TIIK SPECTATOR.
KcoNOMV,July!il,mtG. '
Mrwrs. A. I I'veJoir u iiTiir.a, Committer :
Otntlemtnl miiiI you a copy of my addrrak on Ihn
tth int (of rHibllrutioii, as yoii rueatrd. Home d
lay ha occurred, which the istualion of my affair un
willingly iiii""d "I10" " aml which 1 hope you will
Iihtb Hi" kindncMi to rxciuwi. Your friend,
I'BTKR H. IHJIINKTT.
(ENTLBMKN fc ItAUlK
Tim purtiulity of your committee of or.
rangcineiits, linn imcmc(l ukii iiio a tank i
perforin with all cheerfulness, notwithstand
ing it in encompassed with some embarrass
incuts. 'I'ho subject isjmt suited to tho char
'actcr of my mind, which in more argumen
tativothun'doclumotory ; and I hnvo not that
uxuberunt fancy so requisite to dress ii u
subject like thii, in it appropriate colors.
He who delivers a Fourth of July Oration,
ut this lute day, has either to deviate faun the
.path naturally belonging to his subject, or lie
must submit to be a copyist ; for the reason,
that the theme has been exhausted by the
greatest intellects, and there is nothing new
to Im: said upon 'he subject. You must not,
however, expect of me any thing novel ; al
though the circumstances under which we
assemble, are new and interesting. I shall
not, therefore, entertain you with any attempt
ut display ; but shall endeavor to give you a
plain, criiiimoii-ciisc discourse, combining
good feeling and churitnble sentiments, with
instruction. And while we have mcttoccle
brate the birth-day of the greut American
nation, of which we are justly proud, we in
dulge no feeling of ill. will, or sentiments of
envy or malice towards others. All nations
have their days of celebration ; and while
Am'Tieim institutions endure, or freedom hns
n friend, the fourth of July will be remem
bcrcd tboe all other days.
There has been read in your hearing this
day, that celebrated Declaration of Indepcn
d lie-, lir-t proclaimed to the world .seventy
yens atfo. The American congress called
the coiigrc-i 0 independence met at Phila
ile'jilna in the war 1771, and after due and
uppropmte ib liberation, determined to dc.
clare th" colonics " free and indeendent
Mates."' For this purpose, a committee was
appointed, consisting of Thomas Jefferson,
lieujauiiii Franklin, John Adnms, and others
of tin1 most able of American statesmen.
When the committee met, it was agreed that
each member should draw up his dcclarn.
tion, to be submitted to its final decision.
When the declarations had been drawn up,
it was decided that Mr. Jefferson, as he was
the youngest man, should read his first; and
when his was rea I, such was its unequalled
sup riority, that the other declarations never
saw the light; and what they were we never
shall Know. This declaration underwent a
(aw verbal alterations, and uus then unan
imously adopted. Among all human produce
lions, of any age or country, it stands out
pre-eminent and alone. There is no piece
of eloquence so perfect. The style is inim
itable, new, and so appropriate, while the'
sentiments aro grand and sublime. Tlijv de
claration sets out by assuming certajn'great
and leading principles to be true nd self
evident, founded and implanted in man, and
belonging to man as man, and given him by
nature and nature's God not tn be torn from
him by f rcc ; and which ho himself cannot
sell, alien or convey. This remarkable de
duration docs not stoop to discuss the prin
ciples thus assumed, for the reason, that they
arc like axioms or first principles, not to bo
aided by reasoning, nor fortified by proof.
Among the great und noble principles thcro.
in contained, we may notico theso : " thu( all
men arc born freo and equal," and " that
governments are instituted among men, deri
ving their just power from the consent of tho
governed." Tho latter proposition seems no
cessarily to result from tho formor 'that
all men aro born free and equal." And these
great, freo, and glorious principles, in tho
beautiful language of tho declaration, ''are
formidable to tyrants only." The great and
prominent doctrine of that Immortal instru
mont is this, that government is a sort of do-
litical partnership, in which each man of
sound mind and memory, lias an equal in
terest, and an equal share. There is some
thing noble, natural, and expansive in this
beautiful sentiment, that, in its wide and un
trammelled sweep, takes in all humanity, and
forms the very basis of all our American in
.stltutions, unquestionably tho most free, pure
and happy in tho -world.
The event that wo this day celebrate, forms,
and is destined to form, through all coming
Oregon Spectator.
YVisrtwnrd the Htuj of Empirn take lu way."
Vol. I.
Oregon City, (Oregtji Tor.) August 6, 1846.
No. 14.
days, one of the great eras in recorded tint
lu the annals ol nutions, tew events will ; j
cupy so inifrtuiit a place. The America)
revolution was distinguished, not only for tje
unbending integrity, the unbribuble honesfr,
und the unyielding heroism of its adherent;
but it was equally marked by patient ad
long endurance, as well as great and distin
guished talents. It called into action nil tie
noblest and best powers of the best of met ;
utid such was the pervading sense of the jutt
ncs of their own glorious cause, which ril
ed the souls of those great patriots, that oiiy
one instance of treason occurred among tie
officers high in command ; and that was tie
ever infamous Arnold. At this distance of
time, when there are so few living links that
connect us with the soul-stirring scenes of
the revolution, we cannot well appreciate tic
feelings, hardships, and perils of that eveit
ful period. Could we but adequately knew
und understand the deep-toned feelings, tie
high and noble rcolvcs that swelled and fil
ed the manly bosoms of those who compost d
the congress of independence, at the moment
when, to the mighty crowd, the great dccla
tion was read, and the reader pronounced tie
last words, "our lives, our fortunes, and oar
sacred honor," what a burst of unutterable
enthusiasm would fill these wall ! It is rot
my intention to travel over those revolution
ary times, in which " there were no sab
baths." I do not wish to excite vou. The
history of that period is familiar toall. We
cannot feel as they felt. We have not suf
fered as they suffered. But I may be per
mitted to state to you as an evidence of
what was then the Intensity of feeling pre
valent among the rcvolutior ary patriots; that
when the news of the surrender of Cornwai
lis reached congress, the door-keeper swoon
ed, and an aged patriot in Philadelphia died,
through excess or joy.
And now, my fellow-citizcns, let me turn
your attention to another point. As our gov
ernment is a great political partnership, in
which you and I, and all others of its free
citizens, arc equal partners, it becomes us all
to know something of the nature and char
acter of that peculiar system of happy gov
ernment under which we live. The result
of the revolution was the final establishment
of the government of the U. States. Many
great und serious difficulties in the formation
of our constitution, had to be met and over
come. Many of our gifted statesmen were
for forming a limited monarchy, others for a
strong government, with senators chosen for
life. They urged the instability of all re
publican systems. Tho page of history had
told us, that of all the great and flourishing
republics of ancient times, none now remain
ed ; and it was orily from history and the
mouldering but stately monuments of their
departed greatness, that we could know they
ever did exist. But the friends of freedom
urged tho fuct, that we were about to try the
experiment under more favorable circum
stances; and a republican system wan final
ly adopted. And surely tho circumstances,
for another experiment, Were most favorable.
Wo were in a new world, just beginning, un
tramelled by old and long established forms
of tyranny, to which the people had become
wedded and accustomed by time and educa
tion. We had thrown ofT the yoko of colonial
vussaloge, and had resisted successfully the
tyrannical doctrine of taxation without re-
firesentation. Placed, as our forefathers were,
n new and independent circumstances, be
ing at the same time familiar with other sys
terns of government, and especially with the
bngltsh constitution, whatever was true, just,
and free, in the common law of England, they
adopted ; while, with a prudent hand, they
pruned it of all those features not in harmony
with republican principles. The peculiar
characteristics of the American government,
as distinguished from the governments of oth
er nations, consist
1st. In its. popular character. We believe
that, in reasoning upon any subject, there are
certain great and fixed truths, self-evident,
and not, in tho very nature of things, suscep
tible of any further proof. One of theso fun.
damentui truths we hold to be, that all men
are horn free and equal ; and if government
be instituted for the common good of all, it
follows as an inevitable consequence, that all
have equal rights in such government. It
follows, also, that as governments cannot bo
administercilAvithout officers, that the gov
erued, being all equal, have the equal right
to select their officers. There is something
so consonant to nature, in this great funda
mental principle, that it cannot be condemn
ed in theory ; and the only attempt to evade
its force, is to question its practicability. In
our country, a man ' righto do not depend
upon the amount or kind of his property. We
think the soul of man aa pure, und his mind
as free, in the useful mechanic or farmer, as
'.i.i i i. .
in the irreat and onulcnt merchant, or distin;
guished statesman. We have no artificial
distinctions, and all the difference we know
among men, is that reputation which his own
fellow-citizens spontaneously accord to him
for his own merit. We care not for parent
age or birth, for we have seen too many of
our greatest men spring from the paths of
humble life, not to know that talents and vir
tue are not confined to birth, rank, or station,
bin" may be found oftenest and purest, among
the great and toiling millions. And we have
seen that poverty, in America, docs not chill
the independent soul of man ; for, our revo
lutionary patriots, though poor indeed, could
not be bought or bribed.
2d. In our naturalization laws. We have
discarded the low and slavish doctrine of per
petual allegiance. We hold that man, in the
pursuit of happiness, is free; and that tho ac
cidental circumstance of his birth, does not,
and of right, should not, bind him and his
descendants forever to the worst of tyranny.
We hold that he has a right to change his
domicil and his government, and we have no
fears of the consequences of such a doctrine.
Wo believe that there is such an irrcsistable
and ovcrwelming influence in pure and holy
truth, as must and will find its way to the
hearts and judgments of men; and while we
think our government the purest and happi
est on earth, we have -no fears our citizens
will leave our shores to live in other lands.
And we think further, that our government,
by its equal and just principles, so recom
mends itself to others, that we can safely
open its portals to the opprest of other lands,
under the influence of this "wide and liberal
sentiment, the citizens and subjects of other
countries can become citizens of tho United
State, by taking the proper oath of allegi
ance, and fixing their residence among us.
3d. Its freedom in religion. By tho con
stitution of th- United States, congress can
make no law piohibiting the free exercise of
religion ; nor can it pass any law lor the es
tablishment of religion. All are left free
and undisturbed in their religious opinions,
without tax, fine, or forfeiture. Wo look up
on the union of church and state, as base and
adulterous, tending to degrade the pure spirit
of Christianity. There is something abhor
rent in the very idea, that the meek and char
itable religion of Jesus should seek to ally it
self with mere temporal power, forcing itself
upon unwilling minds, and subjecting its
ministers to a servile dependence upon per
sons in power and place. Thai any portion
of a community should be compelled by law
to pay taxes for the support of a religion
which they do not believe to be true, seems
at once to bo a palpable violation of the first
principles of justice. We hold that, in rela
tion to the exercise of religion, men should bo
left perfectly free ; and no human govern
ment haa any right, by earthly penalties, to
force it upon the human mind. It is true
that, in most pountries where there is no cs
tablished religion, dissenters are tolerated;
but 'they aro compelled to contribute tithes
as taxes, to the support of that form of reli
gion which they condemn. They can enjoy
their oninicu by paying a penalty for it; but
that liberty, enjoyed under a penalty, is ty
ranny. What is freedom with a penalty an
nexed? -4th. Its exemption from a titled nobility.
Our constitution prohibits congress from es
tablishing any order of nobility, and thus
creating a distinction without merit. - Other
lands have fastened upon them a weak, lux
urious, and indolent nobility, who transmit
their titles and privileges tq, their descendant
without regard to virtue or talents,
-v Such, my fellow-citizens, are tho distinc
tive characteristics of the American govern
ment in theory. Now, how has it worked in
practice ? No form, of government Hjworth
anything, unlcss-jt bo practical. Thatwhich
jS only beautiful in theory, can never be use
vTul. In relation to the practical operation of
pur government, we canjtay, with all confi
dence, that we have cause to be justly proud.
It has been, and is the admiration and won
der of the liberal and enlightened of other
lands. It has operated like a piece of per
fect machinery harmonious in every part.
If you will grant me your kind indulgence,
I will go a littlo into detail, to show what haa
been the practical operation of that great and
free government, based, as it is, upon the
principles rat forth in the declaration of in
dependence. The foreign policy of our gov
ernment has been most liberal and just, and
the faith of our treaties has ever been kept
inviolate. We have promised nothing that
wo have not performed, and asked nothing
but what we deemed to be clearly right. We
have, in pursuance of the advice of the fa
ther of his country, kept ourselves free from
all entangling alliances. Wo have interfered
with the internal concerns of no other na
tion, but have left the people of other coun
tries free to reform or abolish their own sys
tems of government. We have carried out
the charitable and, liberal spirit of our insti
tutions, and have not sought to extend our
limits and our principles by fraud or force
we have sacked no cities, laid waste no cul
tivated districts, and have not left a path of
desolation behind us. The wars that we have
had, were wars of self-defence, and were con
ducted in the most humane spirit, prevalent
among the most enlightened nations. I na
internal administration of our government
has been no less successful and honorable.
We have had ten presidents, and the eleventh
is now in office, all men of distinguished abili
ty and acknowledged character, not one of
whom'has ever been impeached for a misde
meanor in office. Their administrations have
all been guided by the most enlightened'
views, and have done honor to the American
government.! Our legislative history presents
the most satisfactory results. The legisla
tion of congress has been characterized by
the most scrupulous regard to the rights of
all, and has generally reflected the public
will. In only one instance, I believe, has the
great principle of human liberty been viola
ted by that body. I mean the alien and se
dition laws, which have long since been open
ly and universally condemned. We may,
indeed, refer to the general legislation of our
American congress, with triumphant satis
faction. Permit me now to refer to the ju
diciary of the United Suites. And where can
I find a judiciary, in which justice has been
so ably, promptly, and impartially adminis
tered ? Among the number of judges of the
different courts of the United States, act me,
to my recollection, has successfully been im
peached for corruption in office. And if you
go to the state judiciaries you will indoor
ruption among the judges, almost- if not to
tally unknown. In England, where the ad
ministration of justice is purer than ia most
countries of Europe, from 'my lord Bacon,
who, as Pope says, was
The greatest, brightest, meaae of raaaklad,"
down to a justice of the peace, instances of
judicial corruption have not been few. nor un
frequent. It has been a happy circumstance
attending the administration of our system,
that our government naa not nau to enjgrce
its authority by cruel inflictions.: If I am not
much mistaken, the records eXciircourta can
show no instance of awjsiticifa.tiaiOB.
In the revolution, we hs$uit 0 wjafHsth
ed traitor, aad we hay pa ewer sltpp; fld
those accused were implicated, for JHUrnk
aid to our enemies, and not tor 4Mtujm
attempt to destroy the governmeaUtetlf. jCMr
neoDle have hwm marked for' their general
obedience to. the laws; and, in proportion to
population, we havo had fewer nsobjusW lees
irregularity, than perhaps any tin ike
world. Our country'1 history has not Wen
-i