Oregon sentinel. (Jacksonville, Or.) 1858-1888, September 06, 1873, Image 1

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',1 .11 1
NO: 31;
ID. !
Cor.' Third and'C Street.. Jacksonville, Oregen.
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3. If subscribers neglect or refuse to taVe their news-
I tapers from the offices to which they are directed, the
w holds them responsible until they hare settled the
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4 If subscribers rentore to other places without In
forming the publisher, and the newspapers are sent to
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1! F. D0WKLI.
Jacksonville, Oregon.
' "Will practice Id all Courts or Record'Tn tbe
bUtr. and pay particular attention to Imsinef?
in die United States Courts. oct2fi.72lj
J.ekaonrllle, Oregon.
UFHCE: Opposite the Ciuit House.
WILL practice la all Courts of this State ;
obtaiu Pateuts for all elates of public
Uudi. koih miiural and uprioultural : attend
promptly to collections, aud attend to all Coun
ty and Probate business.
Jacksonville, June 17, 1671.
G. H. AIKEN, M. 13.,
Physician and Surgeon,
Jacksouville, Oregon.
OFFICE Id the old Overbcck Hospital.
ofllrs bis professional services to the pab
lic. Office In Catou's new building, adjoining
Ryan's brick or at residence on Third street, op
posite and west of, the Methodist Church.
December 28. 187Stf.
J. N. BELL, M. D.,
Jacksonville - - - - Oregon.
"Wtll practice in the several branches of bis
profession. OFFICE on corner of block ju-t
north of the Court Uouse.
Jacksonville, Tib. 17 IS72
All itrlM ef TUte Work made, inch ms
Gold, Silver, Platlna, Alnmnlnm and Rubber. Special
attention a"Wen to ChlMrou e Teeth. Nitrous Oxide
(Lughlttf Oai) used for ptiliileas extraction of
Teeth. J-Will Tltlt Ashland annually on the lt of
March; also, EerbjTllleou the fourth Uuulaytn October,
49-Catll and Kxamlne fepeclmen AVorlca
OFFICE Comer of California and Fifth StreeU Ke
Idenceopiioaite the Court Uouw. bot30 TIjl.
(Formerly of Walla Walla, Y. T.,)
Courts and Departments of the United
Stales. nd Courts of the District.
OrriCK- 323 Foar-onda Half Street, Wash
ington, D. C. lltf.
A. W. GAMBLE, M. 3D.,
Physician and Surgeon.
of Madam lloli's Hotel. ' -vl8a21
A Plea for Free' Education;
The following address was deliv
ered by Hon. Syl. G. SimpsoD, State
Superintendent ol Public Instruction,
belore the Teacher's Institute ol the
First Judicial District, last Saturday
eeniug, at the Court House in Jack
sonville. The address was delivered
in excellent manner, and was listened
to attentively tluotighout by a large
audience. At the close of the lecture
the assemblage voted that it be pub
lished in the Jackson county papers.
Mr. Simpson said :
Oregon is just beginning to build her
school system. The materials for the
structure are on the ground. The ex
cavations have been -made. Workmen
are busy on the foundation walls. But
the corner stone has not yet been fully
laid, and until that Is done "they labor
in vain that build the house," for
though it may grow up shapely and
tall, under the cunning hands of the
workmen, it will be weak and insecure,
trembling at every breath of the tem
pest. That corner stone, as I view it,
is the grand American idea, that the
State has the supreme right and power
to provide for, direct, control, and il
need be, enforce the education of her
children, and that it is her solemn duty
to exercise that right aud power, judi
ciously, and yet fearlessly and without
I say that the corner stone has not
been fully laid, and jet I believe that
it is even now partly in place. The
idea of educating the youth of the com
monwealth at the public expense, and
of com rolling that education by public
law, is recognized in our school system
vaguely, indirectly, hesitatingly yet
uuniistaKuDiy recognized. JLSut it is
not avowed and adopted boldly, heart
ily and completely as the fundamental
idea ot tbe whole system, as 1 believe
it should be. We seem, judging from
our legislation on this subject, to be
trying to sneak into the establishment
ot free schools, as thongh it were some
thing to be ashamed of, instead of being,
as ii is in iruin, me prouuesi uoasi ana
glory of a State. Better so, than that
we should not adopt a tree school sys
tem at all. But Oh, that we had the
manly courage to leap at once to tbe
right position on this subject ?
The truth is, there is a large number
of our citizens who do not accept the
free school idea. They believe that
the State has no rightful authority to
impose taxes tor the purpose of pro
viding free education for the children
of the people. They afiirm that it is
the duty of the parent alone to edu
cate bis children, and that he has no
right to call upon his lellow citizens to
piy taxes to relievo him ot that duty.
This objection to the free school sys
tem it an old one, and has been again
and again refuted, but it is none the
less vehemently urged qn that account;
aud there are blill multitudes in our
land who regard it as unanswerable.
The persistent opposition of this large
and influential class ban, I doubt not,
been one ot the chief caiues ot the slow
and hesitating progress of ourStae iu
the great work ot popular education.
And so long as Mich a pernicious no
tion is entertained by any considerable
number ot our people, so long will our
legislators be timid and irret-olute in
their enactments on this subject. Iu
order, therefore, that we miy bring
about the adoption of a free school
system in Oiegon, efficient, thorough
and complete in all its appointments,
we must, first ot all, secure an intel
ligent unanimity of public sentiment
on the subject of the relation of tbo
State to education. And the friends
of the "free school system" must see to
it that this grand idea of tbe suprema
cy of the State in educational matters
is made prominent and emphatic in all
agitations of this subject. It is for
this purpose that I desire this evening
to present to you a few thoughts in
support, and tor tbe illustration, of
this idea,
Let ur then devote a few minutes to
a discussion of this theme trite and
common-place as it is. Thank God
that it is thus trite and common-place !
It only proves that the friends ol popu
lar education have done their duty loy
ally and well in presenting this sub
ject to the world. I am glad that,
wide and comprehensive as my theme
is, 1 can wander into no nook or corner
ot it without finding the fooUprints of
some Kane or LHingktone of tbe edu
cational world, who has gone befow)
me. 7
The first inquiry that naturally pre-,
sents itself inlliecunsideration of this
subject is: Has the State a right to
provide for the education of the chil
dren of its citizeu8 at tbe public ex
pense aud to direct and regulate that
education according to its own sover
eign will? I affirm that it has.
In tbe first place it seems to me that
education is, from its own nature, a
matter tor social regulation, and that if.
there is any question ot precedence
among the proper subjects of legisla
tion. this should rank as the' foremost
lot all.
Organized society Is the mere out
growth ot the human (intellect the
bloom upon tbe tree of mind. Man
has been described as "the social ,an
mal;" but it is so onlv because .he is
the intellectual "animal." Take away
the mind, and its necessary adjunct, the
power ot communicating thought, and
man would cease to be "socitl" and be1
come merely yi'egarious. We might
roam over the hills and valleys, as
herds, like the cattle of the fields, fol
lowing the leadership of any compan
ion who tniLht happen for the moment
to have fought his"ay to the front hy
sheer brute strengtb and courage. But
this would not be society. It would
be merely a chance concourse of indi-:
viduals and would perish with the
members composing it. It is only.be
cause we can think and express our
thoughts that we are "able to build up
Communities and States and Nations,
and to perpetuate them from generation
to generation. This is the bond, of
union, tbe ligament that ties the face
together. This vast superstructure1 of
human society, with its gigantic pillars
and "cloud capped" towers, covered
with the moss ot ages, with its lirdly
halls, grand corridors and witding
staircases, and its dark pasagei and
secret chambers, Is but the canning
handiwork ot man's ptuent intellect.
Mind was its architect! "Iromtaipe to
foundation stone." Il was mind tit it
vviought its marvelous triumphal ar
ches, and its gloomy dungeons. It is
mind that his tapeslried its walls with
six thousand years of glorious jet terj
rible history, punctuated with laughter,
and song, aud tears, and blood. It is
mind that warms it with the fervent
fire ot thought and lights it with its
electric radiant glow.
Thus we see that mind is the social
element in man. It is trom this that
society derives its very lite and being.
Government that is, the organization
of the society is but the reflection or
rather the expression of the average
mind ot the ind viduals -composing it.
As that average mind, advances or de
clines in strength, intelligence ayd
breadth of, view so the Government ad
vances or declines in"-exact"ratio. But
every mind in the community helps ta
muKe lip uiftfc avnajjijuu. au
intelligence or iguorance either
rTaflitfTrsocicfty I -
or lowers the average. Hence the cul
tn re bestowed upon each individual in
tellect in the community must, of ne
cessity, immediately and vitally affect
the well being of the whole social or
ganization. The right of the State, therefore, to
provide for, direct, and indeed demand
the education ot all its citizens is as
unquestionable as the power of self
preservation, because it is a branch of
that power. To permit a child to
grow up in ignorance is an offense
against the State, because it does a di
rect injury to society by lowering the
average of intelligence. To deny the
right to prevent such offenses, by
placing the means of instruction within
the reach of all, and by demanding, il
need be, that all shall avail th-mselvej.
of it, would be equiv ilent to denying
that it bit a right to protect iti II
from any injury whatever Ignorance
is a public enemy, .isyuust which il h is
the same rignl to lejfi-d ite that it has
to provide armies to meet its loreign
But while this is true in the case ot
all governments, it is prceminentlj so
in a republic The di-tiugtiishmg char
acteristic of this form of government
is that it depends directly and inline
diately upon tbe "consent of the gov
erned." It is a ''government by and
for the people." So far as it is truly
republican, so far is it an exact reflec
tion ot tbe will, intelligence and con
science ot the people who compose it.
It can never bo any better than its
average citizenship, any more than a
stream can rise higher than its source.
Hence, in such a government, it is of
the utmost importance that proper
provision should be made for the edu
cation of the people. To such a 8iate,'
the right to protect itself from an ig
norant citizenship is even more eien
tial than the right to punish crime.
The ballot box is a j;reat crucible,
into which the people cast the expan
sions ot their individual intellects,
be fused into a common mass and
coined into public laws. The man ot
culture and refinement must throw in
bis pure gold side by side with the
base alloy ot tne ignorant ana de
graded wrhtoh. picked from the slums
of the cutter, who will sell his little 1
stock ot nlanhood for a glass of wbis
ky, and bs well paid at that. And
the more there is of this worthless
alloy tbe baser will be the coin. In
the long run, the lack of intelligence
or virtue among the people is sure to
be reflected in its laws ana institutions.
Sarelv. then, the State has the right to
protect itself from this adulteration ot
its legislation by providing far the
proper instruction of its citizens.
There is another view of this mat.
ter, Society 'does, educate Mts mem
bers, whether it so wills or not.'.hdu
cation is not a mere sDontaneoaa evo
lution of the inner oonsoiousnessof
the individual, but a "drawing out of
the mind by external influences. Cujt
an individual off from the isocietNfef
his fellows sever, if possibleJrthe
.myriad threads ot circumstances, that
ara entwined about mm ItKe tne
meshes 01 a web wrap him in the
solitude of his own personality and
,he could no more educate himself than
ji man could lift, himself by his boot
straps. His mind would remain a si
lent, stagnant, waveless Dead Sea
through all eternity. Not a ripple of
thought would ever disturb its placid
surface. .No breath of memory would
play over it. No bird of fancy would
"soar above it No flower of poesy
would bloom upbil its barren shore.
The grand. capabilities of the intel
lect are, toithm, but the culture that
brings tliem into play is from without.
Imprisoned in its measureless depths
there is a grand electric power that
can gather the earth in its arms and
weigh it as in a balance, and then can
flash through the ether, and tread
among the stars and play with them as
a child plays with its toys; but to
evoke that power the mind must be
touched with the conductor of social
contact and fellowship. Like the rock
in tho desert ot Liu, it has locked with
in its bosom delicious, life giving foun
tains, hut it will not yield them until
smitten by the rod ol social inter-
( oune.
Yes ; it is society that educates the
indvidual if not in the school room,
then upon tbe street and in the high
ways and by-ways of life. If it is not
training him for good, then inevitably
it is giving him a dangerous, evil cul
ture, iike Janus, society has two faces.
One of them is pure and holj, shining
with the heavenly radiance that
streams through "the gates of pearL"
The other is dark and llend-like, glow
ing in the lurid glare of the fire light
of HelL "With one of these faces it
looks upon every individual. Either
it turns to him it3 angel-face and, Uft
ifagjiim in its gentle, loving arms,
places his feet in the secure pathway
of good and virtuous living, or it
shows him its demon side and folding
Turn, iir its awful embrace drags him
down the "broad way" to eternal death.
All thorA ia mnnv n nnnr fAllnn Rnul
aevgr sqe3 any but this.wprst side
Since, then, society does and must In.
evitably train its members for good or
for evil, surely it has the right to
say that training shall be for good. As
it educates every individual, whether
it wilLor not, it must have the power
to determine that that education shall
be in the direction of "the true, the
beautiful, and the good." Hence the
State, representing society, must becon-
ceded the right to start every member
of the community in this direction,
to begin with, by providing him with
proper intellectual and moral training
in childhood.
As I said awhile ago, it is claimed
by those who object to the "free school
system" that the education of the chil
dren of the commonwealth is the private
and personal duty of theparents of those
children, .and that It is not just or fair
to shift that duty upon the shoulders of
the public. Or, putting the objection in
the form in which it is usually urged,
they say that the State has no right to
tax the property of the rich to educate
the children of the poor. The absur
dity of this objection is apparent upon
a moment's thought.
In adjusting the publicburdens, it is a
welloettled rule.anda sound one too,that
those who are benefited by any partic
ular expenditure are the proper persons
to bear that expenditure. For instance,
our public roads are worked and kept
up by those who live in the vicinity of
them. In cities and incorporated
towns, streets are improved and side
walks are laid at the expense of the
adjacent property-holders. And so in
other cases.
Now let us apply this principle to
the subject under "discussion. Who is
Uthat ismost benefited by the educa
tion of the children in a community?
Is it theparents of those children, or is
it the public at large ? Suppose, for
instance, that through the" training re
ceived at school a boy becomes an in
ventor. With his quickened, far-seeing
intelligence he explores the deep
and fathomless recesses of philosophy
and "ransacks the arcana of .Nature."
He discovers some hitherto unknown
principle or property of matter, or
makes some new application of an. old
law of science. The result is an in
vention like the sewing-machine, ,pr
the steam-engine, or the magnetic tel
egraph, that multiplies the physical
power of man a hundred-fold, or gives
his thoughts "the wings of morning"
and sends hem speeding round tljo
Tvoria aqa tnrougn iftne uttermost
parts of tbesea." A nation is clothed
in a day ; or the earth is "gridironed"
with railroads orbeltedwith telegraphs.
The world takes a long leap in advance
and achieves a thousand years of pro
grossing single decade. "Who .is it
that- is benefited by such an inven
tion, and by the educated, trained in
telligence that woduced it ? Is it the
father of the inventor Avho, perhaps,
'J...f-.-.t:... a. . :-t x i:
uuva iwt kvw (ive to rrjuico at. ni
son's triumph, pr is it society the
world at large ? And who, then, up
on the plainest economical principles,
ought to pay for the education that
achieves such grand results ?
Or, takq another instance : Suppose
that a boy trained at school grows up
to be a great public leader. He be
comes, like "Washington, tho "Father
of.his Country," who created a nation,
or like Madison, the "Father of the
Constitution," who breathed into the
nostrils of that nation "tho breath of
life" and made it immortal. By his
wisdom, the State is saved from a
greatpublic peril and enters upon a
prouti career of prosperity and" glory.
Who is it in this instance who receives
the chief benefit of that trained intel
lect the father Of the boy, or the
State ? Who, then, ought to pay for
that training ?
Of course all school-boys do not be
come Howes, or "Watts, or Marshes, or
"Washingtons, or Madisons. It would
be a queer world if they did. But the
principle that a man's education, what
ever it may be, benefits society rather
than his parent if it benefits any
body is of universal application. The
only particular advantage ordinarily
that a parent receives from his son's
success in life is derived from the nat
ural feeling of pride and gratification
that it excites. This advantage is of
a verj' intangible, purely sentimental
character, and beyond this he gets no
benefit from that success which he
does not share equally with every oth-
er member of the community within
the radius of that son's influence. Or
dinarily, as soon as a boy's school
days are over, he leaves home and be
gins to "do for himself." After that,
for all practical purposes, he is no more
to his parent than any other man.
The son's successes and failures, his
good deeds and his bad, affect his
father only as a part of the
society in which he moves. .
H by reason of right education and
training, he is developed into a worthy
character, and if his life is a blessing
to society, his father is affected by it
practically to tho same extent as his
neighbors no more, no less. If, on
the contrary, through lack of educa
tion, or misdirected training, he turns
out a vlllian, the calamity affectsTifs
father only as it affects the rest of the
community aside from the natural
emotion of parental grief which it
causes. "When some uneducated, or
wronglj' educated ruffian, commits
robbery or murder, or sets fire to a
city, it is society and not the father of
the criminal that suffers.
Then, applying to this subject the
rule that is adopted and acted upon
in other cases, is it not just that the
State, rather than the parent of tho
child, being the party chiefly to be
benefited by that child's education, or
injured by the lack of it, should pro
vide -and pay for that education ?
Looking at the matter as a mere
question of political economy what right
has society to say that in addition to
providing for the phj'sical wants of my
child during his minority, I must edu
cate him also, when as soon as it is
done, I am required to emancipate him
from parental control and send him
forth to use that education not for
my advantage but for tho advantage
of the public ! What right hasmy rich
neighbor to throw upon me the whole
burden of educating my children when
he is to be benefited by it as much
as I and probably more ? Is there any
justice in such a system ?
Understand me not to deny the nat
ural and scriptural obligation of a par
ent to train his children. I admit it
with all its force. There is -a home
culture which nobody can provide but
the parent, and he cannot shirk it
But I do contend that it is the busi
ness of society, the State, to furnish
the child with scholastic Instruction
and training. That it can do better
than the parents
To further indicate the utter unrea
sonableness of the notion that educa
tion i3 a private affair, with which
the State has no right to meddle, we
have only to compare it with some
matters that are universally admitted
to be legitimate subjects of legislation.
When we are asked what right has tho
poor man to call upon his rich neigh
bor to help educate his children, we
may well retort, what right has the
rich man to call upon his poor neighbor
to help protect his property and to re
coyer it when stolen ? His property
is his own. He uses it for his own
selfish enjoyment Instead of a bene
fit, perhaps, it is a source of oppres
sion to his humble neighbor. It way
be employed, as wealth often is, "to
grind the face of the poor," and vex
"the widfflrand the fatherless." "Why
not, tearve-the possessor to take
careof it tho best he mayjWhy
compel poor Lazarus to bind up hU
sores and trudge after the thiefwho
has stolen a few shillings from the
bursting coffers of JJivos ? And much
more, when William B. Astor gets in
to a la-suit with some wealthy neigh
bor about a corner lot, what right has
he to require poor John Hobbs, across
tho way, to leave his work and attend
court day after day as a witness or ju
ryman in the caso ? Isn't a law-suit
private business? "Why not, then,
leave the, parties to it to settle it the
best way they can ? Why Impose. Up
on the pubUe the burden, of settling
it for them ?
Surely, if it is proper and legitimate
for the StatQ to regulate these matters,
them can be no question of its right to
provide for the education of the chil
dren of its citizens at public expense.
The interest of society in the privato
property and law-suits of its members
is at best Indirect and remote ; while
its interest in the education.ofthe In
dividuals composing it is, as we'have
alreadjr seen, direct and immediate.
Tho right to establish, maintain and
control free schools by public author
ity is already practically conceded, not
only in the legislation of our own
State, but in that ot all the States of
the Union and of every civilized coun
try on the globe. They all have, had
upon their statute books from "time
immemorial" enactments of some sort
upon the subject of education, and
this fact commits them to the free
school philosophy as thoroughly as its
most ardent friends could wish. For
if a Stale has the right to legislato
upon the subject at all, it has the
rigbtto control it by legislation. If it
can rightfully levy a oue-mill or three
mill tax for the support of schools, it
can levy a tax large enough to make
the schools entirely free. There is no
raiddlo ground. "Education is either
private business, or it is public busi
ness. If it is private, tho State has no
right Jo meddle with it; ft it is public,
the State may take exclusive jurisdic
tion of it Those who oppose free
schools, to be consistent, must oppose
all legislation upon the subject ot edu
cation. When they concede anything
to tho State in this matter, they con
cede the whole question. Hence,
when any State, like Oregon, makes
any provision for popular education, it
goes far enough to admit ito right to
go farther, and so is forever estopped
from denying its authority to establish
a thorough, tree school system.
Having thus, as I think, shown con
clusively the right of the State to pro.
vide for the freeeducadon ot the chil
dren of its cuizensTTpurpose now to
briefly consider its duty in the premises.
I claim first, that the State should
provide a thorough system ot popular
education, because, as the friends of
free schools have always contended, it
tends to prevent crime. I know that
has been denied by many good and
thoughtlul men. They maintain that
merely intellectual education does not
diminish crime among a people, and
that to accomplish this purpose it
must be coupled with moral instruc
tion. If this were true, it would con
stitute no valid objection to the estab
lishment of free popular education. J.t
would only prove that education
should include something more than
mental training. If intellectual in
struction alone does not tend to pre
vent crime, then the State should pro
vide for systematic moral instruction
But I deny that the objection is
1 true in point of fact. I maintain that
the spread ot mere intellectual knowl
edge among a people does diminish
crime. If the intellectual and moral
nature of man are two different enti
ties, they are so linked together that
the one cannot be improved without
exerting an appreciable influence for
good upon the other. " Like the Siam
esetwins, they are bound together by
an indissoluble bond, and every pulso
of the one is felt by the other. It
seems to me impossible that the un.
demanding could be educated without
in. some degree elevating the moral na
ture. If a man's mental traiuing could
be confined to the study of pure math
ematics, a kind of instiuction in which
there is no moral quality whatever, I
believe that his faculties would be so
quickened and strengthened that he
would necessarily have a better and
clearer apprehension and appreciation
of moral truth than he bad before.
There may be no moral principle in
volved in the proposition that the an
gles of a trianglo are together equal
to two right angles, but the traiuing
necessary to enable a man to under
stand that truth and the demonstra
tion upon which it is based will make
it an easy matter for him to compre
hend and accept that other proposi
tion that "honesty is tho best policy."
But aside from the theories of the
case, the fact is incontestably estab
lished by statistics that education does
diminish the tendency to crime.
need only refer to a few of the fjgurea
that have been collected in this subject:
"Oat of a52,544 persons committed
for crime in England aud Wales, dur
ing a eries ot years, 229,300, or moro
than 00 per cent , were reported as un
educated." "In the Ohio penitentiary, out of 27$
inmates, nearly all were reported as ig
norant, and 175 as grossly so."
"In the Auburn prison, New York,
out of 244 inmates, only 39 could read
and write."
To come nearer homei