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About Oregon spectator. (Oregon City, O.T. [i.e. Or.]) 1846-1855 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 6, 1846)
TIIK SPECTATOR. KcoNOMV,July!il,mtG. ' Mrwrs. A. I I'veJoir u iiTiir.a, Committer : Otntlemtnl miiiI you a copy of my addrrak on Ihn tth int (of rHibllrutioii, as yoii rueatrd. Home d lay ha occurred, which the istualion of my affair un willingly iiii""d "I10" " aml which 1 hope you will Iihtb Hi" kindncMi to rxciuwi. Your friend, I'BTKR H. IHJIINKTT. (ENTLBMKN fc ItAUlK Tim purtiulity of your committee of or. rangcineiits, linn imcmc(l ukii iiio a tank i perforin with all cheerfulness, notwithstand ing it in encompassed with some embarrass incuts. 'I'ho subject isjmt suited to tho char 'actcr of my mind, which in more argumen tativothun'doclumotory ; and I hnvo not that uxuberunt fancy so requisite to dress ii u subject like thii, in it appropriate colors. He who delivers a Fourth of July Oration, ut this lute day, has either to deviate faun the .path naturally belonging to his subject, or lie must submit to be a copyist ; for the reason, that the theme has been exhausted by the greatest intellects, and there is nothing new to Im: said upon 'he subject. You must not, however, expect of me any thing novel ; al though the circumstances under which we assemble, are new and interesting. I shall not, therefore, entertain you with any attempt ut display ; but shall endeavor to give you a plain, criiiimoii-ciisc discourse, combining good feeling and churitnble sentiments, with instruction. And while we have mcttoccle brate the birth-day of the greut American nation, of which we are justly proud, we in dulge no feeling of ill. will, or sentiments of envy or malice towards others. All nations have their days of celebration ; and while Am'Tieim institutions endure, or freedom hns n friend, the fourth of July will be remem bcrcd tboe all other days. There has been read in your hearing this day, that celebrated Declaration of Indepcn d lie-, lir-t proclaimed to the world .seventy yens atfo. The American congress called the coiigrc-i 0 independence met at Phila ile'jilna in the war 1771, and after due and uppropmte ib liberation, determined to dc. clare th" colonics " free and indeendent Mates."' For this purpose, a committee was appointed, consisting of Thomas Jefferson, lieujauiiii Franklin, John Adnms, and others of tin1 most able of American statesmen. When the committee met, it was agreed that each member should draw up his dcclarn. tion, to be submitted to its final decision. When the declarations had been drawn up, it was decided that Mr. Jefferson, as he was the youngest man, should read his first; and when his was rea I, such was its unequalled sup riority, that the other declarations never saw the light; and what they were we never shall Know. This declaration underwent a (aw verbal alterations, and uus then unan imously adopted. Among all human produce lions, of any age or country, it stands out pre-eminent and alone. There is no piece of eloquence so perfect. The style is inim itable, new, and so appropriate, while the' sentiments aro grand and sublime. Tlijv de claration sets out by assuming certajn'great and leading principles to be true nd self evident, founded and implanted in man, and belonging to man as man, and given him by nature and nature's God not tn be torn from him by f rcc ; and which ho himself cannot sell, alien or convey. This remarkable de duration docs not stoop to discuss the prin ciples thus assumed, for the reason, that they arc like axioms or first principles, not to bo aided by reasoning, nor fortified by proof. Among the great und noble principles thcro. in contained, we may notico theso : " thu( all men arc born freo and equal," and " that governments are instituted among men, deri ving their just power from the consent of tho governed." Tho latter proposition seems no cessarily to result from tho formor 'that all men aro born free and equal." And these great, freo, and glorious principles, in tho beautiful language of tho declaration, ''are formidable to tyrants only." The great and prominent doctrine of that Immortal instru mont is this, that government is a sort of do- litical partnership, in which each man of sound mind and memory, lias an equal in terest, and an equal share. There is some thing noble, natural, and expansive in this beautiful sentiment, that, in its wide and un trammelled sweep, takes in all humanity, and forms the very basis of all our American in .stltutions, unquestionably tho most free, pure and happy in tho -world. The event that wo this day celebrate, forms, and is destined to form, through all coming Oregon Spectator. YVisrtwnrd the Htuj of Empirn take lu way." Vol. I. Oregon City, (Oregtji Tor.) August 6, 1846. No. 14. days, one of the great eras in recorded tint lu the annals ol nutions, tew events will ; j cupy so inifrtuiit a place. The America) revolution was distinguished, not only for tje unbending integrity, the unbribuble honesfr, und the unyielding heroism of its adherent; but it was equally marked by patient ad long endurance, as well as great and distin guished talents. It called into action nil tie noblest and best powers of the best of met ; utid such was the pervading sense of the jutt ncs of their own glorious cause, which ril ed the souls of those great patriots, that oiiy one instance of treason occurred among tie officers high in command ; and that was tie ever infamous Arnold. At this distance of time, when there are so few living links that connect us with the soul-stirring scenes of the revolution, we cannot well appreciate tic feelings, hardships, and perils of that eveit ful period. Could we but adequately knew und understand the deep-toned feelings, tie high and noble rcolvcs that swelled and fil ed the manly bosoms of those who compost d the congress of independence, at the moment when, to the mighty crowd, the great dccla tion was read, and the reader pronounced tie last words, "our lives, our fortunes, and oar sacred honor," what a burst of unutterable enthusiasm would fill these wall ! It is rot my intention to travel over those revolution ary times, in which " there were no sab baths." I do not wish to excite vou. The history of that period is familiar toall. We cannot feel as they felt. We have not suf fered as they suffered. But I may be per mitted to state to you as an evidence of what was then the Intensity of feeling pre valent among the rcvolutior ary patriots; that when the news of the surrender of Cornwai lis reached congress, the door-keeper swoon ed, and an aged patriot in Philadelphia died, through excess or joy. And now, my fellow-citizcns, let me turn your attention to another point. As our gov ernment is a great political partnership, in which you and I, and all others of its free citizens, arc equal partners, it becomes us all to know something of the nature and char acter of that peculiar system of happy gov ernment under which we live. The result of the revolution was the final establishment of the government of the U. States. Many great und serious difficulties in the formation of our constitution, had to be met and over come. Many of our gifted statesmen were for forming a limited monarchy, others for a strong government, with senators chosen for life. They urged the instability of all re publican systems. Tho page of history had told us, that of all the great and flourishing republics of ancient times, none now remain ed ; and it was orily from history and the mouldering but stately monuments of their departed greatness, that we could know they ever did exist. But the friends of freedom urged tho fuct, that we were about to try the experiment under more favorable circum stances; and a republican system wan final ly adopted. And surely tho circumstances, for another experiment, Were most favorable. Wo were in a new world, just beginning, un tramelled by old and long established forms of tyranny, to which the people had become wedded and accustomed by time and educa tion. We had thrown ofT the yoko of colonial vussaloge, and had resisted successfully the tyrannical doctrine of taxation without re- firesentation. Placed, as our forefathers were, n new and independent circumstances, be ing at the same time familiar with other sys terns of government, and especially with the bngltsh constitution, whatever was true, just, and free, in the common law of England, they adopted ; while, with a prudent hand, they pruned it of all those features not in harmony with republican principles. The peculiar characteristics of the American government, as distinguished from the governments of oth er nations, consist 1st. In its. popular character. We believe that, in reasoning upon any subject, there are certain great and fixed truths, self-evident, and not, in tho very nature of things, suscep tible of any further proof. One of theso fun. damentui truths we hold to be, that all men are horn free and equal ; and if government be instituted for the common good of all, it follows as an inevitable consequence, that all have equal rights in such government. It follows, also, that as governments cannot bo administercilAvithout officers, that the gov erued, being all equal, have the equal right to select their officers. There is something so consonant to nature, in this great funda mental principle, that it cannot be condemn ed in theory ; and the only attempt to evade its force, is to question its practicability. In our country, a man ' righto do not depend upon the amount or kind of his property. We think the soul of man aa pure, und his mind as free, in the useful mechanic or farmer, as '.i.i i i. . in the irreat and onulcnt merchant, or distin; guished statesman. We have no artificial distinctions, and all the difference we know among men, is that reputation which his own fellow-citizens spontaneously accord to him for his own merit. We care not for parent age or birth, for we have seen too many of our greatest men spring from the paths of humble life, not to know that talents and vir tue are not confined to birth, rank, or station, bin" may be found oftenest and purest, among the great and toiling millions. And we have seen that poverty, in America, docs not chill the independent soul of man ; for, our revo lutionary patriots, though poor indeed, could not be bought or bribed. 2d. In our naturalization laws. We have discarded the low and slavish doctrine of per petual allegiance. We hold that man, in the pursuit of happiness, is free; and that tho ac cidental circumstance of his birth, does not, and of right, should not, bind him and his descendants forever to the worst of tyranny. We hold that he has a right to change his domicil and his government, and we have no fears of the consequences of such a doctrine. Wo believe that there is such an irrcsistable and ovcrwelming influence in pure and holy truth, as must and will find its way to the hearts and judgments of men; and while we think our government the purest and happi est on earth, we have -no fears our citizens will leave our shores to live in other lands. And we think further, that our government, by its equal and just principles, so recom mends itself to others, that we can safely open its portals to the opprest of other lands, under the influence of this "wide and liberal sentiment, the citizens and subjects of other countries can become citizens of tho United State, by taking the proper oath of allegi ance, and fixing their residence among us. 3d. Its freedom in religion. By tho con stitution of th- United States, congress can make no law piohibiting the free exercise of religion ; nor can it pass any law lor the es tablishment of religion. All are left free and undisturbed in their religious opinions, without tax, fine, or forfeiture. Wo look up on the union of church and state, as base and adulterous, tending to degrade the pure spirit of Christianity. There is something abhor rent in the very idea, that the meek and char itable religion of Jesus should seek to ally it self with mere temporal power, forcing itself upon unwilling minds, and subjecting its ministers to a servile dependence upon per sons in power and place. Thai any portion of a community should be compelled by law to pay taxes for the support of a religion which they do not believe to be true, seems at once to bo a palpable violation of the first principles of justice. We hold that, in rela tion to the exercise of religion, men should bo left perfectly free ; and no human govern ment haa any right, by earthly penalties, to force it upon the human mind. It is true that, in most pountries where there is no cs tablished religion, dissenters are tolerated; but 'they aro compelled to contribute tithes as taxes, to the support of that form of reli gion which they condemn. They can enjoy their oninicu by paying a penalty for it; but that liberty, enjoyed under a penalty, is ty ranny. What is freedom with a penalty an nexed? -4th. Its exemption from a titled nobility. Our constitution prohibits congress from es tablishing any order of nobility, and thus creating a distinction without merit. - Other lands have fastened upon them a weak, lux urious, and indolent nobility, who transmit their titles and privileges tq, their descendant without regard to virtue or talents, -v Such, my fellow-citizens, are tho distinc tive characteristics of the American govern ment in theory. Now, how has it worked in practice ? No form, of government Hjworth anything, unlcss-jt bo practical. Thatwhich jS only beautiful in theory, can never be use vTul. In relation to the practical operation of pur government, we canjtay, with all confi dence, that we have cause to be justly proud. It has been, and is the admiration and won der of the liberal and enlightened of other lands. It has operated like a piece of per fect machinery harmonious in every part. If you will grant me your kind indulgence, I will go a littlo into detail, to show what haa been the practical operation of that great and free government, based, as it is, upon the principles rat forth in the declaration of in dependence. The foreign policy of our gov ernment has been most liberal and just, and the faith of our treaties has ever been kept inviolate. We have promised nothing that wo have not performed, and asked nothing but what we deemed to be clearly right. We have, in pursuance of the advice of the fa ther of his country, kept ourselves free from all entangling alliances. Wo have interfered with the internal concerns of no other na tion, but have left the people of other coun tries free to reform or abolish their own sys tems of government. We have carried out the charitable and, liberal spirit of our insti tutions, and have not sought to extend our limits and our principles by fraud or force we have sacked no cities, laid waste no cul tivated districts, and have not left a path of desolation behind us. The wars that we have had, were wars of self-defence, and were con ducted in the most humane spirit, prevalent among the most enlightened nations. I na internal administration of our government has been no less successful and honorable. We have had ten presidents, and the eleventh is now in office, all men of distinguished abili ty and acknowledged character, not one of whom'has ever been impeached for a misde meanor in office. Their administrations have all been guided by the most enlightened' views, and have done honor to the American government.! Our legislative history presents the most satisfactory results. The legisla tion of congress has been characterized by the most scrupulous regard to the rights of all, and has generally reflected the public will. In only one instance, I believe, has the great principle of human liberty been viola ted by that body. I mean the alien and se dition laws, which have long since been open ly and universally condemned. We may, indeed, refer to the general legislation of our American congress, with triumphant satis faction. Permit me now to refer to the ju diciary of the United Suites. And where can I find a judiciary, in which justice has been so ably, promptly, and impartially adminis tered ? Among the number of judges of the different courts of the United States, act me, to my recollection, has successfully been im peached for corruption in office. And if you go to the state judiciaries you will indoor ruption among the judges, almost- if not to tally unknown. In England, where the ad ministration of justice is purer than ia most countries of Europe, from 'my lord Bacon, who, as Pope says, was The greatest, brightest, meaae of raaaklad," down to a justice of the peace, instances of judicial corruption have not been few. nor un frequent. It has been a happy circumstance attending the administration of our system, that our government naa not nau to enjgrce its authority by cruel inflictions.: If I am not much mistaken, the records eXciircourta can show no instance of awjsiticifa.tiaiOB. In the revolution, we hs$uit 0 wjafHsth ed traitor, aad we hay pa ewer sltpp; fld those accused were implicated, for JHUrnk aid to our enemies, and not tor 4Mtujm attempt to destroy the governmeaUtetlf. jCMr neoDle have hwm marked for' their general obedience to. the laws; and, in proportion to population, we havo had fewer nsobjusW lees irregularity, than perhaps any tin ike world. Our country'1 history has not Wen -i