, but the sovereignty of
citizenship was endorsed, aud justly.
These illustrations are given to show
that, if the judgment of tbe Supreme
Court in tbe case of Mrs. Minor that
the right of suffrage is not conferred by
the Constitution of the United States-
be correct, it only proves, so fur as the
law is concerned, that the freest and
most energetic portion of American
citizens have been "making brick with
out straw" these many years, as they
have added State after State to the
nation.
(Jan any sano person give a reason
why an American citizen should be less
a citizen because of being engaged iu
creating additional States, rather than
remaining a stationary citizen of an old
community, subject to tbe local preju
dices and narrow views of citizenship
that have prevailed In tho South?
That the former class live and labor
more nearly the spirit of American lib
erty, a few words of proof are offered
Compare, if you please, tbe constitution
of Rhode Island, which makes discrim
ination jngaiust a citizen of foreign
birth, with that of Minnesota, which
secures universal manhood suffrage.
Compare, if you please, any of the old
States with Wyoming Territory, where
universal suffrage without regard to th
sex of the citizen obtains. Especially
compare tbe just aud equal rights of
women citizeus in Wyoming with the
same class in Connecticut cr Massachu
setts, where .men citizens now eujoy an
unjust measureof representation in Con
gres3 under the three-fifths rule, by-rea
son of the predominating numbers of
women in those States, operatiug to
some extent as the slave population
of the South formerly did. Women cit
izens of those two States are large prop
erty-owners, and consequently they are
the subjects of taxation without repre
sentation in the very communities
where one hundred years ago the popu
Iar voice was tbe most general aud tbe
battle-ory of "taxation without repre
sentation Is tyranny," and "resistance
to tyrants is obedience tojjod," rang
the loudest and clearest.
"Do men gather grapes of tborn3 or
figs of thistles" any better now than
187G years ago ? Is it reasonable to ex
pect that the mothers of the nation,
while they believe themselves unjustly
discriminated against, will rear sons
ready and eager to devote "their lives,
their fortunes, and their sacred honor"
to support that injustice? Does history
afford us no bint whither we are tend
ing when continuing injustice to wom
en? In particular, the laws which bear
njustiy against widows as compared
with widowers are transmitted to us
from the civil laws of Rome, modified.
Originally an article of barter, bought
by tbe husband, the Roman mother
was rated in law as one of her own chil-
ren, or the slaves and cattle of her hus
band, over which bis control was abso
lute, but the time came when the Ro
man nation aspired to the common ben
efits of a free aud opulent republic; aud
we are told that their wishes to some
extent were "gratified by tho indul
gence of fathers and lovers." Cato, tbe
censor, endeaved to hold them to the
old condition of slavish obedience, but
'they declined the solemnities of the
old nuptails," and without losing their
name or independence subscribed tbe
liberal and definite terms of a marriage
contract. This spirit of liberality, of
iqual rights, never became the law of
Rome; aud the student of her history
will find that about tlie time tbe votes
f men were publicly bought aud sold
u the streets, lovely women of the first
families so frequently sought refuge
from despair in suicide that a law was
passed to exposo the nude bodies after
death to the public gaze, iu order that
natural modesty might be called in to
prevent self-destruction. Did republi
can Rome flourish long after that? Or
was the "decline" then begun, when
men who might proudly glory in their
citizen's privileges denied the same
rights to their mothers, wives and
daughters.
I don't pretend to believe that all the
evils of society will be removed by the
most just and equal system of laws, and
t remains to be proven whether the ex
ercise of the right of suffrage and par
ticipation in public affairs will exert
the same beneficial influence upon
women that it does upon men, and thus
place tho interests of home and country
more immediately iu their care; but I
recognize the fact that every woman
born of woman received as many rights
from her Maker as I did, and tbe inal
ienability of those rights and the right
to give her consent to the laws which
secure them is freely accorded, by vot
ing or not voting, as seems best. The
rights I claim as a citizen I freely ac
cord to others. This is the Golden Rule,
Carried into law, it secures the inherent
right of suflrage to all citizens, to vote
at every election from the School Dis
trict to the Presidehtial election, witli
no State authority allowed to intervene
between the citizen and the chief depos
itory of his or her rights a governmeut
of the people, for tho people, and as
strong as the people.
A Natural Mistake.
This morning a gentleman entered a
house on Fifth street, aud asked the
clerk:
"What is the price of knit under
shirts with breast pockets?" and then
added:
I travel a good deal, and carry
large amount of money, and I. think
that idea of pockets an excellent one,
and I am surprised that some one has
never thought of it before."
"Really, sir," replied the clerk,
think myself it would be a good plan,
but 1 am sorry to say we have none,
and I did not know that there were any
made.'
"You did not?" said the customer.
"Well, that's singular. They are ex
bibited in your own show window, aud
caught my eve as 1 was passing."
"You must be mistaken," said the
clerk,
store."
"I know every article iu the
But
I am not," persisted tbe gen
tlemau,
"Step around and see for
yourself."
The wondering suon-ueeper did as re
quested. He stepped briskly to the
rrunt ot the window, looKeu m, men
looked at the gentleman, then coughed
and acted as though he hud just felt a
sudden pain in the stomach, und then
rammed a handkerchief into Ins mouth,
and stepped behind the counter.
"Well," exclaimed tue gentleman
triumphantly, "ain't they there?"
"Ye-yes," said the clerk, appearing
as though he bad a fish bone in his
throat, "they are there, sure enough
But, sir, those undershirts are not for
men, and those pockets are " and at
this point ho dived behind the counter
and disappeared, while a young lady
clerk standing near smothered a con
vulsive sigule in a cambric handker
chief, and started off with a very red
face on important business in the rear
part ot tlie store.
A sudden light seemed to break in
unou the stranger, and ho departed
hurriedly, muttering, "How in thunder
could I tell? 1 ain't a married man
and cau't be expected to know every
thing." Cincinnati. Commercial.
. That Norwich man who courted his
wife fifty years before lie married her,
was a prudent fellow. Fifty years takes
tlie strength out of most any arm, aud
makes it convenient for a woman to get
down on her kuees aud urge tbe head of
tbe house to come out from under tin
bed and talk the matter over. Bridge
port Standard.
"What would you like?" said Jones
the other night to Miss Smith, as lie
led her into the reiresiiment room
"Pop," was the blushing response.
Jones didn't see It.
NOTES FB0M THE LE0TUBE FIELD.
BY DR. J. L.YORK.
If I may presume upon your courtesy
for a little space in your columns, per
mit me, for tbe benefit of some of your
readers, to give a few notes of travel
from tbe lecture-field.
On leaving Portland soon after the
State Liberal organization was effected.
ariy iu July, I took up my work of
canvassing the State in tbe interest of
reform, filling first tbe engagements
made last full and pending at tbe time
was unavoidably recalled to Cali
fornia. My first appointment was met
at Forest Grove, giving five lectures to
large and intelligent audiences; in fact,
was surprised to find so large a num
ber of liberal people whose hearts beat
in unison and respond to tbe gospel of
nature; and, best of all, the Liberals in
tbis west-side region are all good peo
ple, and for moral status will compare
favorably with their neighbors who
profess religious beliefs.
My meetings here were attended by
the best citizens, and with tbe best
order except in one instance. A Meth
odist lady attended by her husband,
both of whom, I was told, had never
heard a liberal lecture, for the time be
ing were quite unmindful of time, place,
and occasion. Had any one behaved as
they did iu their own church, they
would have felt justified in appealing to
civij law. These ignorant people had
just waked up to the fact that there are
two sides to ecclesiastical dogmas, and
much depends upon the stand-point one
occupies as to convictions reached.
And I fully forgive them the annoy
ance they caused to the entire audience
by uutimeiy remarks during the dis
course; but I shall not forget soon tbe
withering look of hatred this lady gave
me as she passed on her way to the door
after tbe meeting was dismissed.
When opposite the speaker's stand, in
full hearing of a large number of peo
ple, she gave vent to her pent-up feel
ings with a good deal of unction in the
following style, directing her remarks
to the cause of her unrest: "Oh, I wish
I had Divine Poiver ! I would make
you smart.'"
The opportunity was so good that I
could not well withhold the remark:
"I am so glad, dear sister, that you
have not that power, as we suppose Di
vine Power to be coupled with intelli
gence, love, goodness and justice. But
am afraid if you possessed such
power, your unchristian spirit would
lead you to do mischief."
At our last meeting we organized a
Liberal Union with a full board of offi
cers, or whom J. M. limes is President.
Leaving the people of Forest Grove
in high spirits, I met my appoint
ments at North Yamhill, Lafayette and
Dayton, speaking to large audiences,
and making the acquaintance of many
people of sterling worth; and I am glad
in tills public manuer to" thank tbe
young people of Lafayette, and es
pecially a niece of the editor of the New
Northwest, for the music and songs
which added so much to the interest of
the meetings.
I had thought, from my former can
vass, that I bad seen tbe largest aud
best portion of Oregon in the Wil
lamette Valley from Salem to Eugene.
But not until my eyes rested on the
beautiful rolling plains of Yamhill
county, could I say "Eureka 1" As I
gazed entranced upon the landscape
spread out before me at North Yam
hill, so rich in the golden beauty of har
vest time, my mind went back to the
home of my childhood in Western New
York, so similar to this west-side in
richness and beauty; and I must say a
rolling country has charms not to be
found in valley land, as there is some
thing about the rising and falling swells
of an undulating country that rests the
eye; and I may say of this county, it
cheers the heart.
Having finished my work in tills
county, occupying about four weeks of
lecturing almost every night and twice
ou Sundays, I took leave of friends at
Dayton, aud by steamer found my way
to Albany, where I was greeted by very
large audiences on Sunday afternoon
aud evening. Finding that Professor
Baldwin was to show on the following
Monday evening, I deferred my lec
tures, and left appointments for three
weeks from that time.
I have lectured at Lebanon, Harris
burg, Brownsville, Eugene, Oakland
and Roseburg. Four of the above
places had never been favored or "oth
erwise" with a liberal lecture on theol
ogy, and in every instance I was well
received, and everybody was surprised
at the number of Liberals coming to
tbe front.
Of Roseburg, I may say that Nature
has been prodigal in her outfit. Like a
gem nestled among the bills, she rules
like a queen at tbe end of the railroad
I gave five lectures here to fine audi
euces, a large proportion of whom were
vouncr people aud ladles. And this fact
is the most encouraging feature of my
labors; as, when woman is redeemed
from the slavery of superstition, tbe
children will be raised in the lap
reason and common sense. Then, and
not until then, will we realize fully the
beauties of God's kingdom in nature,
and attain to a fuller manhood, rounded
out in manly and moral virtues.
Of Eugene, I am proud to say she
carries in triumph he batuner of free
thought with a large number of noble
men and women, who are not ashamed
to give a reason for the hope that Is in
them. Long may she wave with her
fine country town and highly-endowed
college. Of the latter they may Indeed
e proud.
Leaving Roseburg with a promise to
return, I met my second appointment
at Albany, the most thrifty business
town on tbis line of road. I found the
M. E. Conference in session, aud the
town full of preachers. I seemed an
nwelcome visitor among my former
friends, the clergy, but not to the Lib
erals of Albany, who are a host whose
hearts are in the right place.
I had engaged tho Court-house to
peak in, and had posters struck off,
when I learned that my ministerial
brethren, through the forgetfulness of
the Sheriff, had crowded me out of the
Court-house; so I changed bills, and
took the Opera House.
I have no unkindly word for tho
Sheriff, nor yet for my Methodist
friends; but I thought, as did many oth
ers, with so many beautiful churches
dedicated to God at their command, they
might have spared my feelings, and al
lowed me the use of the peoples' house
dedicated to human uses. I was forcibly
reminded, by tbe conduct of these Chris
tians, of a pullet straining to cover a
nestful of goose eggs.
I close my lectures here to-morrow
night. Have had large audiences, and
with many assurances of good will and
acceptance from the people.
On Sunday we organized a Liberal
Union with sixty good and true mem
bers, with G. F. Crawford as President.
On Sunday next I hope to be in Port
land on my way to Walla Walla, Pen
dleton, Dayton and The Dalles, from
thence to Astoria and Hillsboro, and
then to turn my face toward the dear
ones at home.
Albany, August 28, 1876.
The Eepresentative English "Woman.
If death had aimed to remove the
representative woman of England as
lately in France, in the person of George
Sand Harriet Martlneau would doubt
less have been selected. She was,
though forced by ill health into com
parative retirement of late years,
strictly a cotemporary of the more
brilliant, more imaginative French
woman, being only two years her
senior; and they stand iu rather strik
ing coutrast to each other when It is re
membered that Miss Martiueau'a an
cestors were Huguenot refugees who set
tled at Norwich, England, after tbe
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
Mine. Sand's irregular and passionate
pedigree, ending iu the single lite of a
grass widow if we may be allowed tbe
term finds its very opposite In the de
scent of Miss Martiueau. The Huguenot
severity of morals, transplanted to tbe
congenial soil of England, produced a
family whose regularity is proved oy
the fact that the profession of surgeou,
beginning with the founder, was handed
down In it for every generation to Miss
Martineau'b, her uncle, wno gave ner
her education, attaining a provincial
eminence. At tbe time (1831) when
Mme. Dudevaut was arranging a sepa
ration from her husband, Miss Mar
ti ueau, who bad already made her mark
as a writer of religious and practical
works having a distinct social bearing,
began her popular series of tales illus
trative of political economy. In 1831
she visited the United States, staying
long enough to master fully the polit
ical sitnation. In Washington and
elsewhere she received the most grati-
fvlutr attentions, but her views ou the
question of slavery led her to seek the
society ot tue Abolition leauers, anu
the friendships thus formed were
among the strongest and most cher
ished to her dying day. To ner most
intimate friend ou this side, Mrs. Maria
Weston Chapman, she entrusted, we
believe, her autobiography, which will
doubtless soon be given to the world.
Already an orbituary notice, prepared
by herself some tweuty years ago, has
appeared in the London Daily News, a
journal to which she was a frequent ed
itorial contributor. Une iooks in vain,
indeed, for a parallel to this remarkable
woman as a moulder of public opinion
through the press and through printed
works. A sister of the Rev. James
Martlneau, and, like him, at one time
a Unitarian, she afterwards experienced
such a change of views as to undertake
an abridgment of Comte's "Positive
Philosophy." She also wrote a "His
tory of England during the Thirty
Years' Peace," "Eastern Life," (the re
sult of Eastern travel in 1846), and nu
merous works of fiction, buedied June
27th. New York Nation.
A Pair of Wits. Chesterfield and
Voltaire, born in the same year (1691),
wre warm and life-Ioug friends.
Whatever may have been the erratic
Frenchman's vagaries and miffs, (for
he never had a friend whom he did not
at some time abuse), Lord Chesterfield
was too much of a gentleman to take of
fense, or even notice.
On a certain occasion the two friends
were in company at a grand ball in
Paris, given by the king's favorite.
Chesterfield stood by a marble pillar,
gazing upon tbe brilliant assemblage of
ladies, when Voltaire accosted him:
"My lord, you should be a judge in
such matters. Now, seriously, do you
not think our French ladies the most
beautiful you ever saw ?"
"Upon my word," replied Chester
field, with a nod and a smile, "lam not
a judge of paintings."
Not long afterwards Voltaire crossed
over to England, and was present one
evening at a party given by an English
nobleman in London. A lady in the
company, .sparkling in jewels and
highly rouged, was particularly at
tentive to the noted Frenchman, en
crossing most of bis discourse. Ches
terfield, observing, came up and tapped
bis friend on the shoulder.
"Be wary, monsieur, or you will be
captivated.
"No fear, my lord," quickly retorted
Voltaire. "lam not to be captured by
an English craft sailing under French
colors!"
A put-up job Building a chimney.